Late Persian Period Research Articles

Archaeometallurgical Analysis of the Provincial Silver Coinage of Judah: More on the Chaîne Opératoire of the Minting Process

Silver coins were the first coins to be manufactured by mass production in the southern Levant. An assemblage of tiny provincial silver coins of the local (Judahite standard) and (Attic) obol-based denominations from the Persian and Hellenistic period Yehud and dated to the second half of the fourth century BCE were analyzed to determine their material composition. Of the 50 silver coins, 32 are defined as Type 5 (Athena/Owl) of the Persian period Yehud series (ca. 350-333 BCE); 9 are Type 16 (Persian king wearing a jagged crown/Falcon in flight) (ca. 350-333); 3 are Type 24 series (Portrait/Falcon) of the Macedonian period (ca. 333-306 BCE); and 6 are Type 31 (Portrait/Falcon) (ca. 306-302/1 BCE). The coins underwent visual testing, multi-focal light microscope observation, XRF analysis, and SEM-EDS analysis. The metallurgical findings revealed that all the coins from the Type 5, 16, 24, and 31 series are made of high-purity silver with a small percentage of copper. Based on these results, it is suggested that each series was manufactured using a controlled composition of silver-copper alloy. The findings present novel information about the material culture of the southern Levant during the Late Persian period and Macedonian period, as expressed through the production and use of these silver coins.

The Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

The Historical Books1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg, Fred W. Guyette, Richard A. Taylor, and Thomas Hieke 556. [Levites of Memory in Chronicles; Historical Levites in Late-Persian Yehud] Ehud Ben Zvi, "Levites of Memory in Chronicles: and Some Considerations about Historical Levites in Late-Persian Yehud," Chronicles and the Priestly Literature, 281-304 [see #914]. In his contribution, B.Z. presents his view according to which the Levites in Chronicles are the "complementary other" of the priests as imagined by the Chronicler, rather than [End Page 189] as the latter's conflicting counterpart in reality. Reviewing the biblical and postbiblical sources about the Levites, he argues that the Levites as sanctuary singers and gatekeepers were never as influential a group as were the priests. B.Z. likewise interprets the Chronicler's depiction of the Levites as an instance of the "normalization" of social memory for purposes of social cohesion on the part of a small group of social literati in late Persianperiod Jerusalem. In other words, the Chronicler's depiction of the Levites reflects the literati's conception of how the Levites should have been viewed in the monarchic period on the basis of the literati's authoritative textual repertoire (including the Pentateuch and Ezekiel). [Adapted from editors' introduction, p. 8—C.T.B.] 557. [Atonement, Sacred Space, and Ritual Time in the Chronicler's Reading of the P Pentateuchal Narrative] Benjamin D. Giffone, "Atonement, Sacred Space and Ritual Time: The Chronicler as Reader of Priestly Pentateuchal Narrative," Chronicles and the Priestly Literature, 221-43 [see #914]. G.'s contribution reads and interprets accounts in Chronicles in light of texts of P and Ezekiel. Thus, e.g., he explains the motif of atonement and the extension of the festival in the Chronicler's account of Hezekiah's Passover (2 Chronicles 29) in relation to Leviticus 8–10 with its continuation in Leviticus 16 as well as Ezekiel 43–45. Similarly, G. interprets the narrative of Uzziah's incense offering in 2 Chr 26:16-23 against the background of Leviticus 10 and Numbers 16, and suggests a solution for the potential overlap between the Day of Atonement and Solomon's dedication of the temple (2 Chronicles 5–8) by reference to the appearance of the glory of Yhwh featured in Ezekiel 40 and 45. G. concludes that, as an early interpreter of Torah, the Chronicler seems to have charted a path that sought to include both the Deuteronomistic and the Priestly traditions (broadly understood) and both Levites and the Zadokite priests in their own specific and necessary cultic roles. [Adapted from editors' introduction, p. 7—C.T.B.] 558. [Chronicles; P; Scribes in the Postexilic Temple] Lester L. Grabbe, "Scribes in the Post Exilic Temple: A Social Perspective," Chronicles and the Priestly Literature, 201-20 [see #914]. G.'s essay approaches the overarching issue of the consonance and dissonance between the Chronicler's work and the Priestly materials of the HB from the perspective of priestly scribal culture. After reviewing scribal models from Egypt and Mesopotamia, G. narrows his focus to the priestly scribes in Yehud. Here, G. draws on a model from Homeric studies of transcribing oral traditions that he views as applicable to the formation of biblical texts. He concludes that P was produced during the Persian period by priestly scribes, whereas Chronicles was written in the early Greek period, a century or two later than P, by an individual or individuals close to the priesthood. With regard to the relationship between the two corpora, G. argues that the Chronicler(s) used a variety of sources in an inclusive fashion, not only the P document, but also a version of Samuel–Kings, oral forms of priestly and temporal traditions, and a utopian vision of a theocratic paradise. [Adapted from editors' introduction, p. 7—C.T.B.] 559. [The Righteousness of the Levites in Chronicles and Ezekiel] Christine Mitchell, "The righteousness of the Levites in Chronicles and Ezekiel," Chronicles and the Priestly Literature, 337-47 [see #914]. In her article, M. compares the notion of "righteousness" in Ezekiel 44 and 2 Chronicles 29 and suggests that these...

Refining Late-Holocene environmental changes of the Akko coastal plain and its impacts on the settlement and anchorage patterns of Tel Akko (Israel)

Akko/Acre, a UNESCO World Heritage site since 2001, is one of the oldest continuously inhabited sites in the eastern Mediterranean. Tel Akko was a major maritime centre of the southern Levant from the Middle Bronze to the Late Persian period. The city was then moved 1500 m to the west on the Akko promontory where the ‘Old City’ of Saint-Jean d'Acre is located. The natural and anthropogenic evolution of Tel Akko area is reflected by persistent geographical and habitation pattern changes. We combine sedimentological and faunal analyses of radiocarbon dated cores as well as identification of ceramic sherds found in the cores with ground penetrating radar investigations to propose an up-to-date palaeogeographical reconstruction of landscape/environmental changes of the Akko coastal plain in order to understand the extent to which environmental pressures have played a role on the position of anchorage and habitation patterns. We highlight how the local population make use of the natural advantages of the area and adapted to environmental pressures. Following a constant sedimentary input and simultaneous coastal progradation of the Akko coastal plain the main anchorage areas where forced to move. While the 2nd Millennium BCE anchorage was on the southern area of the tell, the late-1st Millennium BCE (Phoenician-Persian) anchorage was relocated on the western area. Vicissitudes in settlement pattern noted in archaeological excavations and surveys on Tel Akko have, most likely, been the consequence of the changes in the position of the coastline.

The Red Cow in Numbers 19: From Elimination Ritual to Sacrifice to Elimination Ritual

The red cow in Numbers 19 has perplexed scholars for quite some time. The paper engages with many of the questions they have raised, but especially with why this ritual is called a חַטָּאת and how the red cow ritual relates to the portrayal of the חַטָּאת in Leviticus. The paper explores the historical development of the חַטָּאת from a possible elimination ritual into two different sacrifices, and then into a ritual which produces a substance with apotropaic qualities. The last phase of this development took place in the late Persian period when the issue of pollution by corpses became more important. Keywords: Red Cow, Numbers 19, Elimination ritual, Purification offering, Ritual innovation

A Social-Scientific Analysis of the Representation of Jonah and the Self Perception of the Yehudite Literati during the Late Persian Period

This article addresses the question of what can be gleaned from the book of Jonah regarding the self-perception of its author(ship) and intended audience through a social-scientific analysis. What does the analysis of Jonah’s representation reflect of the self-perception of the Yehudite literati during or after the period during which the book was written? Firstly, an overview is given of what is known about the authorship of the book of Jonah and how the author(s) is related to the main character. This is followed by an overview of the values of honour and shame, and an application of how Jonah is represented in this regard. This analysis is then related to the self-perception of the author(ship) and audience for whom the book was written, due to their association with the main character.

RESISTANCE OR COMPLIANCE: READING DANIEL 1 AS A FAUX-HIDDEN TRANSCRIPT

This article examines imperial and economic forces of colonisation surrounding post-exilic Israel, specifically the late Persian period (334-330 BCE) transitioning into the Hellenistic era (332-64 BCE), to do a suspicious reading of Daniel 1 as a text of imperial resistance. Using a paradigm constructed from elements of James Scott's theory of hidden transcripts from “Domination and the arts of resistance”, Daniel 1 becomes a Hellenistic text capable of placating and appeasing as much as (or perhaps more than) opposing and resisting empire. This work emphasises suspicious tensions to examine socio-economic class structures in and around the composition of the book of Daniel to interpret Daniel 1 through a hermeneutic of suspicion with a focus on postcolonial theory.

Covenant in the Persian Period: From Genesis to Chronicles ed. by Richard J. Bautch and Gary N. Knoppers

Reviewed by: Covenant in the Persian Period: From Genesis to Chronicles ed. by Richard J. Bautch and Gary N. Knoppers Helen Cashell-Moran richard j. bautch and gary n. knoppers (eds.), Covenant in the Persian Period: From Genesis to Chronicles (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2015). Pp. viii + 452. $64.50. This volume, as indicated in the introduction, is a collection of twenty-two essays (coincidentally the same number as characters in the Hebrew alphabet) offered by a diverse group of scholars that "explore the tremendous range of covenantal perspectives that emerge during the Persian period, and it establishes the importance of each within its religious, social, and historical context" (p. 1). During these increasingly changing time periods, the motif of covenant () proved to be important for Jewish intellectual life; however, comparatively little research has been carried out on the motif of covenant in the postmonarchic period. It is this lacuna that this collection of essays seeks to fill. In other words, scholars interested in covenant had reached an impasse, but all were agreed that "a relative lack of interest in covenant during the Persian period" is apparent. Bautch and Knoppers refer to this former view as unfortunate (p. 3) and make clear that the aim of this present collection of essays is to rectify matters and demonstrate that the reverse is the case. This collection of essays is in five parts, and it is noted in the introduction that "typically, the writer of a given chapter is a specialist on the biblical book in question and brings his or her command of the text to the study of the covenant" (p. 4). Part 1 deals with the Pentateuch and includes Jacob Wöhrle, "Abraham amidst the Nations: The Priestly Concept of Covenant and the Persian Ideology"; Andreas Schüle, "The 'Eternal Covenant' in the Priestly Pentateuch and the Major Prophets"; Wolfgang Oswald, "Correlating the Covenants in Exodus 24 and Exodus 34"; Thomas Hieke, "The Covenant in Leviticus 26: A Concept of Admonition and Redemption." Part 2 treats the (Deuteronomistic) History books and comprises Reinhard Achenbach, "'The Unwritten Text of the Covenant': Torah in the Mouth of the Prophets"; Ehud Ben Zvi, "A Balancing Act: Settling and Unsettling Issues Concerning Past Divine Promises in Historiographical Texts Shaping Social Memory in the Late Persian Period"; Cynthia Edenburg, "From Covenant to Connubium: Persian Period Developments in the Perception of Covenant in the Deuteronomistic History." [End Page 156] Part 3 explores prophecy: Dalit Rom-Shiloni, "The Covenant in the Book of Jeremiah: On the Employment of Family and Political Metaphors"; Matthew Sjöberg, "Inner-Biblical Interpretation in the Redaction of Jeremiah 33:14-26"; J. Todd Hibbard, "Breaking an Eternal Covenant: Isaiah 24:5 and Persian-Period Discourse about the Covenant"; James Nogalski, "Presumptions of 'Covenant' in Joel"; John Kessler, "Curse, Covenant, and Temple in the Book of Haggai"; Richard J. Bautch, "Zechariah 11 and the Shepherd's Broken Covenant"; Elie Assis, "The Reproach of the Priests (Malachi 1:6-2:9) with Malachi's Conception of Covenant"; Christine Mitchell, "Achaemenid Persian Concepts Pertaining to the Covenant and Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi." Wisdom literature is the subject of part 4: W. H. Bellinger Jr., "The Psalms, Covenant, and the Persian Period"; Carol J. Dempsey, "Poems, Prayers, and Promises: The Psalms and Israel's Three Covenants"; Jamie A. Grant, "'When the Friendship of God Was upon My Tent': Covenant as Essential Background to Lament in the Wisdom Literature"; Thomas M. Bolin, "Qoheleth and the Covenant: Some Preliminary Observations." Finally, part 5 looks at Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah and includes Douglas J. E. Nykolaishen, "Ezra 10:3: Solemn Oath? Renewed Covenant? New Covenant?"; Mark J. Boda, "Reenvisioning the Relationship: Covenant in Chronicles"; Louis C. Jonker, "'The Ark of the Covenant of the Lord': The Place of Covenant in the Chronicler's Theology." Space does not permit this review to engage with the full range of insights and erudition in this collection of essays; therefore two essays, picked at random, are addressed in some detail below. Hieke analyzes the topic of covenant in the third book of the Torah, Leviticus. He notes that, with the exception of Lev 2:13 and 24:8, the Hebrew term ("covenant...

Towards a Definition of the pre-Classical Phoenician Temple

ABSTRACTThough our knowledge of Iron Age Phoenician cultic architecture is quite limited, the available data suggests that pre-Classical Phoenician temples followed a similar plan which displayed several unique architectural features. This plan originated from a long held, Bronze Age, Canaanite tradition which became especially prominent along the northern Levantine coast from the Middle Bronze Age II, appearing alongside other temple plans. This article aims to demonstrate that during the Iron Age and most of the Persian period, this temple plan became the predominant temple type in Phoenicia and its dependencies. It was only during the late Persian period, that a drastic change occurred, and this millennia-old plan was abandoned in favor of other temple types. Nevertheless, it appears that despite this seemingly radical change, the most notable feature of the traditional plan was preserved.

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

Historical Books1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg and Walter A. Vogels WF 1850. [1 Chronicles 15–16] Bernard Gosse, “Le récit de la translation de l’arche d’alliance par David dans les Chroniques: Refondation cultuelle de la royauté au profit des Asphaites,” ETR 92 (2017) 721–33. The narrative of David’s transfer of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem in 1 Chronicles 15–16 provides a window onto the organization of the Israelite cult after the exile, with the prominent place of the musical activities of the Levitical Asaphites and Ezrahites in that cult being presented in the narrative as having been instituted by David. Extending his earlier study of conflicts among liturgical music-makers in the postexilic period, G. here shows that the above passage is designed to legitimate the postexilic organization of the cult and the Levites’ role therein by recourse to (purported) decisions made by David on these matters. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 645] 1851. [Ezra literature] Philippe Abadie and Pierre de Martin de Viviès, “Les quatre livres d’Esdras,” CaE 180 (2017). In most Bibles only one book is attributed to Ezra. The Hebrew Bible counts Ezra (1 Ezra) together with Nehemiah (2 Ezra) as one book. Other books, not accepted by the rabbis, appear under his name: 3 Ezra (deuterocanonical in the Orthodox Church); 4 Ezra (accepted by Russian Orthodoxy), 5 Ezra and 6 Ezra (apocrypha for all Jewish and Christian groups). This Cahier is a historical and literary presentation of the books accepted by all or at least by some Christian churches. A. studies first the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. The work’s rhetorical structure shows that they constitute one literary unit with three major units: the return from exile (Ezra 1–6), the mission of priest-scribe Ezra (Ezra 7–10), and the struggles of the governor (Nehemiah 1–13). D.V. then presents the first Ezra book of 9 chapters, that appears in the LXX. It basically repeats Ezra with some sections taken from 2 Chronicles and a few verses that are peculiar to it. The book opens with the reign of king Josiah (3 Ezra 1:1–31//2 Chr 35:1–25) and continues with the last kings of Judah; the decrees of Cyrus; the return from exile; the reconstruction of the Temple; and the history of Ezra. Next, d.V. presents 4 Ezra, a book with two clearly distinct parts; the central portion (chaps. 3–14) is a Jewish text, also called the Apocalypse of Ezra (7 visions or revelations). Added to this are a prologue (chaps. 1–2) and an epilogue (chaps. 15–16), of Christian origin. Together, they constitute 4 Ezra as this appears in the Vulgate. 5 Ezra is the Christian prologue to the Apocalypse, while 6 Ezra is the Christian epilogue.—W.V. 1852. [Ezra–Nehemiah] Ntozakhe Cezula, “A Comment on Ehud Ben Zvi’s ‘Total Exile, Empty Land, and the General Intellectual Discourse in Yehud,’” OTE 30 (2017) 592–608. In the book (Gorgias Press, 2010) cited by C. in the above title, Ben Zvi argues that the Judeans of the late-Persian period could not interpret the “empty land myth” otherwise than in an inclusive manner, an approach that, according to him, is reflected in Ezra–Nehemiah and also surfaces in the Pentateuch, the Deuteronomistic History, and prophetic literature in Ben Zvi’s social memory analysis of these materials. The logic of Ben Zvi’s argument appears so pervasive, according to C., that one is compelled to revisit one’s stance on the issue of exclusivity in Ezra–Nehemiah. After some engagement with that complex, N. develops a case that, in the books in question, the viewpoint is in fact an exclusivistic one and that in them the “empty land myth” is treated in an exclusive manner as well. Of great concern in this connection is, C. points out, the fact that Ben Zvi’s argument comes at a time when African Christians are engaged in a quest for a biblical paradigm for a theology of reconstruction that is currently being...

Another Look at the Hosea/Malachi Framework in The Twelve

Abstract Though most scholars agree that the prophetic books identified as “The Twelve” (or “The Book of The Twelve”) have gone through extensive stages of redaction, debate ensues as to whether they should be read as a literary unity or as a collection of independent prophetic works. A closer look at the framework surrounding this material—the book of Hosea and the book of Malachi—suggests that the primary purpose of the redaction of The Twelve was not to be read as a literary unity or as an anthological collection, but to establish a model of how priestly scribes were to countenance and teach diverse textual corpora in the context of a single, dominant temple establishment. The redactors of the Twelve were probably a Levite scribal group, who created the work to affirm their own status within the hierarchy of the Jerusalem temple in the Late Persian period.

HELLENISTIC ARCHITECTURE IN JAFFA: THE 2009 EXCAVATIONS OF THE JAFFA CULTURAL HERITAGE PROJECT IN THE VISITOR'S CENTRE

In 2009 the Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project undertook a pilot-project excavation within the soon-to-be-renovated visitor's centre in Qedumim Square. These excavations were intended to clarify stratigraphic questions within area C of Jacob Kaplan's excavations (1961, 1965) and to lay the groundwork for future excavations by the project which was founded in 2007 as a partnership between UCLA and the Israel Antiquities Authority. Along with achieving these goals, the excavations exposed one of the best preserved examples of Hellenistic architecture in the southern Levant and confirmed the employment of a Hippodamian-style town plan from as early as the late Persian period.

Reading and Constructing Utopias

This article is meant as an invitation to further the use of the concept of utopia as a heuristic tool among historians of ancient Israel for the purpose of reconstructing the world of ideas of the late Persian period Yehud. To do so, and given that the term “utopia” may be and has been used in different ways, it advances, first, general considerations about an heuristic, pragmatic understanding of “utopia” and “utopian images” that may be particularly helpful for these purposes. Then it advances a number of observations about utopia and utopian images that were evoked when the literati of the late Yehud read and reread their authoritative corpus of texts. These observations deal, among others, with matters of exploration and certainty in the relevant community, of hope, of restoration and restorative utopias; they deal with issues of temporality as past, present and future utopias were construed and with the existence of multiple memories of utopias and multiple utopias. They address the issue that utopianizing tendencies led to memorable vignettes but not to memorable road maps, they do not fail to mention matters of utopia and power, and they conclude with issues for further discussion. On the whole, this article illustrates how “utopia”-informed approaches may shed light on the intellectual discourse of this community, while at the same time noting crucial differences between utopias and utopianizing tendencies both now and then that must be taken into consideration.

‘I am like a green olive tree’: The Wisdom context of Psalm 52

The article revisits the thesis of Walter Beyerlin from 1980 that Psalm 52 is a paraenetic- didactic Wisdom poem from the late Persian period. Beyerlin reached his conclusion from a comparison of Psalm 52 with post-exilic Wisdom psalms such as Psalms 37, 49, and 73. The direct literary influence that Psalm 52 received from the book of Proverbs and the motifs it shares with Jeremiah 9 are investigated here, since the author contends that the Wisdom influence on the Psalm was even greater than Beyerlin had envisaged. The article comes to the conclusion that the author(s) of the Psalm attempted to compose a psalm by establishing a network of allusions to a corpus of authoritative texts, inter alia, the Wisdom psalms. The end product is a brilliant composition which interprets the teaching of Proverbs for the needs of a group of Jewish believers who probably lived at the end of the Persian period.

�The Word of Yahweh is right�: Psalm 33 as a Torah-psalm

This article investigates some of the similarities between the Torah-psalms and Psalm 33. It is suggested that the �Torah-psalms� should be re-contextualised and understood as part of a post-exilic endeavour to provide an interpretation of the emerging �canon� of Hebrew scripture for the faithful of the late Persian period. Psalm 33 can also be counted amongst the literary products of this endeavour. The service it rendered to its audience was to establish a connection between Yahweh�s work of creation, his redemption of Israel and his divine rule over all the world through the power of his �word�.

Van Seters’ Saga of King David

AbstractThe Saga of King David by John Van Seters is an engrossing yet scholarly book, written with an originality that has challenged the field of bible for more than forty years. Expanding and revising a series of articles and the less detailed analysis of his sweeping opus In Search of History, Van Seters puts the final nails in the coffin of the Solomonic dating of the books of Samuel and the Succession Narrative. He offers his own original hypothesis, namely that the Succession Narrative was composed in the late Persian period as a satirical response to the Deuteronomistic Historian’s account of David’s reign. He submits that the Sitz im Leben of the account is the mercenary dominated martial culture of the late fifth and early fourth century Near East. As is typical to much of Van Seters’ work, he mostly disregards language as a means of dating the Court History. In the absence of linguistic criteria in the bulk of the material under discussion which would indicate a Persian date of composition, many scholars will look in askance at Van Seters’ very late dating of I and II Samuel. This problem and others identified in this review should, however, should not deter scholarship from deeply engaging with Van Seters’ ideas.

Personal Names in the Samaria Papyri

This paper records and analyzes the personal names found in the Samaria Papyri and papyrus fragments found in the Wâdī ed-Dâliyeh. The mixture of names of men and women, many belonging to a slave-owning elite, many belonging to slaves being bought and sold, together with names of Samaritan officials, gives a cross section of the onomasticon of the populace of Samaria, the city and the province. The largest single category of names consists of Yahwistic names, names compounded with yhw or yh. This characteristic belongs both to the names of owners and, surprisingly, of slaves. There are foreign (or pagan) names in the papyri, but no more than are found in Judaea in this late Persian period. The character of the personal names in the Samaria Papyri, and their heavy Yahwistic and Hebrew count, has direct bearing on questions of the historical accuracy of the Jewish polemic against the Samaritans, found both in the Bible and in even harsher terms in subsequent times.

"Begehre Nicht Ihre Schönheit in Deinem Herzen" (Prov 6,25): Eine Aktualisierung Des Ehebruchsverbots Aus Persischer Zeit1

AbstractThe article focuses on the warning about the "strange woman" in Prov 6:20-35. This instruction alludes to the Decalogue and the commandment to instruct children in the Torah, which follows the Schma' Yisrael. As an actualizing interpretation of this tradition, Prov 6:20-35 should be related to the process of canonizing the Torah and dated in the late Persian period. The instruction is written by men and women, a group of the Judean upper class who warn against sexual intercourse with women outside normal marriage relations. In their attempt to preserve existing family ties and social status, the authors create a negative image of women: every woman who is not an obedient wife can be called a "strange" one. In view of the text's ambivalent character, a modern interpretation of Prov. 6:20-35 attentive to gender must criticize the marginalization of women, while at the same time pointing to the contribution of women to this perspective. Recognizing the positive intention of its authors, who see Scripture as a guide for daily life, can help us to maintain the basic intention and at the same time to tell another, modern midrash that treats gender relationships in a more sensitive way.

The Excavations at Tell Mevorach and the Late Phoenician Elements in the Architecture of Palestine

During the 1972-73 excavations at Tell Mevorach, an Iron Age stratum of the 10th century B.C. was unearthed (Stern: 1973b; 1974). Since the whole area of the site does not exceed one dunam (about 1000 sq. m.), it was not surprising that the plan of this stratum consisted of only a single large building of the four-room type, which was surrounded by a broad courtyard and paved with a thick layer of white lime, as was usual in public buildings of that period. The compound was completely encircled by a stone wall about I m. wide. The public nature of this building complex is shown by its comparatively large dimensions as well as by the fact that it was fortified. We believe that it served as a regional administrative center. Our conclusion receives additional support from the architectural remains: one dressed stone pier with marginal drafts, typical of the dressed ashlars of Israelite Samaria (fig. 1), and a crenellation stone in the steps form made of local sandstone (fig. 2). This crenellation stone closely resembles those previously found only in the palaces and public buildings of Israelite Megiddo and Samaria, and Judean Ramat Rahel (fig. 3; Lamon and Shipton 1939: 28-29, fig. 36; Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik 1942: 65, pl. 60:1; Aharoni 1964: 55-56, pls. 43:1, 44:1). Unfortunately, this was the only Iron Age stratum found on the site. Above it were three phases of a Late Persian Period level, dating to the 5th and 4th centuries B.c. In the lowest Persian phase, deep pits covered the entire excavated area. In the two upper phases, both of the 4th century B.C., the site was again occupied by a large building and surrounded by a casemate wall. The structure and its disposition may be interpreted as an agricultural estate. The plan of the building in both phases is quite complicated; it is hoped that more of