Latin Term Research Articles

Virgilio, Eneide 2: Introduzione, traduzione e commento ed. by Sergio Casali

Reviewed by: Virgilio, Eneide 2: Introduzione, traduzione e commento ed. by Sergio Casali Joseph B. Solodow Sergio Casali (ed.). Virgilio, Eneide 2: Introduzione, traduzione e commento. Edizioni della Normale. Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore Pisa, 2017. Pp. 390. €25,00. ISBN 978-88-7642-572-1. The author, already well known for his work on Vergil—a number of articles, on a variety of topics, some in Italian, some English—here turns his attention to an entire book of the Aeneid. The text he offers agrees with N. Horsfall (Virgil, [End Page 449] Aeneid 2: A Commentary. Mnemosyne Supplements, 299 [Leiden 2008]) against G. B. Conte's Teubner (Berlin and New York 2005) twice as often as vice versa. It is accompanied by a facing-page Italian translation and is preceded by an introduction and followed by a substantial, detailed commentary, as well as the usual indexes and bibliography of works cited. Given the translation, Casali rarely explains the grammar, but on 664–667 his note is somewhat fuller than those of R. G. Austin and Horsfall. Austin's commentary on book 2 (Oxford 1964) is considerably shorter than Casali's and very much shorter than Horsfall's. As a result of the differing scale and also of readers' growing expectations, it now appears spotty in its coverage of relevant subjects. On the quo me vertam? topos in 69–72, Austin says nothing. In regard to the flame that plays harmlessly about Ascanius's head (682–684), he settles decisively the disputed meaning of apex, but offers no general comment on auguria oblativa and impetrativa within the poem, as Casali does, usefully. Nonetheless, of all commentaries Austin's does the most to view Vergil's poem within the broadest context of European literature. On 643 he adduces a passage from a thirteenth-century Sicilian writer that makes for a helpful contrast, and prints in an appendix three modern poems that illustrate the continuing power of the Troy tale. The remainder of this review will be a comparison between Casali's and Horsfall's editions. Not that they address the same audience. Whereas Casali addresses university students and their teachers, Horsfall aims his commentary at advanced scholars, who overlap, one hopes, with the latter group of Casali's readers. In their content, the two commentaries necessarily share much material and many stances. Both regard the Helen episode (567–588) as not authentic. Yet Casali regularly refers and defers to Horsfall's treatment of certain, often rather technical matters, such as the confusions among the Latin terms for lightning and meteors (698), or the relation of Vergil to the Vatican statue of Laocoon and sons (199–227). Conversely, he expatiates on matters upon which Horsfall hardly touches, such as the role of the various forms of augury in the poem (685–691) or the many competing traditions about Aeneas' sons (563). Casali is more of a literary interpreter than Horsfall. He sometimes goes beyond his predecessor in treating echoes from earlier authors—Lucretius, for instance. Both commentators note the Lucretian echoes in quidquid id est (49) and salsus … sudor (173–174), but Casali alone suggests that the former phrase is particularly appropriate as uttered by Laocoon, the demystifier of falsa religio, and that the latter is paradoxical in that it relies on Lucretian language to express a divine prodigy. Some remarks of this sort may strike readers as overly subtle and unpersuasive. The more literary, more interpretive nature of Casali's commentary is especially evident in his introduction. Especially keen throughout to employ the pre-Vergilian accounts of Troy's fall and Aeneas's escape in order to sharpen the reader's sense of Vergil's innovations and so of his aims, Casali argues here, inter alia, for the following positions: that the puzzling episode in which Aeneas and his men exchange armor with Greeks (386–395) may be an attempt to explain how the tradition arose that Aeneas had betrayed Troy; that Venus' words to Aeneas at 619–620 may allude to a version of the story that he has in fact discarded, one in which she herself guided her son from Troy to Rome; that ultimately Aeneas is responsible for the...

Silenced Voices: The Poetics of Speech in Ovid by Bartolo A. Natoli

Reviewed by: Silenced Voices: The Poetics of Speech in Ovid by Bartolo A. Natoli Patricia Salzman-Mitchell Bartolo A. Natoli. Silenced Voices: The Poetics of Speech in Ovid. Wisconsin Studies in Classics. Madison and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2017. Pp. x, 227. $69.95. ISBN 978-0-299-31210-7. Natoli’s Silenced Voices discusses speech loss in Ovid’s Metamorphoses and exile poetry, focusing on characters, including Ovid’s own poetic persona, who find themselves deprived of speech and develop alternative ways of communication to reestablish bonds with their communities and shape their communal and individual memories. In the introduction, Natoli provides an overview of key themes, methodologies, and theoretical frameworks within exile studies in classics and with respect to Ovid’s exile. There are helpful remarks on the phrase fortunae vultum . . . meae (Tr. 1.1.120) implying Ovid’s construction of a poetic exilic persona. Tr.1.1 connects with certain characters in the Metamorphoses who are often dehumanized through speech loss, as other critics have remarked. Natoli states that he differs from those who take Ovid as offering a historical self-portrayal in the exile poetry (13). Yet the premise that Ovid creates an exilic poetic persona has been noted before. Chapter 1, “Speech and Speech Loss in Ancient Rome,” gathers evidence from Roman authors about speech loss. Natoli turns to “the modern concept of schema theory, a method of conceptualizing how human beings conceive and make meaning of a situation, and one that has become a major part of the field of cognitive poetics” (17), to appreciate Roman thought on speech loss, an important context for Ovid. A useful survey of the Latin term mutus is illustrative. Chapter 2, “Speech Loss in the Metamorphoses,” engages with the Roman schemata of speech loss (nonhuman state, emotion, and separation from community) and rightly notes that transformation is often only physical, or “incomplete,” as a given character’s essence remains (for example, Actaeon and Io). Transformed, speechless (contrast what was previously a heightened speech ability), now nonhuman, separated from society, deprived of identity, and filled with emotion, characters can still use reason and forge community links, especially through writing. Traditional patterns of Roman speech loss are found in Lycaon, Callisto, Actaeon, Dryope, and Echo, though Dryope, transformed in front of others, maintains her “identity within that community” (47), and Echo remains isolated in an “in between” state with partial speech loss. The cases of Io and Philomela innovate by introducing the written medium as an alternative to speech. Io, unusually, reverses her transformation and reintegrates into the human community through writing (compare Ovid’s own attempt in exile). Philomela has an uncommon speech ability and voices threats of public exposure and revenge; once raped and silenced, she is like the poet in communicating through weaving/text. There are excellent close readings of the poetry, but Natoli could engage more explicitly with the intersection of gender and speech, in Philomela’s case in particular. Chapter 3, “Speech Loss in the Exile Literature,” shows how Ovid, now separated from the Latin-speaking world and expressing how he is losing his poetic skills, becomes like his silenced epic characters. Discussions include an in-depth analysis of Tristia 1, especially 1.3, connections with silenced characters in the Metamorphoses (mainly Callisto, Dryope, and Philomela), and Ovid’s attempts to reconnect with his Roman community through poetry. Noteworthy are considerations of vocabulary related to speech loss, a stimulating analysis [End Page 598] of Aeneas as exile in Tr. 1.3, and the use of gesture by Philomela and by Ovid himself when he tries to communicate with the Getans and Sarmatians. A letter, being a half-conversation, a symbol of the “physical presence of the author” (125) and a substitute for spoken words, is a key vehicle that enables someone with speech loss to reconnect with his poetic community. Chapter 4, “Speech Loss and Memory in the Exile Literature,” approaches the “interplay between community, speech, and memory in the exile literature” (149) and the theme of how Ovid, concerned with not being forgotten, shapes the memory of his work at Rome and in the collective memory. Natoli explores the meanings of memoria...

Modelos de abastecimiento urbano de aguas en la Bética romana: las cisternas = Urban Water Supply Models in Roman Baetica: The Cisterns

Las cisternas son el principal medio de aprovisionamiento de agua en las ciudades romanas en muchos casos. La historiografía ha identificado la existencia de un verdadero modelo de gestión del agua que emplea únicamente estas construcciones, o bien que las utiliza en conjunción con otros medios, como el aprovechamiento de aguas subterráneas mediante pozos. Partiendo desde una conceptualización teórica del término latino cisterna, realizamos un recorrido en la identificación de este modelo en casos específicos de Hispania como marco general del estudio, y en la provincia Ulterior Baetica como marco particular.Water storage cisterns are the main source of water supply in roman cities in many cases. Their existence has been identificated as a water management model which employs these hydraulic infrastructures exclusively, or together with others forms as groundwater extraction by wells. Starting to a theoretical conceptualization of the latin term cisterna, we carry out a review to identify this model in specific cases in Hispania as general spatial framework, and in Hispania Ulterior Baetica province as particular framework.

Evidentiary means in feudal Transylvania. Ordeal By fire (holding a red-hot iron)

Abstract One of the evidentiary means used in medieval legal procedure was the so-called judgment of God, judicium dei, also known as ordeal, from the Latin term ordalium. Ordeals were characteristic of all peoples in their various stages of development. They were based on the belief that divinity could intervene and perform miracles, disregarding the laws of nature, in order to prove one’s innocence. In the Middle Ages ordeals were widespread on the territory of Transylvania, too, the ordeal of fire being one of the most commonly used means of proof. In this paper I will try to show the characteristics of this evidence in relation to others that were used at that time, looking at them through the lenses of the documents of the time and of personal research.

One vowel or two? Diphthongs, digraphs, ligatures, and diaereses, oh my!

This is the first in a short series about orthography in anatomical Latin. Although phonology is an important aspect of diphthongs and digraphs, the focus here is on spelling, not the more complicated topic of pronunciation. Recommendations are made for standard spellings of words that contain or may appear to contain diphthongs in Latin anatomical words or their ancient Greek sources. Ligatures and diaereses (typographical symbols that were developed after the classical period) are not recommended for use in anatomical Latin terms. Clin. Anat. 30:1013-1016, 2017. © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Claiming the Basileia ton Rhomaion

In April 1204, the army of the Fourth Crusade captured Constantinople. For the leading princes, it was self-evident that they would install an imperator of their own in the Queen of Cities. Their choice fell on Baldwin IX/VI, count of Flanders/Hainault. In this contribution, we aim to analyse how Baldwin and his successors saw their emperorship, and how they and their empire were seen by others in Byzantium and the West. The current historiographical term, ‘Latin Empire of Constantinople’, reflects the prevailing view that an entirely new political construct had been set up replacing the former Byzantine Empire. However, contemporaries, both the emperors themselves as well as outsiders, consistently referred to the empire using both Latin and Greek terms that, prior to 1204, had been commonly employed to refer to the Byzantine Empire. Yet eastern and western conceptions of the nature of the empire before 1204 differed greatly: it was ‘Greek’ in Latin eyes, ‘Roman’ in Byzantine eyes. The Constantinopolitan imperial crown having been placed on his head, Baldwin became heir to these conflicting traditions. Moreover, rival imperial claims soon arose within the Byzantine space in neighbouring Byzantine successor states. In the face of these challenges, the Latin emperors strove to formulate a political ideology legitimising their claim to imperial rule. We will argue that in essence the successive Latin emperors adopted, up to a point, the key tenets of Byzantine imperial theory (Roman character, universalism, emperors as vicars of Christ and autocracy). Their western background and their different relationship with the West led to certain changes, but whether these should be seen as fundamentally un-Byzantine is not self-evident. Conversely, the presence of the now Latin rulers on the Constantinopolitan throne also led to changes in the western perception of the eastern empire.

The ‘Emperor of Persia’

From the late eleventh century onwards, the crusades brought Latin Christianity into direct contact with Muslim powers in the Near East. For the chroniclers of these events, the task of coping with the diversity of different Muslim actors the Christians faced was extremely challenging. Basically, they had two options to describe their respective political order: they could either use the rulers’ titles in the version supplied by the original language (i.e., sultan or caliph) or they could refer to them by using Latin terms (i.e., rex or imperator). An analysis of the way in which different crusade chroniclers described the political landscape of Islam in the Near East reveals interesting insights: ethnic denominations such as ‘Turks’ or ‘Saracens’ alternated with classical terms such as ‘Babylonians’ and ‘Persians’ thereby evoking ancient empires that were part of the medieval theory of translatio imperii. The Seljuk Sultan, for example, was frequently presented as the ‘emperor of Persia’. Thus, the Muslim states of the eleventh and twelfth centuries were at least to some extent presented as being part of the historical process of evolving and declining empires. The present article asks first how different chroniclers coped with the difficulty of naming and defining foreign political orders and thus developed distinctive interpretations of the history of these empires. Second, the article traces the way in which these models could be adopted by ‘non-crusade’ historiography: the example of William of Malmesbury shows that the English chronicler used the account by Fulcher of Chartres, but developed a remarkably distinctive version. Underlying his accounts is an overall theory of a continuing presence of eastern empires against the changing nature of politics in Christian Europe.

Controversial Terminology

In recent years, research on the concept of ‘empire’ has seen an upswing of interest in both Political Science and History. Definitions of ‘empire’ abound, as they do for words such as ‘discourse’, ‘performance’ and ‘culture’. Countless books and edited volumes concerning questions of ‘empire’ have been published since the turn of the century. On the most general level, however, the majority of studies on questions of ‘empire’ tend to neglect the European Middle Ages. Medievalists continue to associate the Latin terms imperium and imperator primarily with the (Holy) Roman Empire. A closer examination of the existing material in Latin and the vernacular languages reveals that many late medieval authors were far from limited in their use of imperial terminology. This introductory essay establishes the historiographical context for an exploration of this terminology as it was employed in the Latin West in two instances. The first is imperial self-designation, cases where rulers explicitly adopted or avoided the language of empire in referring to themselves or their realms. The second is the use of imperial terminology by authors from Latin Europe to describe and characterise distant and foreign regions of the world.

The Hellenistic Origins of Memory as Trope for Literary Allusion in Latin Poetry

Abstract The demonstrated Greek origins of Latin terms of allusion lead one to consider also a possibly Hellenistic background for the common figure of memory as signal of literary reference in Latin poetry. Tracing the models for terms of literary reminiscence in Republican and Augustan poetry to Callimachus and Apollonius in particular, this article demonstrates that memory as trope for literary allusion occurs in Hellenistic poetry, wherein several features and varieties of it anticipate later imitations. Focalized by the narrator as well as by internal characters, the trope of literary remembrance is employed in Hellenistic poetry to effect complex intertextual relations. The article concludes with two examples from Greek and Latin poetry of late antiquity that demonstrate the longevity of the device.

The Territories of Science and Religion, by Peter Harrison

The aim of Peter Harrison’s ambitious book is to destroy once and for all ‘the idea of a perennial conflict between science and religion’ (p. 5). There can be no doubt that there was no such conflict, but this will come as little surprise to any even semi-serious historian of science, being the preserve only of figures such as the former biologist and current professional internet provocateur Richard Dawkins—and even the most devout zealots of the Church of Dawkins know that he is not to be taken seriously as an authority on matters historical. But Harrison’s secondary aims are both far more sophisticated and far more interesting, for he wants to show that not only were ‘science’ and ‘religion’ not opposed, but that they were consistently in a symbiotic relationship predicated on the fact that, until the seventeenth century, neither of them existed, at least in the modern sense of the concepts; when they did emerge, one result was the scientific revolution. According to Harrison, from the ancient world through to the sixteenth century, ‘religion’ never implied a set of doctrinal propositions, but was an ‘inner disposition’, corresponding consistently to the meaning of the Latin term religio. ‘Science’, meanwhile, was similarly never a set of propositions about nature, but likewise a moral or ‘spiritual exercise’ intended to cultivate a ‘habit of mind’ and ‘a particular kind of life’ (p. 18): this was the case for everyone, from the ancient Greeks (Thales sacrificed an ox when he discovered his famous theorem [p. 24]) to the medieval Christian natural philosophers, who, Harrison claims, cared little for the abstracted truth of natural philosophical ideas, because, for them, ‘the intelligibility of nature lay primarily in its moral and theological meanings’ (p. 60). Only in the seventeenth century, when, in the wake of the Reformation, ‘religion’ began to take on the meaning of a system of belief, did ‘science’ concomitantly emerge as a discipline designed to produce true propositions about the natural world (although it was still conceived of as a spiritual exercise, albeit now one tied to the entirely new enterprise of natural theology, which, we are told, was non-existent in the medieval world).

ELIZABETH DEARNLEY. Translators and Their Prologues in Medieval England

Elizabeth Dearnley’s study provides a rich, informative, and often sensitive discussion of a wide range of questions regarding translation and multilingualism in medieval Britain, with particular focus on the evolving function of translators’ prologues. The core of the book is constituted by an analysis of prologues in French > English translations during the period of ca. 1200–1500. The monograph begins with three focused chapters arguing for the importance of considering translators’ prologues as a distinctive subgenre. Chapter 1 concentrates on prologues to Latin works and early French translations, followed by a chapter on Germanic and Anglo-Saxon translators’ prologues, and a third chapter on the emergence of a new kind of prologue specific to later, French > English translations in the period of ca. 1200–1500. These are in many ways the most rewarding and most compelling chapters of the volume, and provide an illuminating comparison of the different developments of the Romance tradition of translation on the one hand, and of the Germanic tradition on the other. Both of these traditions can be shown to have influenced the emergence of the later prologue to Middle English translations of French or Anglo-Norman texts, produced in the uniquely complex environment of multilingual post-conquest England. The author emphasizes in particular the tendency of Germanic languages to consider Latin as a conceptually distinct foreign medium, allowing translators to assert the autonomy and authority of their own vernacular, and its suitability for addressing complex, intellectually challenging questions. This self-confidence is clearly reflected in the development of pre-conquest ‘English’ translators’ prologues, which are largely free from any apologetic formulations. Romance languages, by comparison, were marked by a far closer, often more uncomfortable and conflicted relationship with Latin because of linguistic proximity. On the one hand, this could be exploited to the advantage of the vernacular, since it enabled the transference of Latin terms to ennoble the vernacular, and in turn led to the emergence of French as a prestige vernacular. At the same time, this very procedure presupposes an awareness of the ‘inferiority’ of the vernacular in relation to Latin. Chapter 3 discusses how these earlier traditions interact and combine to shape the environment in which a new kind of Middle English translators’ prologue can emerge. While this new kind of prologue was never fixed or formalized, a number of recurrent features can be identified (p. 64), and the author proceeds to discuss a representative selection of 26 Middle English prologues in chronological order, first listed on pp. 10–11. The chapter traces the gradual emergence of English as a ‘national’ vernacular, and the corresponding development of a more elaborate and self-conscious form of translator’s prologue. Many other issues are touched on in these three chapters, such as the interrelation of practices of enarratio and translation in early texts, the precocity of Anglo-Norman translation more generally, the emergence of French as a prestige vernacular, and the continuities and parallels between Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Norman, and later Middle English translation practices.

The Family in Ancient Roman Law

The family constituted the basic structural framework of Roman society. The Latin term familia means, essentially, household. It can refer to both persons and things It encompasses all persons who are under the power of a single head (the paterfamilias), and, in a broader sense, all relatives connected by blood or marriage. In a still broader sense, the Roman family encompassed all personal property, including slaves and physical objects. Social stratification, sexual inequality, and legal subordination were defining features of the Roman family.

Adoption of azygos, hemiazygos, and dartos.

Exceptions to the anatomical nomenclature rule that names must be in proper Latin include a few terms that contain borrowed Greek adjectives that are not declined like Latin words. Adoption of these adjectives into Latin would change about a half-dozen terms, e.g., vena azyga, vena hemiazyga, and fascia darta. The anatomical nomenclature rules apply only to the Latin terms, so there is no requirement to alter the way azygos, hemiazygos, and dartos are used in equivalent terms in other languages. Clin. Anat. 30:450-451, 2017. © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Consciousness, synchronicity and art – implications in creative thinking and direction of the art in relation to the concept of universe and reality in quantum mechanics

Abstract The concept of simultaneity and contemporaneity is fundamental to and the core of my artistic practice but it also fits perfectly with the theme of my research. Creating multimedia art and installations with the help of new media is one way to best express the concept of non-separation, as evidenced by language itself. In Italian the word confusione, from the Latin term cunfusionem (mixing, blending), and in English confusion, is often used as a synonym for noise. In English, commotion is a synonym for blare, and it has been derived from the Latin word cum movere, which means moving together. Contemporary art and installation are both staticity and change intermingled in a single place and time. The study of crowd, and the emotion that emerges from the deep immersive experiencing of art, is also strongly linked to another concept developed by Bergson: intuition. By ‘intuition’, Bergson meant an elementary, indivisible experience of sympathy, through which a person is moved into the inner being of an object and can comprehend what is unique and indefinable in it. I hypothesize the presence and expression of emotion in the collective experience of installation art, and both my creative efforts and theoretical research are aimed at facilitating the audience’s understanding or intuition of this emotion in an immersive multisensory environment. Using a range of both technological and classical tools and means of expression in my work, but more generally, artists create a product that can mediate and unfold the complexity of the phenomenological event by rendering it in a new form accessible to all.

Titulus. Un contributo alla storia della parola nel mondo romano

This paper is a contribution to the study of history of the word titulus. After a survey of current scholarship on this topic and a delimitation of the chronological scope and content of the investigation, the author considers some epigraphic and literary occurrences of this Latin term and identifies its different meanings and nuances until the sixth century.

Right to Private Defence in India

Before advent of human civilization, ‘might is right’ was rule of society but advancement of society brought institution of State which was assigned job to protect each and every individual’s life, liberty and property. At same time, it has to be noted that how much State is powerful and resourceful, it is not possible to depute policemen to supervise and observe every activities of each individuals and provide security them everywhere and at every point of life which necessitated right of private defence or self defence. The Latin term ‘se defendendo’ is used for 'self-defence. Hari Singh Gour in his celebrated book on Penal Law of India has aptly observed that self-help is first rule of criminal law. It still remains a rule, though in process of time much attenuated by considerations of necessity, humanity, and social order. Bentham, in his book `Principles of Penal Laws', has observed that the right of defence is absolutely necessary. It is based on cardinal principle that it is duty of man to help himself. The present paper deals with laws relating to right of private defence available under criminal laws of India.

ウィトルーウィウスの「建築十書」の記述にみられる建築思想と周辺建築文化との関連性について

The architectural treatise “De Architectura”, written around 20 BC by the roman architect Marcus Vitruvius Pollio, is the most recognized and analyzed architectural treatise in the history of mankind. Particularly in the Renaissance period, the Italian artists have shown great interest in Vitruvian treatise, upon which they have based their own architectural treatise. Through the Renaissance recognition of Vitruvian architectural theory, the European classical architecture acquired the tradition of proportional design called the “module system” as it is apparent in Le Corbusier's concept of “modulor”. On the other hand, the true image of Vitruvius and the historical context of his treatise are yet to be thoroughly understood. Reading “De Architetura”, it becomes obvious that Vitruvius often introduced Greek terms, when he describes technical matters in detail. However, when he draws examples from other regions such as Egypt, Persia or Cyrene, he uses Latin terms and the topic remains to be superficial, omitting details (Tab. 1-2). From this fact, it is obvious that his references for writing his treatise were limited to Latin and Greek sources. Looking outside of the Greco-Roman culture, we see that Vitruvius' architectural theory is hardly his original thought. For instance, the analogy between a temple and a human body is already existent in Ancient Egypt. In the so-called “Book of Temple”, there is a specification that certain column styles are to be differentiated between the male and the female deities. The archaeological evidences confirm the validity of this statement. Other archaeological evidences show that the gender was not the only aspect applied to the columns. Some columns had a funerary aspect, others acted as emblems of the land, etc. In the case of Ancient Egypt, one style gained multiple meanings as time went by, so that, at the end, the columns formed several groups to express different aspects in variety of situations. In contrast, Vitruvius limited and applied the concept of gender to only three orders, despite the fact that he admits the existence of other styles. The fact that these three orders originated from different regions and eras, seems to indicate that this group of symbolism cannot be earlier than the mid-5th Century BC, and also that the varieties of symbolic meanings also existed for the classical orders. In this sense, Vitruvius consciously chose and concentrated on the gender of the columns among other possible symbolisms of the columns. The module system described by Vitruvius may also have an Ancient Egyptian origin. In Egypt, there are some tantalizing evidences that show the use of module for elevation drawings of naos-shrines (Fig. 1-2). It shows that the width of the post is given one unit and other larger parts are given the multiples of the unit, and the smaller parts mostly the unit fractions. As for the Vitruvian system, the Doric system correlates with the Egyptian, whereas the Ionian system, the major dimensions of the building, which is defined by the primary module (= column diameter) as in the Doric system, becomes the secondary modules for the smaller parts that surrounding them. As a result, the Ionic system allows the architect to adjust a selected group of dimensions without disturbing the overall appearance. Although the cases considered in this paper comprises only a modest part of the treatise, it shows that Vitruvius unconsciously adopted the architectural philosophy of other culture, particularly the ancient Egyptian. In order to escape from the illusion that Vitruvius created and to understand the true context of the Vitruvian treatise, it is essential to reassess the Vitruvian architectural theory from the view of his contemporary and preceding architectural cultures.

Immunosuppressed cutaneous District: The finale of the fascinating farrago of confounding responses?

Immunosuppressed cutaneous District: The finale of the fascinating farrago of confounding responses?

General Tendencies in Creating Terms with Greek and Latin Elements in the Forestry Field

According to the genetic classification of borrowings, one of the largest groups of foreign language vocabulary in European languages is formed by lexemes of Latin origin. They are the result of interaction between languages, which are often characterized by a significant degree of genetic and temporal distances. In the article the terminology of Forest industry with the most common terminological elements of Latin and Greek origin is analyzed. Element – is not a word, but a part of the word (prefix, suffix, root), which is being in grammatical relationship with the other elements, forms independent words-terms. Thus, the element “micro” has no complete meaning of the words but it has the specific semantic loading, which is transferred by the concept “small, not big one”. In words-terms, it indicates the correlation of those words and constant objects, phenomena. And the precise scientific definition is received by term in the process of studying the specific scientific discipline. Knowledge of the structure of term’s elements explains the meaning of foreign language term, it helps in better understanding. It is well-known that the terms reflects either one dominant or secondary, or occasional feature, underlying the phenomenon, which reflects, such as color, shape etc. Terminology concept with elements of Greek and Latin origin in the Forest field, can be grouped into major thematic sections. The initial point for placing elements is a substantive concept, followed by an element that expresses this concept, the indicator of the origin of element, its importance in translation. Elements are usually placed according to antonymous meaning (micro – macro). Due to the polysemy some elements get into different sections. The group of terms, in which ancient Greek and Latin term elements are distinguishes is very numerous. Terms, formed with the help of classical elements, reflect the process of adaptation (in bigger or less degree) by modern languages. Thus, the group of terms with the initial parts, the etymons of which are Greek and Latin languages, get into synonymous relations, varying, intersecting or overlapping each other . The doublet terms – are the words or phrases that are combined by special terminological correlation with the same scientific concepts and object of reality. Thus, a large part of Greek and Latin elements in the terms and terminological combinations function as units of scientific style (root words, derivation and other elements) have the ability to influence the linguistic and cultural nature of language, and, thanks to aesthetically complete words, they intellectualize both speech and a speaker, the a specialist of the field.

Od dzieci z nieprawego łoża do dzieci nieślubnych. Z dziejów polskiej terminologii prawnej

From Unlawful Bed to Extramarital. From the History of Polish Legal VocabularyThe paper presents the various names given in Polish legal terminology to children born outside of marriage, from the oldest times to the interwar period. The process of stabilization of indices of this concept was a relatively long one. In mediaeval legal texts, we find multiple variants, most of which mirror Latin terms, e.g. nieprawego łoża ‘of unlawful bed’, nieczystego łoża ‘of impure bed’, niecnie narodzony ‘dishonourably born’, niedobrze urodzon ‘ill-born’, and also the neologism wyleganiec. Synonymous terms survive into the Middle Polish stage (16th – mid-18th c.), the most frequent ones being złego łoża ‘of bad bed’, niedobrego łoża ‘of wrong bed’, niepoczciwego łoża dzieci ‘children of indecent bed’. In the 19th century, two terms compete: dzieci nieprawego łoża ‘children of unlawful bed’ and, introduced in the translation of the Napoleonic Code, dzieci naturalne ‘natural children’; by the end of the 19th century, dzieci nieślubne ‘unmarried children’ become more widespread. A characteristic feature of the analysed terms is the presence of an evaluating element, which mirrorrs the contemporary legal status in which extramarital children were treated as a worse category and discriminated against. Finally, the paper draws attention to the differences between the civil and the canonic law, with regard to their choice of terms for ‘love children’.