Latin American View Research Articles

Party Cohesion, Congruence, and Foreign Powers: Latin American Views About China and the United States

While Latin America's parties suffer from notoriously incongruent relations between legislators and voters, we use mass and legislator-level surveys to show that many parties’ voters and/or legislators coalesce around a singular view about the United States and China. The data indicate frequent congruence between the two levels, and in most of those cases, attitudes towards both countries are positive. Presuming that policies towards the superpowers are not valence issues, this suggests that attitudes towards the powers do help to structure party politics, although the rivalry between the powers is seldom salient. In explaining the correlates of intra-partisan agreement, we focus on ideology, party system structuration, and economic ties. Among the findings is that because attitudes towards the United States are more likely to polarize the left and right, China has extra potential for growing its support. A warning, however, is that legislators in several rightist parties do share a negative perspective about China.

Construction of Territory Through Cyberspace: A Latin American View of Young People's Perception of Virtual Space

This article presents a balance about the chapter guidelines for teaching construction of the territory concept in schools today, which is part of the doctoral thesis "La construcción del territorio a través del ciberespacio: una mirada latinoamericana de la percepción de los jóvenes frente al espacio virtual. Presented at University of Valencia, Spain. This unit was focused on the construction of guidelines for learning the territory concept in geography, it is set from a comparative analysis between Spain, Colombia and England, in order to reflect the contributions of the Latin American, European and Anglo-Saxon countries, in line with the reconstitution of geographic knowledge at a global level to expand new approaches to the concept. This is in contrast to the policies in charge of regulating education in these countries. In this way, it is intended to make analytical and conceptual contributions of the territory from teachers' point of view in relation to the discussion of the territorial approach given by these institutional spaces to expand and develop a conceptual framework that contributes to generating significant transformations in the daily activity of educators. proposing a shift in the geography learning, which allows re-meaning the concept of territory in accordance with innovations in knowledge.

LGBTQ Politics in Nicaragua: Revolution, Dictatorship and Social Movements by KarenKampwirth. University of Arizona Press, 2022. 361 pp.

The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean AnthropologyEarly View BOOK REVIEW LGBTQ Politics in Nicaragua: Revolution, Dictatorship and Social Movements by Karen Kampwirth. University of Arizona Press, 2022. 361 pp. Ana-Maurine Lara, Corresponding Author Ana-Maurine Lara [email protected] University of Oregon Email: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Ana-Maurine Lara, Corresponding Author Ana-Maurine Lara [email protected] University of Oregon Email: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 29 May 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/jlca.12664Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. REFERENCES Borland, Katherine. 2006. Class, Gender, and Sexuality in Nicaraguan Festival. University of Arizona Press. Friedman, Elisabeth Jay, ed. 2018. Seeking Rights from the Left: Gender, Sexuality, and the Latin American Pink Tide. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Heumann, Silke. 2014. “The Challenge of Inclusive Identities and Solidarities: Discourses on Gender and Sexuality in the N icaraguan Women's Movement and the Legacy of S andinismo.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 33 (3): 334– 349. Howe, Cymene. 2013. Intimate activism: The struggle for sexual rights in postrevolutionary Nicaragua. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Lancaster, Roger N. 1999. “ ‘That we should all turn queer?’: Homosexual stigma in the making of manhood and the breaking of a revolution in Nicaragua.” In Culture, society and sexuality, edited by G. Parker Richard and Aggleton Peter, 120– 138. New York, NY: Routledge. Mogrovejo, Norma. 2000. Un amor que se atrevió a decir su nombre: la lucha de las lesbianas y su relación con los movimientos homosexual y feminista en América Latina. Madrid, Spain: Editora Plaza y Valdés. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue ReferencesRelatedInformation

A Latin-American view — reply to Carla Penna’s commentary on my paper

A Latin-American view — reply to Carla Penna’s commentary on my paper

A Latin American view of the human rights approach to tobacco control.

Human rights law is a powerful legal tool to protect health, including tobacco control. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (IESCR) obliges States to produce results and is enforceable. Although a human rights approach would have many advantages for Latin American tobacco control, it has not been appropriately used for advocacy purposes yet. Human rights law is a powerful legal tool to protect health, including tobacco control and smoking cessation. Therefore, I appreciate this article by Meier et al. [1]. I will briefly comment on some additional aspects, both generally and as they relate to the current situation in Latin America. Are human rights enforceable? In theory, yes. Human rights are inherent to human beings and empower individuals (rights holders) to demand that States (duty holders) comply with the obligations of those rights. However, an “artificial” contrast has been raised about differences in enforceability between civil and political rights (e.g. the right to life, liberty, property, etc.) and economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR), related to living conditions and access to material and cultural goods (including the right to health). Civil and political rights confer an obligation of results and no one disputes they are enforceable. ESCR confer obligations of means or behaviour and can be viewed as enforceable only to the extent that the State has sufficient resources; they are, therefore, often regarded as “expectations” [2]. For most Latin American law, the fact that ESCR must be fulfilled according to the available resources does not imply they are not enforceable. The obligation to use “the maximum” of the “available resources,” together with the obligation of progressive satisfaction and the need to the results to the appropriate technical or political standards, would make ESCR enforceable. In addition, international law imposes a fundamental rule: pacta sunt servanda, which means that “contracts are to be fulfilled.” Traditionally, the human rights State obligations were classified into positive obligations (to carry out certain activities leading to compliance; in the case of civilians and politicians) and negative obligations (to refrain from actions that violated them; in the case of ESCR). Currently, the Van Hoof classification describes three types of human rights State obligations: to respect (refrain from interfering directly or indirectly), to protect (take measures to prevent third parties from interfering), and to comply (adopt all legislative, administrative, budgetary and other measures appropriate for its realization) [2]. Although ESCR are considered enforceable rights, they are threatened by the doctrine, linked to economic liberalism, which aims to make the State cheaper, often at the cost of social policies. Additionally, although a human rights approach would have many advantages for Latin American tobacco control, this approach has traditionally not been used by tobacco control advocates, but by rather by the tobacco industry (e.g. arguing freedom of expression violation) to attack tobacco control policies [3]. A human rights approach currently has limited relevance for tobacco control policies in Latin America. As Meier et al. point out, human rights law has a prominent role in political and regulatory discourses, and some countries have already established a connection between tobacco control and the fundamental right to health. Because most Latin American countries belong to the civil law tradition, controlling private actors through civil liability litigation is underdeveloped. However, Latin America also has a strong tradition of controlling State action through fundamental rights litigation. Likewise, the Inter-American Human Rights System provides a way to demand human rights State responsibility. Although the current relevance of a human rights approach in Latin America may be limited, it seems a promising approach that ought to be explored [2]. None. None.

Indigenous Divergences from the Sacrifice Zones and Rehabilitations of Extractivism When the Hills are Gone: Frac Sand Mining and the Struggle for Community. ThomasPearson. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017. 256 pp.The Extractive Zone. MacarenaGómez‐Barris. Durham: Duke University Press, 2017. 208 pp.ExtrACTION: Impacts, engagements, and alternative futures. KirkJalbert, AnnaWillow, DavidCasagrande and StephaniePaladino, eds. New York: Routledge, 2017. 237 pp.

The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean AnthropologyEarly View Book Review Indigenous Divergences from the Sacrifice Zones and Rehabilitations of Extractivism When the Hills are Gone: Frac Sand Mining and the Struggle for Community. Thomas Pearson. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017. 256 pp. The Extractive Zone. Macarena Gómez-Barris. Durham: Duke University Press, 2017. 208 pp. ExtrACTION: Impacts, engagements, and alternative futures. Kirk Jalbert, Anna Willow, David Casagrande and Stephanie Paladino, eds. New York: Routledge, 2017. 237 pp. Juan Javier Rivera Andía, Juan Javier Rivera Andía orcid.org/0000-0002-4099-5765 Polish Institute of Advanced StudiesSearch for more papers by this author Juan Javier Rivera Andía, Juan Javier Rivera Andía orcid.org/0000-0002-4099-5765 Polish Institute of Advanced StudiesSearch for more papers by this author First published: 22 June 2022 https://doi.org/10.1111/jlca.12597Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation

Fostering peace engineering and rethinking development: A Latin American view

This paper explores how peace engineering initiatives relate to the critique of development in the Latin American context. Development is an essential condition for peace, and structural violence is closely associated with patterns of development. In engineering studies, the critique of development has increased attention, explaining the initiatives towards peace engineering engaged in social transformations. We discuss the evolution of the modern notion of development and argue why we should reject the mantra of neoliberalism. Next, we shift our look to the contributions of the Latin American critique of development, from the historical liberation movements to new concepts such as post-extractivism, solidarity economy, and political ecology. A decolonial view is proposed departing from the ‘epistemologies of the South’, followed by a review of how science, technology, and innovation relate to specific exclusion forms. Further, an empirical view on peace engineering initiatives in post-conflict Colombia and Brazil is presented, including three streams of how engineering initiatives relate to social change, from the social economy to grassroots movements. Finally, we suggest a few questions for further research in peace engineering and development.

(In)Equality regimes in auditing

The literature about diversity in accounting demonstrates the phenomenon of superinclusion in that it usually focuses on women’s experiences as a universal category but focuses on white women’s experiences. In this text, we argue that intersectional theory is a possible way to address that issue since it is a theory based on considering the interactions between sex, gender, race/ethnicity, and sexuality and how those elements and their interactions give rise to an “inequality regime”. Embracing this framework, we aim to comprehend the professional development of members of non-hegemonic groups who have reached the partner position in auditing firms. We adopted a qualitative research approach, conducting six in-depth interviews with Big Four partners. We analyzed our evidence using Acker’s (2006) “bases of inequalities” and “organizing processes that produce inequality” categories, proposing the empirical category “(un)changing inequality regimes?”. This work expands the literature about diversity by deepening the discussion about the inclusion of minority groups in auditing firms, bringing a Latin American view of diversity practices.

(In)Equality regimes in auditing

The literature about diversity in accounting demonstrates the phenomenon of superinclusion in that it usually focuses on women’s experiences as a universal category but focuses on white women’s experiences. In this text, we argue that intersectional theory is a possible way to address that issue since it is a theory based on considering the interactions between sex, gender, race/ethnicity, and sexuality and how those elements and their interactions give rise to an “inequality regime”. Embracing this framework, we aim to comprehend the professional development of members of non-hegemonic groups who have reached the partner position in auditing firms. We adopted a qualitative research approach, conducting six in-depth interviews with Big Four partners. We analyzed our evidence using Acker’s (2006) “bases of inequalities” and “organizing processes that produce inequality” categories, proposing the empirical category “(un)changing inequality regimes?”. This work expands the literature about diversity by deepening the discussion about the inclusion of minority groups in auditing firms, bringing a Latin American view of diversity practices.

Latin American View of the Radiographic Study of Ankle Fractures Type AO 44-B1 e B2

Ankle fractures are among the most frequent injuries of the musculoskeletal system and correspond to approximately 9% of all fractures 1 and account for 10% of all x-rays performed on patients in emergency departments, resulting in a significant expense...

A legal history of consent and intervention in civil wars in Latin America

ABSTRACT Recently, international law has seen renewed interest in the topic of intervention by invitation. Despite this, Latin American views have remained absent from the conversation. This article rediscovers the history of intervention by invitation in Latin American civil wars, focusing specifically on the issue of consent and the role it played in two key events of the region’s early legal history: the War of the Confederation and the Gorostiza Pamphlet affair. It finds that, in those cases, the right of a state to consent to intervention in a civil war was not questioned, but rather, expressly affirmed. In this vein, and despite a lack of more recent practice, while Latin America’s experience with European interventionism indicates a strong tradition of non-interventionism, its experience with civil war seems to point towards a preference for government consent over strict-abstentionism as a guiding principle.

Глас народа: украинский конфликт глазами латиноамериканцев

During the crisis in Russia’s relations with the Western countries, provoked by the Ukrainian events, it is important to examine the position of countries whose view of the conflict has been either neutral or positive towards Russia. This article focuses on this previously unexplored subject, with help of examining the attitudes in Latin American countries to Russia’s recent policies. Without trying to analyze the conflict as such, it concentrates on the way it is seen by the Latin American public. This is done using two types of sources. The first part of the article presents the discourse analysis results of online media and sites that publish experts’ accounts of world politics. The second part is based on the results of in-depth interviews with experts and civil society activists conducted by the author in Bolivia (La Paz and Cochabamba) in December 2014. In both cases, the findings suggest that Latin American public opinion negatively evaluates what it sees as hegemonic ambitions of the West, but this does not automatically translate into the support of Moscow’s actions. The conflict around Ukraine is seen as a struggle for the spheres of influence, either between Russia and the West, or between the United States and Europe. In any case, Latin America is expected to lose from this struggle between hegemonic powers, because a world order based on influence areas would mean the U.S. unquestionable dominance in the Americas. Thus, Russia’s moral right to intervene in the internal affairs of Ukraine is often questioned, exactly for the reason that it is seen as Moscow’s protection of its own spheres of influence. At the same time, Russia’s actions are often seen as a reaction to an illegitimate intervention on the part of the U.S. or the West as a whole. Besides, there is a hope that Latin America would be able to benefit economically from sanctions imposed on Russia. In sum, Latin American view of the conflict combines economic pragmatism with a strong fear of potential geopolitical consequences. Acknowledgements. This research was supported by Estonian Research Council (PUT 260).

The Latin-American view of Positive Psychology

The present article aims to describe the progress of the study and application of Positive Psychology (PP) in Latin America. On one hand, it is described how the interest in PP has emerged in some Latin American countries such as Argentina, Peru and Mexico, among others. On the other hand, results of a literature review which explore the development of psychological assessments in the region are presented according to PP pillars proposed by Seligman (2002, 2009): positive emotions, positive traits, positive institutions and positive relationships (social life). Mexico, Chile, Brazil and Argentina appeared to be the countries with the highest levels of scientific production related to PP and the topics most frequently studied are psychological well-being, interpersonal relationships and psychotherapeutic interventions.

The Illusion of Ignorance: Constructing the American Encounter with Mexico, 1877–1920

This volume seeks to examine the images of Mexico reflected in United States newspapers, magazines, and published accounts, as well as the unsuccessful efforts by the Mexican government of Porfirio Díaz to change that image. Thus it is “a book not about Mexico but about Americans thinking about Mexico” (p. vi), quoting and examining articles from newspapers and magazines perceived as influential, as well as travel accounts published in book form in the United States. Given its focus on image, it provides little information or context about either country and is based primarily on items that are already well known to scholars of Mexico. Therefore this work will be of more interest to historians of the United States than to those specializing in Mexico or Latin America. Reflecting its chosen focus, the work is inevitably based primarily on previously published materials, save for the initial portion dealing mainly with the mission of John W. Foster as United States minister to Mexico.The volume consists of three separate and loosely connected sections or minibooks, each dealing with a distinct type of account, and each with its own introduction and conclusion. The work does illuminate some lacunae of a well-known history, particularly through its focus on Mexican efforts to influence the US press via unofficial diplomacy to promote and place specific types of articles and interviews reflecting a more positive image of Mexico and its development.The initial section deals with Foster’s mission to Mexico and the Mexican campaign of its sometime diplomatic representative and sometime unofficial agent Manuel María de Zamacona y Murphy. Historians will find this the most valuable part of the volume, partly because it traces the propaganda efforts of Zamacona and partly because it makes the greatest use of primary sources, principally the papers of the US State Department. This section illuminates the uses of unofficial diplomacy and outright propaganda during the early phase of the Díaz regime. In taking a critical view of Foster’s efforts, the author contends that Foster was “consistently outmaneuvered by the Díaz administration” (p. xvi) and concludes that the view of Foster as one of the nation’s initial professional diplomats, as projected in his autobiography, is a distortion to which scholars of Mexico and diplomatic history subscribe. The remaining sections rely heavily on published materials, focusing on leisure travel and reports thereof by Yankees in Mexico, and Mexican participation in various exhibitions in the United States.The overall theme is that the US view of Mexico reflected the Yankees’ view of themselves and their mission in the world more than the realities of Mexico. It exaggerated the importance of the United States and reflected the viewpoint of the United States as not “a colleague of Mexico, but as her savior” (p. 96). Even when interest in Mexico increased, the author contends, Yankees continued to view their southern neigh-bor through a commercial lens as a market for products from the north rather than as a sovereign nation or even a producer of products that might be imported into the United States. When transport and communication made travel possible, Yankees continued to regard Mexico as exotic and appreciated it for its natural beauty, essentially ignoring its people, development, and institutions. As a result the author contends that visitors from the north “preferred not to study Mexico but to escape to what they saw as a primitive and timeless refuge from modern civilization” (p. 149). Consequently, even increasing tourism “did not validate Mexico’s existence as an autonomous viable nation” (p. 175).The very brief section dealing with the Mexican Revolution follows the well-known path of the writings of the day, again focusing on the press and other publications, and the accounts written by such prominent writers as John Reed, who wrote about civil conflict in Mexico until they shifted their attention to reporting on the European War. Through it all, the author sees the citizens and writers of the United States as stubbornly retaining only their own outlook regarding Mexico, ignoring reality to continue perceiving Mexico as “timeless rather than progressive, exotic rather than civilized, and happy rather than hard working” (p. 218).Historians will undoubtedly find the author’s use of the word Americans when referring to citizens of the United States itself culturally insensitive, ignoring the Latin American view that American is a term that applies to all citizens of the American continents.

Estado del arte del concepto “lo virtual” en el mundo y en América Latina

El propósito de estas páginas es brindar al lector que se inicia en los estudios ciberculturales una visión básica pero rigurosa de los principales autores de referencia que tanto en el ámbito global como en el ámbito latinoamericano han abordado el concepto lo virtual y otros propios del área, como ciberespacio, cultura y comunicación.Se presenta una propuesta de hoja de ruta para el desarrollo de los estudios ciberculturales en América Latina, en la medida en que existe una ausencia de sistematicidad en las miradas latinoamericanas que sobre el objeto de estudio cibercultura se han llevado a cabo hasta el momento.

Bioethics and Vulnerability: A Latin American View - By Florencia Luna

Developing World BioethicsVolume 8, Issue 3 p. 242-243 Bioethics and Vulnerability: A Latin American View – By Florencia Luna DAVID HUNTER, DAVID HUNTER Lecturer in Bioethics, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland.Search for more papers by this author DAVID HUNTER, DAVID HUNTER Lecturer in Bioethics, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland.Search for more papers by this author First published: 27 November 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-8847.2007.00211.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume8, Issue3December 2008Pages 242-243 RelatedInformation

Ownership structure and minority rights: A Latin American view

Latin America provides a unique scenario to expand current research on corporate governance. First, agency problems in the region may stem from the misalignment of goals and objectives between the majority and minority shareholders rather than from the diverse interests of management and owners. Second, corporate governance mechanisms available to mitigate agency problems may be inefficient or non-existent. Third, the lack of institutional protection for minority shareholders’ rights may enhance the potential for agency problems, especially for the expropriation of minority shareholders’ rights. Empirical analysis of data from 97 companies from Chile, Brazil, and Mexico from 2000 through 2002 indicates that a higher degree of family ownership increases the potential for expropriation of minority shareholders’ rights. Furthermore, companies affiliated with grupos appear to be less likely to expropriate their shareholders’ rights, possibly signaling changes in market environments in Latin America.

O feminismo em novas rotas e visões

O presente texto se baseia no debate proposto por Mary Hawkesworth no artigo "A semiótica de um encontro prematuro: o feminismo em uma era pós-feminista", orientando-se por um olhar latino-americano-caribenho sobre as transformações do feminismo e as conquistas das mulheres em momentos cruciais dessa articulação, relembrando fases memoráveis como a renovação dos ideais feministas, a autonomia do movimento de mulheres negras e sua inter-relação com o ativismo negro e feminista, articulações internacionais sintonizados com a realidade/diversidade brasileira e a incorporação da agenda feminista nas instâncias governamentais. A autora expõe o dinamismo e a capacidade de retroalimentação do feminismo brasileiro, características que possibilitam a força necessária para sua sobrevivência e inovações harmonizadas com a evolução de valores sociais diante das conquistas decorrentes de sua existência nos cenários local, regional e global. Substancialmente, desenvolve o texto com ênfase no ativismo local como desencadeador de uma ação efetiva de Estado para eqüidade de gênero e raça.

Recasting the Role of the Intellectual: Chilean Poet Gabriela Mistral

The life and work of Gabriela Mistral, the first Latin American writer to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1945, is examined as an example of how difficult it was for women to win recognition as intellectuals in 20th-century Latin America. Despite an international reputation for erudition and political commitment, Mistral has traditionally been represented in stereotypically gendered terms as the ‘Mother’ and ‘Schoolteacher’ of the Americas, and it has been repeatedly claimed that she was both apolitical and anti-intellectual. This article contests such claims, arguing that she was not only committed to fulfilling the role of an intellectual, but that she also elaborated a critique of the dominant male Latin American view of intellectuality, probing the boundaries of both rationality and nationality as constructed by male Euro-Americans. In so doing, she addressed many of the crucial issues that still confront intellectuals today in Latin America and elsewhere.

Science, politics, and democratic participation in policy-making: a Latin American view

How can science respond to the particular needs of Latin American societies? How can regional funding of regional science positively influence its growth? The answers to such questions rest on analyses of the configurations of state and politics, relations between instrumental science and the democratic process, and the demographic features of science and technology. The extent to which one can expect a better future through science in Latin America and the Caribbean depends as much on political problems and history as on scientific and technological development alone. True development will only come with significant political and economic change.