Anyone writing about sport at the present time can hardly escape the political nature of the subject matter. The obvious example of the interaction of sport and politics is, of course, the recent Olympic boycotts by Black Africa, the USA, and most recently the Soviet Union. Given this politicization of sport, it is hardly surprising that a number of scholarly studies of popular culture have stressed that leisure is a political question, where struggles over spare time, facilities and ideological meanings are continually taking place. Indeed, to the Marxist, sport is an integral part of the superstructure of society and something closely connected to political life. Hence, according to John Hargreaves, sport provides 'surrogate satisfactions for an alienated mass audience, while at the same time perpetuating its alienation and functioning as a means of political socialization into the hegemonic culture. Sport in its organized form is a microcosm of society.' Although many social scientists would disagree with this view, even those with a liberal democratic notion of the state would find it difficult to refute the fact that sport and leisure are now firmly situated in the political domain. Clearly, the influence of the state by which is meant central and sub-central government, the administration, the police and the judiciary, and parliamentary assemblies is brought to bear on a vast range of sporting questions.2 For some time now, historians of capitalist society have been unearthing material revealing that in the past the state has sought to use leisure for its own ends. Most accounts have stressed leisure as a form of social control, contributing to the formation of a temperate, disciplined workforce. A great deal has also been written about the aim of the authorities to provide improved, reformed recreations to wean the working class away from the alleged degenerations of their own culture. They were not always successful in doing this, for
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