Lecture Tour Research Articles

The Big Tent of U.S. Women's and Gender History: A State of the Field

In October 2010 the journalist and author Susan Faludi incited a major controversy in feminist blogospheres, lecture circuits, and college classrooms with a provocative article in Harper’s Magazine about generational splits among feminists. In Faludi’s rendering, members of a young, tech-savvy generation embrace deconstruction theory, popular culture studies, and analyses of “the body” while celebrating their empowerment through high-heeled shoes and Lady Gaga. These priorities outrage an older generation, which focuses on the persistent structural oppression of women and does not consider blogging a valid form of political organizing. In 2009 this generational struggle came to a head in the highly contentious election for the National Organization for Women’s presidency, which thirty-two-year-old Latifa Lyles lost by a razor-thin margin to Terry O’Neill, who was older by more than two decades. While many commentators have challenged Faludi’s analysis, particularly her suggestion that young feminists are uninterested in questions of inequality and political organizing, most agree that significant tensions exist over the future direction of feminist politics. The field of U.S. women’s and gender history emerged out of the women’s movement in the 1960s and has retained close connections to feminism. Yet in recent years the field has not been visibly riven by generational divides. Many trends in twenty-first-century feminist politics are reflected in women’s history scholarship: growing emphases on cultural representations and “the body” and a broad agenda in which feminists train their lenses on subjects not associated only—or even primarily—with women. At the same time, scholarship on topics that have long been staples of women’s history, such as politics and labor, continues to thrive, pursued by historians from all generations. Despite periodic expressions of concern over possible fragmentation, depoliticization, and lost

Problems of our own making: A view from both sides of the coin

Problems of our own making: A view from both sides of the coin

The Science of Freedom: Counterarchives of Racial Science on the Antebellum Stage

The history of American racial science shares an important genealogy with the history of performance. Throughout the antebellum period, the popular stage routinely doubled as a scientific laboratory, where theories of race were produced and disseminated to a mass audience. Operating in the same cultural milieu and in many cases, on the same performance circuits as race scientists, quack doctors, and scientific showmen with questionable credentials, black performers, musicians and lecturers regularly forged creative responses to the popular performance of race science. Following the bold leaps and experimental engagements with history that characterize the field of performance studies, this essay stitches together a counterarchive of racial science on the antebellum stage from what is a necessarily partial and elusive history. Following a paper trail of ticket stubs, newspaper announcements, broadsides, and other ephemera, I chronicle how a number of antislavery agents, including Henry “Box” Brown, Sarah Mapps Douglass, William Wells Brown, and a set of lesser-known figures, countered the widespread circulation of racist science in popular entertainment and print culture through dynamic performances of “fugitive science” in both the U. S. and Britain. Far from rejecting science as a whole, these figures sought to link “scientific revolution” to race revolution by incorporating phrenology, mesmerism, ethnology and other fields into their acts and lectures. The dynamic, restive movements of early black performance simultaneously refused race science’s attempt to “fix” nonwhite bodies within racist evolutionary taxonomies. Drawing on recent scholarship, the essay goes on to consider how the concept of fugitivity unsettles the history of empiricism, and turns our view to a broad field of experimentation traversing African American science, art, and expressivity while suggesting new transdisciplinary approaches to the study of black performance, the Black Atlantic, and the history of racial science.

Listening to Emerson's “England” at Clinton Hall, 22 January 1850

Ralph Waldo Emerson's delivery of his essay “England” at Manhattan’s Clinton Hall on 22 January 1850 was one of the highest-profile of his performance career. He had recently returned from his triumphant British speaking tour with a radically revised view of transatlantic relations. In a New York still in shock from the Anglophobic urban riots of the previous winter, media observers were prepared to find a great deal of symbolism in both Emerson's new message and his idiosyncratic style of performance. This essay provides a detailed account of the context, delivery and conflicting newspaper readings of this Emerson appearance. Considering the lecture circuit as part of broader performance culture and debates over Anglo-American physicality and manners, it reveals how the press seized on both the “England” talk itself and aspects of Emerson's lecturing style as a means of shoring up civic order and Anglo-American kinship. I argue for a reexamination of the textual interchanges of nineteenth-century oratorical culture, and demonstrate how lecture reports reconnect us to forgotten means of listening through texts and discursive contests over the meaning of public speech.

Gertrude Stein Delivers

In 1934 Gertrude Stein returned to the United States, for the first time in thirty years, to give her Lectures in America. Approaching the delivery of her lectures within their historical context, mediating communicative shifts from the nineteenth-century novel to twentieth-century publicity, and accounting for distinctions between speaking and writing, Stein used public relations strategies to capitalize on her celebrity and to introduce audiences to her modernist compositional processes. The lecture tour became an occasion for engaging the public relations culture that dictated the terms of her image's circulation and for retheorizing delivery in an age of publicity.

Portrait of the Psychiatrist as a Young Man: The Early Writing and Work of R.D. Laingby BeveridgeAllan. Oxford, United Kingdom, Oxford University Press, 2011, 352 pp., $79.95.

Portrait of the Psychiatrist as a Young Man: The Early Writing and Work of R.D. Laingby BeveridgeAllan. Oxford, United Kingdom, Oxford University Press, 2011, 352 pp., $79.95.

2011-12 activities of the Hyderabad chapter [Global Communications Newsletter

The communications and Signal processing societies Joint Chapter of IEEE Hyderabad section has taken initiative for IEEE Comm. Society Distinguished Lecture Tours (DLTs) of Prof. Marco Chiani and Prof. Koichi Asatani, and IEEE SPS DLT of Prof. Sheila Hemami in 2011 and 20112 in India.The chapter has organized the DLs of Prof. Hemami, Prof. Chiani and Prof. Asatani in Hyderabad.

Hearts Beating for Liberty: Women Abolitionists in the Old Northwest , and: Antebellum Women: Private, Public, Partisan (review)

Hearts Beating for Liberty: Women Abolitionists in Old Northwest. By Stacey M. Robertson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010. Pp. 320. Cloth, $39.00.)Antebellum Women: Private, Public, Partisan. By Carol Lasser and Stacey Robertson. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010. Pp. 227. Cloth, $36.95 ).Reviewed by Ronald J. Zboray and Mary Saracino ZborayFor over two decades, scholarly monographs delineating antebellum women's civic, mainstream political, and partisan activity have been slowly changing face of women's history by questioning overriding impact of separate-spheres ideology on actual lived experience. Two recent books, Stacey Robertson's Hearts Beating for Liberty: Women Abolitionists in Old Northwest, and Carol Lasser's and Stacey Robertson's coauthored Antebellum Women: Private, Public, Partisan, continue to chip away at separate-spheres monolith in exciting and creative ways, while deepening our understanding of variegated pathways - including partisan road - by which disfranchised women attained a sense of political agency between post- Revolutionary War and Civil War eras.Robertson's Hearts Beating for Liberty accomplishes this with a spotlight on women abolitionists of Old Northwest (Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin), a region that embraced third-party politics in 1 840s a means for ending slavery. According to Robertson, abolitionist women utilized and tolerated diverse plans of action not only to accommodate partisanship, but also to navigate region's particular environment of racism and discriminatory legislation that included infamous Black Laws. Cooperative, flexible, and pragmatic, are words Robertson uses to define these Westerners - quite a contrast to lexicon employed by Robertson for eastern abolitionists riven by internecine conflict over women's leadership or voting's efficacy. Because they self-consciously acted in concert with men and with abolitionists of all stripes, women of Old Northwest created a distinct approach (2) to their political activism.This well-written, lively, diligently researched book, based on manuscript personal papers, institutional records, and periodicals, is arranged in seven chapters that cover range of venues for Western women's multivalent strategizing: antislavery society, Liberty Party, free-produce movement, antislavery fairs, lecture circuit, aid to fugitive slaves, and women's rights. To reach far and wide, women organized on county and state levels, a matter of practicality given rural population's spread. As expert networkers (17), they held membership together through correspondence and by rotating annual meetings. Many of these societies endorsed Liberty Party. The party, in turn, invited female attendance at its conventions and treated women supporters as much more than symbols (55). Through free-produce movement, which facilitated slave-labor goods boycotts, women necessarily tackled hardcore economic issues such labor conflict and international finance, while travailing alongside men in equitably balanced leadership (69). Men's previously overlooked participation in sewing societies and antislavery fairs - indicative for Robertson of western women's teamwork - is highlighted in chapter 4. The ability to bend characterized female Garrisonian lecturers who, albeit reluctantly, adjusted to politically divergent audiences. Synergism operated among mixedsex and interracial assemblages of Garrisonians and mainstream and third-party affiliates who united to aid fugitive slaves.Each chapter offers fresh and often surprising insights on vital roles western women played in a movement that has been largely represented through northeastern lenses. Readers learn that Portage County (Ohio) Female Antislavery Society's 1836 membership was numerically unrivaled, east and west, and that 1850 Salem, Ohio, convention was the first and last antebellum woman's rights meeting to exclude men from holding office or speaking (185). …

Authorship and Propaganda: Phyllis Bottome and the Making of The Mortal Storm (1940)

The Mortal Storm (1940) was MGM’s powerful contribution to the anti-nazi ‘genre’ film. Adapted from a novel by the British writer Phyllis Bottome, the studio took some risks in producing a picture in which Germany was mentioned by name and in which the controversial political questions aroused by Nazi persecution of liberals, intellectuals and Jews were clearly represented. Bottome herself was an experienced propagandist, having been trained by John Buchan during World War One, and, during the Second World War, she was briefed by the Ministry of Information for propagandist purposes. Bottome was passionately engaged firstly with pushing the Hollywood studios to film her novel and then, once MGM bought the film rights, she tried hard to prevent the message of her book from being watered down by the studio. Simultaneously, she undertook an exhausting lecture tour though America in which she engaged her audiences with warnings about the Nazi regime’s behaviour in Germany. Bottome had lived for many years in Austria and then in Munich so, arguably more than any other woman writer of the period, she had seen first hand the reality of fascism. Her novel, The Mortal Storm (1937) had been a best-seller both had been in the UK and the USA, and the sell-out lecture tour guaranteed good audiences for the film. Although rarely taught on university film courses, where Chaplin’s The Great Dictator is more usually the token anti-nazi film discussed, The Mortal Storm challenged America’s isolationist position and was regarded with alarm by the German ambassador in Washington as an effective and dangerous piece of propaganda.

Notes on Oscar Wilde's Transatlantic Gender Politics

For decades now, Oscar Wilde has been celebrated in academic and popular circles as a transgressor of gender boundaries and a devotee of the woman's world and an “appreciative inheritor of women's culture.” What has been underappreciated, however, is that Wilde also acted as an advocate of gender binaries in ways that significantly challenge this reputation. This article argues that Wilde's writings reveal a traditionalist critique of American gender politics that reflects his concern over the management of cultural institutions and values, and the increasingly precarious place of men within them. Rather than locating these anxieties in Britain, Wilde displaced them onto the United States, a country whose cultural institutions he had become intimate with during a year-long lecture tour in the early 1880s. By exposing and problematizing Wilde's response to the late nineteenth-century crisis in masculinity and his disappointment at the failure of American men to take their place in society as arbiters of taste, this article underscores the need for a nuanced reassessment of Wildean gender politics. At stake here are fundamental questions about how a transgressive politics sits alongside traditionalism, and how a conservative gender bias in transatlantic fin de siècle culture operated even in the period's progressive circles.

Landscape Culture: Ansel Adams and Mary Austin's <em>Taos Pueblo</em>

California arts patron Albert Bender introduced Ansel Adams to Mary Hunter Austin in 1927 during a visit to New Mexico. In 1929, Adams returned to Santa Fe and Taos to take photographs that became his contribution to a collaboration with Austin, 1930 photobook Taos Pueblo. During his stay in Santa Fe, Adams also took a portrait photograph of Austin. Hoping to use portrait as a publicity photo for her lecture tours, Austin was disappointed to find that photograph did not capture the effect it is still necessary for me to make on my public.1 Looking at photograph, one can certainly detect pictorialist approach that defines Adams's early work; portrait has a soft focus, and background is hazy (figure 1). Adams was, by 1929, shifting away from pictorialism and towards a straight photographic style that privileges clean lines, deep focus, and a realist representation of shadow and light - style that he would become known for in later decades.2 The reason for Austin's disappointment can be understood by comparing her portrait to another author's portrait published just a year earlier.In 1928, Adams's portrait of Robinson Jeffers was used as a frontispiece to an art-book edition of Jeffers's poems by Grabhorn Press. While similar to Austin portrait in many ways, Jeffers portrait has a much softer focus and a warmth that seems to connote artistic genius, a quality very important to Austin and a frequent subject of her writing3 (figures 2 and 3). Furthermore, layout of Jeffers book, with frontispiece facing title page, emphasizes photograph as a transparent signifier of poet himself, reminiscent of frontispiece to Walt Whitman's 1855 Leaves of Grass.* Adams's portrait of Austin does not have nearly as much shadow as Jeffers portrait. Austin looks directly at viewer, and Adams's use of shallow depth-of-field highlights not only design of her Native American jewelry but also her facial expression, making her look far more severe than sublime. The portrait does not represent Austin as an American genius in touch with an exotic Southwest, as much as it captures Austin as a stubborn, material being, gazing directly at viewer.Austin's dissatisfaction with Adams's portrait, then, is a familiar moment in modernism as a younger artist, in this case, Adams, struggles to overcome stylistic conventions and expectations of a previous generation, represented here by Austin, an established regionalist writer known for her stories about California and New Mexico. Austin might come off as familiarly antimodernist in her initial exchange with Adams, very much in keeping with traditional accounts of regionalist writers in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.5 However, while modernism has often been thought of as the antithesis of regionalism, they are better thought of as intertwined and mutually constitutive aesthetics.6 As Scott Herring has argued in his introduction to Regional Modernism special issue of Modern Fiction Studies, and modernism have always been compeers in terms of spatiality and in terms of periodization.7 Erika Doss's study of painter Thomas Hart Benton and his famous student Jackson Pollock also emphasizes ways in which Benton and Pollock, painters known, respectively, for their regionalism and abstract expressionism, share an investment in art as a mode of social reform, an element often recognized in regionalist art but less so in abstract expressionism. Doss argues that this aesthetic of social reform was downplayed, even erased, from accounts of abstract expressionism as modernist aesthetics were codified as apolitical, impersonal, and self-reflexive by middle of twentieth century.8Since modernism and regionalism were so closely intertwined in early to mid-twentieth century, it makes sense that Adams and Austin's differences in 1929 led not to rupture but instead to a collaborative book project in 1930: Taos Pueblo. …

Lectureship Award MBLA受賞講演ツアーを終えて

Lectureship Award MBLA受賞講演ツアーを終えて

Performing the “Wilde West”: Victorian Afterlives, Sexual Performance, and the American West

Of all the aspects of Oscar Wilde’s rich afterlife as a cultural icon, the most surprising is the revival of Wilde’s brief encounter with the American West in the form of the Wilde Western. Wilde was linked to the West and the cowboy days after his arrival in America (1882), and this association continued into the twentieth century, finding its way into films, a play, a detective novel, and even a graphic novel. Although these texts dramatize the juxtaposition of the iconic heterosexual masculinity of the cowboy with the iconic effeminacy of the aesthete, they just as often stage their convergence. Reading two twentieth-century texts alongside nineteenth-century reactions to Wilde’s American lecture tour, I explore how Wilde Westerns interrogate, realign, and sometimes tangle the lines between western masculinity, Wildean sexuality, and nationality.

"No Poverty, Much Comfort, Little Wealth": Bertrand Russell's 1935 Scandinavian Tour

Bertrand Russell’s Scandinavian lecture tour in October 1935 has been largely undocumented because of the longstanding embargo on the tour correspondence Russell exchanged with Marjorie (“Peter”) Spence, his lover and future third wife. These archival restrictions ended in 2009, and this paper presents annotated transcriptions of twenty letters sent by Russell to Peter during his trip to Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. The tour allowed Russell to test early versions of two important papers in his return to philosophy in the mid-193s, and his meetings with Niels Bohr and Werner Heisenberg in Copenhagen significantly enhanced his understanding of quantum mechanics. Additionally, these letters demonstrate the impact of the tour on Russell’s political thought and his evolving views on fascism and pacifism, and they provide the first intimate picture of Russell’s complex relationship with Peter.

“No Poverty, Much Comfort, Little Wealth”: Bertrand Russell’s 1935 Scandinavian Tour

Bertrand Russell’s Scandinavian lecture tour in October 1935 has been largely undocumented because of the longstanding embargo on the tour correspondence Russell exchanged with Marjorie (“Peter”) Spence, his lover and future third wife. These archival restrictions ended in 2009, and this paper presents annotated transcriptions of twenty letters sent by Russell to Peter during his trip to Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. The tour allowed Russell to test early versions of two important papers in his return to philosophy in the mid-1930s, and his meetings with Niels Bohr and Werner Heisenberg in Copenhagen significantly enhanced his understanding of quantum mechanics. Additionally, these letters demonstrate the impact of the tour on Russell’s political thought and his evolving views on fascism and pacifism, and they provide the first intimate picture of Russell’s complex relationship with Peter.

“ Modernité Sans Frontières :” Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of the Avant-Garde in King Leopold’s Belgium, 1885–1910

“Modernité Sans Frontières:”Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of the Avant-Garde in King Leopold’s Belgium, 1885–1910 Debora Silverman (bio) Introduction: Bohemia and “Belgitude” On February 25, 1893, the poet Paul Verlaine arrived in Belgium, beginning a two-week lecture tour in a number of cities throughout the kingdom. Verlaine’s speaking invitations spanned a variety of literary societies and cultural associations, from the avant-garde art group of Les Vingt, to the local Cercle Artistique of Antwerp and Ghent, to the Catholic university student association, the Cercle Léo XIII of Brussels. Verlaine experienced the trip with great emotion, as it represented to him a great personal triumph and vindication. Twenty years earlier, in January of 1873, Verlaine had stood accused, humiliated, and condemned in a Brussels courtroom. Arrested for wounding Rimbaud with a gunshot that grazed his lover’s wrist during one of their arguments, Verlaine received a maximum sentence and served almost two years in the desolate prison at Mons. During this period, Verlaine rekindled his Catholic faith, charting the spiritual journey of his reconversion in a collection of poems written in prison, Sagesse, published in 1881. While Verlaine’s friends and correspondents among Belgian literary modernists, such as Maurice Maeterlinck, Emile Verhaeren, and Georges Rodenbach were conversant with the full range of his complex oeuvre, it was the prayerful fervor of Sagessse that was singularly well known to the broader literate public, and which stimulated the many invitations of 1893. On this first trip back to Belgium after his ignominious incarceration, then, Verlaine arrived apprehensive, and excited. Fearing that his criminal record could be used against him in [End Page 707] some unexpected way, Verlaine quelled his apprehension by soliciting, at the suggestion of one of his hosts, a letter and an official permit de séjour from the Ministry of Justice, which he kept in his pocket at all times during the trip. The safe permit letter proclaimed, as signed by the Minister himself, that the poet Paul Verlaine was welcome and “would bring honor to Belgian soil for as long as he wished to stay, despite his earlier conviction.” Verlaine’s excitement turned quickly to elation when he realized, ever desperate for funds, that he would be paid immediately after each event, in cash, an average of three hundred francs per lecture—a staggering sum for him to have his hands on. He ended his two-week stay in Belgium in a state of exhilaration, commending his literary comrades and his hosts, and even writing a poem of tribute to King Leopold II. Where he had departed in shame as a criminal in 1875, Verlaine returned to a hero’s welcome in 1893, where, as one writer put it, “all of Belgian letters, writers and critics from every school, came together in their common goal of celebrating Paul Verlaine.” One of Verlaine’s sponsors for the 1893 visit, Henri Carton de Wiart, slyly and proudly noted that Verlaine had strong affinities for Belgium and possessed what he called an “instinctual chauvinism” that flowed from the poet’s background. While born in Metz, Verlaine’s paternal grandfather “was Belgian (était Belge),” and, even more, “a Belgian from the Ardennes (Belge des Ardennes);” Carton de Wiart thus claimed Verlaine as “un peu Belge” (Carton de Wiart, 1893, March 5, pp. 75–76). Writing to his friend Eugenie Krantz, Verlaine recounted how he had been applauded and lavished with praise by his fellow artists and an elite public, and feted at sumptuous dinners by such luminaries as a Senator and a Minister of State. Verlaine went on to describe how he was overcome after one lecture with tears of joy and pride at his reversal of fortune in Belgium from convict to celebrity, remarking that he wished that everyone could experience such an extraordinary occurrence just one time in their lives! To be sure, Verlaine was never quite the unambiguous penitent that some of the Belgian public anticipated, nor was his celebrity tour untroubled by the turmoil that marked his dual identity as bohemian and bourgeois. Verlaine’s behavior among the Belgians exhibits precisely what Jerrold Seigel (1986) [End Page 708] has identified as...

Darwin's little Prince

Darwin's little Prince

The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860-1900 , and: The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860-1900 (review)

Reviewed by: The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860-1900, and: The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860-1900 Kathryn Holland The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860–1900. Victoria & Albert Museum, London, 2 April–17 July, 2011; Musée d’Orsay, Paris, 12 September 2011–15 January, 2012; de Young Museum, San Francisco, 8 February–17 June, 2012. Curated by Stephen Calloway (Victoria & Albert Museum) and Lynn Federle Orr (de Young Museum). The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860–1900. Stephen Calloway and Lynn Federle Orr, eds. London: V&A Publishing, 2011. Pp. 296. $65.00 (cloth). In the pamphlet he co-wrote with William Rossetti on the Royal Academy exhibition of 1868, A. C. Swinburne declares, “No good art is unbeautiful; but much able and effective work may be, and is.” “The worship of beauty,” he states, “though beauty be itself transformed and incarnate in shapes diverse without end, must be simple and absolute.” He quotes Victor Hugo as an ally: “Beauty is perfect, beauty can do all things, beauty is the only thing which does not exist by halves.”1 Swinburne was writing when the doctrine of art for art’s sake was developing in opposition to conventional moral and commercial imperatives for British art and was championed by a small but growing number of artists and writers as well audiences. Billed as the first comprehensive exhibition about aestheticism, The Cult of Beauty: The Aesthetic Movement 1860–1900 is a stimulating and impressive examination of the spread of the questions, principles, and productions of this movement across late-Victorian cultural fields. [End Page 659] The Cult of Beauty provides a broad view of the movement. The show asserts aestheticism’s major role in the period’s debates about how art relates to everyday experiences within and beyond the individual mind, and to substantial cultural innovation. Stencils of peacocks and William Morris patterns are projected on walls that are painted teal, sapphire, and moss; dim lighting also sets the atmosphere. A small introductory space, dominated by Frederick Leighton’s large bronze sculpture, The Sluggard (1882–85), draws the audience in with pieces from the 1870s and 1880s, the period in which public interest in aestheticism began to peak. Encompassing painting, photography, sculpture, the decorative arts, illustration and book design, fashion, and architecture, the exhibition is then split into four loosely chronological, thematic sections: “The Search for a New Beauty: 1860s,” “Art for Art’s Sake, 1860s–80s,” “Beautiful People & Aesthetic Houses: 1870s–90s,” and “Late-flowering Beauty: 1880s–90s.’” The first part of the exhibition focuses on the shifting interests of Pre-Raphaelite artists and suggests the retrospective components of this vanguard movement by highlighting Morris’s fascination with Chaucer and D. G. Rossetti’s revisioning of Dante, including Rossetti’s Beata Beatrix (1864–70). Descriptions of Robert Buchanan’s attack on “The Fleshly School of Poetry” (led, according to Buchanan, by Rossetti, Swinburne, and Morris) turn attention to some of the early public controversies around aestheticism. International influences on aesthetic productions, particularly from Japan, are well represented not only through original cobalt and white porcelain vases from the seventeenth century and the watercolors of Edward Godwin’s furniture designs (c. 1875) that were part of Japonisme, but also through paintings that illustrate the growth of the Victorian public interest in Asian material cultures, such as Young Women Looking at Japanese Articles (James Jacques Joseph Tissot, 1869). The exhibition underlines the importance of cultural institutions and commercial venues for both the creation and reception of the aesthetes’ works. The rise of aestheticism from a small group of artists and productions to a distinctly public and marketed movement is linked to the establishment of the South Kensington Museum (later Victoria & Albert museum) in 1852; the sensational opening of the Grosvenor Gallery in 1877, which aimed to counter the staid Royal Academy; and the shaping of consumer taste through new interior design magazines and the sale of textiles and other items at Liberty & Co. Napoleon Sarony’s well-known 1882 portraits of Oscar Wilde, photographed in velvet, are complemented by descriptions of the impact of Wilde’s American lecture tour on the popular imagination. The still...

Lectureship Award MBLA受賞講演ツアーを終えて

Lectureship Award MBLA受賞講演ツアーを終えて

Global Communications Newsletter

Presents information and current topics of interest to the global communications industry. Related articles within the newsletter: History Forum at GLOBECOM 2010; ComSoc Portuguese Chapter: Activities in 2010; Distinguished Lecture Tour of Qian Zhang in Malaysia; ComSoc to Provide Technical Sponsorship of ITU's Telecom World 2011 Technical Symposium; Networks 2010 Conference in Warsaw, Poland