Levels Of Linguistic Representation Research Articles

The role of prediction error in the development of language learning and memory

AbstractPrediction error plays a pivotal role in theories of learning, including theories of language acquisition and use. Researchers have investigated whether and under which conditions children, like adults, use prediction to facilitate language comprehension at different levels of linguistic representation. However, many aspects of the reciprocal relation between prediction error and the development of language learning remain unclear. In this article, we review studies in language development that can inform us about the role of prediction error in updating, learning, and retrieving linguistic information. We argue that the study of individual differences in linguistic and cognitive skills will help the field understand more thoroughly whether, when, and why prediction aids language learning, and whether prediction error necessarily results in language learning and retrieval from memory. We close with a discussion of the needs and challenges for researchers to answer these questions.

Integration of semantic and coarticulation cues during spoken language comprehension in adults

Recent work examining cue integration across levels of linguistic representation has found that listeners can dynamically integrate some of the lower-level and higher-level cues during spoken language comprehension. However, it is still not well understood how the mechanism of cue integration works. This study investigated how adults (n = 52) process preceding higher-level semantic cues and later low-level coarticulation cues during spoken language comprehension using an eye-tracking paradigm. Participants were tested on sentences that contained a prime (semantically related or semantically unrelated to the target) and a target which had varying coarticulation cues (matching versus mismatching splicing cues). Participants were presented with two pictures (target and competitor) on a screen. Analyses looked at the proportion of looking to the target during the prime and target time windows. Results demonstrate that adults flexibly use both the preceding semantic cues and later coarticulatory cues once they are available. Our findings also indicate that adults flexibly weighed both the preceding higher-level and later lower-level cues, such that the processing of low-level coarticulatory cue varied depending on the semantic context. We have added an unstudied level of cue (semantic context) to the set of cues that our cognitive system can integrate during language comprehension.

The role of L2 input in developing a novel L2 contrast phonetically and phonologically: Production evidence from a residence abroad context

This study analyses the production of French /y/ and /u/ by 42 native English learners of French (ELoF) at the start and end of a Residence Abroad (RA) in a French-speaking country. As an approximation of both phonological and phonetic development, categorical change is teased apart from gradient change using k-medoid clustering of acoustic data and different input measures are tested as predictors of both types of development. Results of the phonological analysis reveal that while no change occurs for /y/, the proportion that learners correctly use their back vowel in /u/ contexts increases over the RA. The quantity of French input declared over the RA is a significant predictor of this categorical change, especially the amount of auditory and visual engagement (e.g. listening and reading in French). Results of the phonetic analysis indicate, instead, that /y/ becomes more target-like over the RA, while /u/ makes less progress, suggesting a partial mismatch between the phonological and phonetic levels. Nevertheless, the phonetic development of /u/ is more substantial for individuals who: (1) have been learning French longer, (2) have yet to experience naturalistic exposure by the start of the RA, and (3) are English language teachers over the RA rather than students at a foreign institution. Taken together, these results have implications for the link between second language (L2) input and L2 production, the assumptions of L2 speech models, and the relationship between different levels of linguistic representation in L2 speech learning.

Modality effect in interactive alignment: Differences between spoken and text-based conversation

A distinctive feature of dialogue is the convergence of linguistic choices. The Interactive Alignment Model posits that this convergence is obtained by a mechanism of priming that operates at all levels of linguistic representation. Under the model, priming is supposed to foster mutual understanding. Experimental research has confirmed that priming increases language production and comprehension ease. However, the influence of constraints caused by the medium of communication on alignment remains unexplored. In this paper, we look at structural alignment in face-to-face and synchronous text-based communication. In our study, we analysed the influence of different factors on structural alignment in two datasets, one of computer-mediated conversation and the other of spoken conversations, and found that the likelihood of structural alignment in both cases is determined by the same factors. However, when comparing the overall magnitude of structural alignment in the two datasets, we found a greater magnitude of structural alignment in text-based conversations. In our view, this result suggests that structural alignment is used to trade off the constraints of the text-based medium.

Age differentially modulates the cortical tracking of the lower and higher level linguistic structures during speech comprehension.

Speech comprehension requires listeners to rapidly parse continuous speech into hierarchically-organized linguistic structures (i.e. syllable, word, phrase, and sentence) and entrain the neural activities to the rhythm of different linguistic levels. Aging is accompanied by changes in speech processing, but it remains unclear how aging affects different levels of linguistic representation. Here, we recorded magnetoencephalography signals in older and younger groups when subjects actively and passively listened to the continuous speech in which hierarchical linguistic structures of word, phrase, and sentence were tagged at 4, 2, and 1Hz, respectively. A newly-developed parameterization algorithm was applied to separate the periodically linguistic tracking from the aperiodic component. We found enhanced lower-level (word-level) tracking, reduced higher-level (phrasal- and sentential-level) tracking, and reduced aperiodic offset in older compared with younger adults. Furthermore, we observed the attentional modulation on the sentential-level tracking being larger for younger than for older ones. Notably, the neuro-behavior analyses showed that subjects' behavioral accuracy was positively correlated with the higher-level linguistic tracking, reversely correlated with the lower-level linguistic tracking. Overall, these results suggest that the enhanced lower-level linguistic tracking, reduced higher-level linguistic tracking and less flexibility of attentional modulation may underpin aging-related decline in speech comprehension.

The Syntactic Pasts of Nouns Shape Their Prosodic Future: Lexico-Syntactic Effects on Position and Duration.

Phrasal prosody is often viewed as a level of linguistic representation at which the phonetic profile of an utterance varies independently of the lexical items it contains. For example, the same word, when produced at the edges of prosodic phrases, will take longer to produce than when it is produced within the edges of a phrase. Lengthening effects have also been found for words when placed in different syntactic or lexical contexts. Recent evidence suggests that lexico-syntactic information-for example, the global syntactic distributions of words-affects phonetic duration in production, irrespective of other factors. The present study asks whether these lexico-syntactic effects on duration interact with prosodic position within the phrase. Specifically, we ask whether (a) the lexico-syntactic information of a word determines its prosodic position, and (b) whether, beyond any categorical effects on positioning, lexico-syntactic factors affect duration within prosodic positions. We address these questions using the Santa Barbara Corpus of Spoken American English. We operationalize syntactic information as the diversity and the typicality of the syntactic distributions of nouns based on a dependency parse of the British National Corpus. We find that earlier positions in the prosodic phrase generally prefer words with higher syntactic diversity. In addition, diversity and typicality modulate duration more reliably in nonfinal positions. Together, our results point to an early influence of lexico-syntactic considerations on prosodic planning.

Linguistic alignment in second language acquisition: A methodological review

Linguistic alignment is defined as the development of aligned representations drawing on an automatic psycholinguistic priming mechanism that acts on every level of linguistic representation (e.g., auditory, semantic, syntactic) (Branigan et al., 2014). Building on first language (L1) alignment research, research on the occurrence of alignment and alignment-driven language learning in second language (L2) contexts has been on the rise (Kim et al., 2019; McDonough et al., 2015; McDonough & Kim, 2009). In this article, we reviewed 54 L2 linguistic alignment studies published between 2001 and 2021. The methodological aspects of these studies are reviewed in terms of the alignment types (auditory, semantic, syntactic), target linguistic features, medium of alignment, modality of primes, time on alignment treatment, task types, and operationalization of learning measures in L2 alignment research. The findings show that syntactic alignment in L2 English is the most widely researched. Additionally, both computer-human interaction in a controlled experimental context and face-to-face oral interactions are the most frequent types of alignment settings. We discuss methodological implications and highlight future directions in light of expanding alignment foci and communication modalities.

Is Passive Priming Really Impervious to Verb Semantics? A High-Powered Replication of Messenger Et al. (2012)

The aim of the present study was to conduct a particularly stringent pre-registered in-vestigation of the claim that there exists a level of linguistic representation that “includes syntactic category information but not semantic information” (Branigan & Pickering, 2017: 8). As a test case, we focussed on the English passive; a construction for which previous findings have been somewhat contradictory. On the one hand, several studies using different methodologies have found an advantage for theme-experiencer passives (e.g., The girl was shocked by the tiger; and also agent-patient passives; e.g., The girl was hit by the tiger) over experiencer-theme passives (e.g., The girl was ignored by the tiger). On the other hand, Messenger et al. (2012) found no evidence that theme-experiencer and experiencer-theme passives vary in their propensity to prime production of agent-patient passives. We therefore conducted an online replication of Messen-ger et al (2012) with a pre-registered appropriately powered sample (N=240). Although a large and significant priming effect (i.e., an effect of prime sentence type) was ob-served, a Bayesian analysis yielded only weak/anecdotal evidence (BF=2.11) for the crucial interaction of verb type by prime type; a finding that was robust to different coding and exclusion decisions, operationalizations of verb semantics (dichoto-mous/continuous), analysis frameworks (Bayesian/frequentist) and – as per a mixed-effects-multiverse analyses – random effects structures. Nevertheless, these findings do no not provide evidence for the absence of semantic effects (as has been argued for the findings of Messenger et al, 2012). We conclude that these and related findings are best explained by a model that includes both lexical, exemplar-level representations and rep-resentations at multiple higher levels of abstraction.

Transfer effects in gender assignment and gender concord in L3 Swedish: A case study

This case study examines transfer effects in the acquisition of grammatical gender in L3/Ln. A learner of L3 Swedish, who had previously acquired two grammatical gender systems: one in his native Polish and the other in his non-native Norwegian, participated in three tasks: an online gender decision task, an offline gender decision task, and a speeded acceptability judgement task on determiner phrases (indefinite article + noun). Accuracy scores in all three tasks reveal robust transfer from Norwegian, but not from Polish. The transfer from Norwegian determines two processes inherent to grammatical gender, i.e. gender assignment and gender concord. However, response latencies in the online gender decision task point to competition between the Norwegian and Swedish gender systems at the level of gender retrieval, suggesting that target-like gender representations in Swedish are developing. Since transfer is traditionally claimed to be situated at the level of linguistic representation, it is assumed that the learner in this study temporarily developed a shared grammatical gender system for Norwegian and Swedish.

The Logicality of Language: Contextualism versus Semantic Minimalism

AbstractThe logicality of language is the hypothesis that the language system has access to a ‘natural’ logic that can identify and filter out as unacceptable expressions that have trivial meanings—that is, that are true/false in all possible worlds or situations in which they are defined. This hypothesis helps explain otherwise puzzling patterns concerning the distribution of various functional terms and phrases. Despite its promise, logicality vastly over-generates unacceptability assignments. Most solutions to this problem rest on specific stipulations about the properties of logical form—roughly, the level of linguistic representation which feeds into the interpretation procedures—and have substantial implications for traditional philosophical disputes about the nature of language. Specifically, contextualism and semantic minimalism, construed as competing hypotheses about the nature and degree of context-sensitivity at the level of logical form, suggest different approaches to the over-generation problem. In this paper, I explore the implications of pairing logicality with various forms of contextualism and semantic minimalism. I argue that to adequately solve the over-generation problem, logicality should be implemented in a constrained contextualist framework.

The online processing of the ambiguous null object in Mandarin among patients with Broca’s aphasia

ABSTRACT Background: Research on how patients with Broca’s aphasia and concomitant agrammatism process dependency structures online offers a window into the understanding of how language is organized in the mind. Previous studies have shown that patients evince differential performances on dependency structures generated at different levels of linguistic representation. The present study extends this line of research to investigate patients’ online processing of referential dependencies involving ambiguous pronominal interpretations. Aims: Mandarin, unlike English, allows the object to be missing (null) in some contexts, rendering these null pronominal forms as ambiguous between two interpretations (strict vs. sloppy), which are generated in different levels of linguistic representation. This study examined Mandarin-speaking healthy and agrammatic aphasic participants’ processing of the two interpretations of the null pronominal form such as Zhangsan qile ta de ma, Lisi ye qile e “literally: Zhangsan rode his horse and Lisi rode, too”, where Lisi rode either Zhangsan’s horse (strict) or Lisi’s horse (sloppy). Methods & Procedures: Two experiments, employing a Cross-Modal Picture Priming paradigm, manipulated three probe picture conditions (strict, sloppy, control) and two probe positions (at the verb phrase offset and 400 ms afterwards). Experiment 1 tested neurologically unimpaired controls in order to establish the time course of processing as a standard of comparison. Experiment 2 tested patients with agrammatic aphasia. Outcomes and Results: Immediately at the verb phrase offset where the null object is structurally licensed, unimpaired individuals primed both the strict and the sloppy interpretations, with no significant difference in reaction times between the two conditions. At the position 400 ms after the verb phrase offset; however, unimpaired participants did not show priming of either of the two interpretations. Patients showed the opposite pattern: at verb phrase offset, they did not show threshold-level priming of either of the two interpretations; 400 ms afterwards, they showed priming of both the strict and sloppy interpretations, with the strict interpretation eliciting significantly longer reaction times than the sloppy interpretation. Conclusions: Patients’ delay in priming both the strict and the sloppy interpretations shows that patients evince a temporal delay when processing dependency structures, which may arise from patients’ deficit with lexical integration. Additionally, patients spent significantly longer reaction times on the strict interpretation relative to the sloppy interpretation, which confirms the prediction that that the former, which is generated in the level of discourse, is computationally more costly than the latter, which is generated in the level of semantics.

I know what you're probably going to say: Listener adaptation to variable use of uncertainty expressions

Pragmatic theories of utterance interpretation share the assumption that listeners reason about alternative utterances that a speaker could have produced, but didn't. For such reasoning to be successful, listeners must have precise expectations about a speaker's production choices. This is at odds with the considerable variability across speakers that exists at all levels of linguistic representation. This tension can be reconciled by listeners adapting to the statistics of individual speakers. While linguistic adaptation is increasingly widely attested, semantic/pragmatic adaptation is underexplored. Moreover, what kind of representations listeners update during semantic/pragmatic adaptation – estimates of the speaker's lexicon, or estimates of the speaker's utterance preferences – remains poorly understood. In this work, we investigate semantic/pragmatic adaptation in the domain of uncertainty expressions like might and probably. In a series of web-based experiments, we find 1) that listeners vary in their expectations about a generic speaker's use of uncertainty expressions; 2) that listeners rapidly update their expectations about the use of uncertainty expressions after brief exposure to a speaker with a specific usage of uncertainty expressions; and 3) that listeners' interpretations of uncertainty expressions change after being exposed to a specific speaker. We present a novel computational model of semantic/pragmatic adaptation based on Bayesian belief updating and show, through a series of model comparisons, that semantic/pragmatic adaptation is best captured by listeners updating their beliefs both about the speaker's lexicon and their utterance preferences. This work has implications for both semantic theories of uncertainty expressions and psycholinguistic theories of adaptation: it highlights the need for dynamic semantic representations and suggests that listeners integrate their general linguistic knowledge with speaker-specific experiences to arrive at more precise interpretations.

Now, never, or coming soon?

AbstractThe general principles of perceptuo-motor processing and memory give rise to theNow-or-Never bottleneckconstraint imposed on the organization of the language processing system. In particular, the Now-or-Never bottleneck demands an appropriate structure of linguistic input and rapid incorporation of both linguistic and multisensory contextual information in a progressive, integrative manner. I argue that the emerging predictive processing framework is well suited for the task of providing a comprehensive account of language processing under the Now-or-Never constraint. Moreover, this framework presents a stronger alternative to theChunk-and-Passaccount proposed by Christiansen and Chater (2016), as it better accommodates the available evidence concerning the role of context (in both the narrow and wider senses) in language comprehension at various levels of linguistic representation. Furthermore, the predictive processing approach allows for treating language as a special case of domain-general processing strategies, suggesting deep parallels with other cognitive processes such as vision.

The Influence of Word Retrieval and Planning on Phonetic Variation: Implications for Exemplar Models.

Over the past several decades, an increasing number of empirical studies have documented the interaction of information across the traditional linguistic modules of phonetics, phonology, and lexicon. For example, the frequency with which a word occurs influences its phonetic properties of its sounds; high frequency words tend to be reduced relative to low frequency words. Lexicalist Exemplar Models have been successful in accounting for this body of results through a single mechanism, exemplars- memory representations that integrate lexical, phonological, and phonetic information into a single structure. We review recent studies that suggest there are critical limitations to assuming that phonetic variation solely reflects the storage of word labels and sound structure in exemplars. Specifically, these studies show that factors related to the on-line retrieval and planning of lexical items also influence phonetic variation. The implications of these findings for exemplar models are discussed; the relationship of exemplar storage to the broader cognitive system is examined, as well as alternative theoretical frameworks incorporating gradience at all levels of linguistic representation.

Thresholds of visibility for masked lexical, non-lexical, and non-linguistic items in aphasia

Thresholds of visibility for masked lexical, non-lexical, and non-linguistic items in aphasia

Iconicity and Metaphor in Sign Language Poetry

This article explores a unique relationship between iconicity and metaphor: that seen in creative sign language, where iconic properties abound at all levels of linguistic representation. We use the idea of “iconic superstructure” to consider the way that metaphoric meaning is generated through the iconic properties of creative sign language. We focus on the interaction between the overall contextual force and individual elements that build up symbolism in sign language poetry. Evidence presented from the anthology of British Sign Language poetry demonstrates that metaphoric meaning is not inherent in signs. What is inherent is iconic value—and purely iconic signs become metaphorical when situated in a certain poetic context.

Binding arguments and hidden variables

Binding Arguments and Hidden Variables Jonathan Cohen and Samuel C. Rickless In recent years, several philosophers have appealed to evidence about bind- ing relations to show that various linguistic expressions are represented (at some level of linguistic representation) as having hidden variables (e.g., Stan- ley (2002), 368–369; Stanley and Szab´ (2000), 243). In particular, the idea o is that binding interactions between the relevant expressions and natural lan- guage quantifiers are best explained by the hypothesis that those expressions harbor hidden but bindable variables. Recently, however, Herman Cappelen and Ernie Lepore have rejected such binding arguments for the presence of hid- den variables on the grounds that they overgeneralize — that, if sound, such arguments would establish the presence of hidden variables in all sorts of ex- pressions where it is implausible that they exist (Cappelen and Lepore (2005), Cappelen and Lepore (2002)). 1 In what follows we respond to Cappelen’s and Lepore’s attempted reductio by bringing out crucial disanalogies between cases where the binding argument is successful and cases where it is not. But we have a deeper purpose than merely to respond to Cappelen and Lepore: we think the attempted reductio goes wrong by not taking sufficiently seriously the nature of the binding relation that holds between quantifiers and arguments/variables, and that our criticism will serve to highlight the nature and importance of this relation. From Binding to Hidden Variables As we noted, the binding argument adduces facts about variable binding as evidence for the presence of hidden variables in the representation of linguistic expressions. For example, the thought is that we can reveal the presence of a hidden variable in ‘it is sunny’ in (1) by demonstrating binding interactions between that variable and the quantifier ‘Everywhere Sally goes’ in (1b): (1) It is sunny. 2 1 Cappelen and Lepore object to the postulation of hidden indexical variables on the further grounds that these variables (i) are insufficient to demonstrate semantic context sensitivity (which is perhaps the main reason philosophers and linguists have been interested in such variables), (ii) are not bindable by anaphora in the way that ordinary indexicals are, (iii) don’t guarantee certain a priori truths of the kind that are ordinarily guaranteed for indexicals, and (iv) predict the availability of interpretations that are, they claim, unavailable. We’ll have nothing to say about these other arguments. 2 For the sake of uniformity, we’ll use ‘it is sunny’ rather than the contracted form ‘it’s

Binding arguments and hidden variables

Binding Arguments and Hidden Variables Jonathan Cohen and Samuel C. Rickless In recent years, several philosophers have appealed to evidence about bind- ing relations to show that various linguistic expressions are represented (at some level of linguistic representation) as having hidden variables (e.g., Stan- ley (2002), 368–369; Stanley and Szab´ (2000), 243). In particular, the idea o is that binding interactions between the relevant expressions and natural lan- guage quantifiers are best explained by the hypothesis that those expressions harbor hidden but bindable variables. Recently, however, Herman Cappelen and Ernie Lepore have rejected such binding arguments for the presence of hid- den variables on the grounds that they overgeneralize — that, if sound, such arguments would establish the presence of hidden variables in all sorts of ex- pressions where it is implausible that they exist (Cappelen and Lepore (2005), Cappelen and Lepore (2002)). 1 In what follows we respond to Cappelen’s and Lepore’s attempted reductio by bringing out crucial disanalogies between cases where the binding argument is successful and cases where it is not. But we have a deeper purpose than merely to respond to Cappelen and Lepore: we think the attempted reductio goes wrong by not taking sufficiently seriously the nature of the binding relation that holds between quantifiers and arguments/variables, and that our criticism will serve to highlight the nature and importance of this relation. From Binding to Hidden Variables As we noted, the binding argument adduces facts about variable binding as evidence for the presence of hidden variables in the representation of linguistic expressions. For example, the thought is that we can reveal the presence of a hidden variable in ‘it is sunny’ in (1) by demonstrating binding interactions between that variable and the quantifier ‘Everywhere Sally goes’ in (1b): (1) It is sunny. 2 1 Cappelen and Lepore object to the postulation of hidden indexical variables on the further grounds that these variables (i) are insufficient to demonstrate semantic context sensitivity (which is perhaps the main reason philosophers and linguists have been interested in such variables), (ii) are not bindable by anaphora in the way that ordinary indexicals are, (iii) don’t guarantee certain a priori truths of the kind that are ordinarily guaranteed for indexicals, and (iv) predict the availability of interpretations that are, they claim, unavailable. We’ll have nothing to say about these other arguments. 2 For the sake of uniformity, we’ll use ‘it is sunny’ rather than the contracted form ‘it’s

The interactive-alignment model: Developments and refinements

The interactive-alignment model of dialogue provides an account of dialogue at the level of explanation normally associated with cognitive psychology. We develop our claim that interlocutors align their mental models via priming at many levels of linguistic representation, explicate our notion of automaticity, defend the minimal role of "other modeling," and discuss the relationship between monologue and dialogue. The account can be applied to social and developmental psychology, and would benefit from computational modeling.

Some notes on priming, alignment, and self-monitoring

Any complete theory of speaking must take the dialogical function of language use into account. Pickering & Garrod (P&G) make some progress on this point. However, we question whether their interactive alignment model is the optimal approach. In this commentary, we specifically criticize (1) their notion of alignment being implemented through priming, and (2) their claim that self-monitoring can occur at all levels of linguistic representation.