Late Neoliberalism Research Articles

In the Zone: On Quinn Slobodian’s Crack-Up Capitalism and the Spaces of Political Economy

Quinn Slobodian has established himself as a leading historian of neoliberalism. Crack-Up Capitalism continues where his Globalists left off, but shifts focus from visions of global ordering to the fragmentation of the world into special economic zones (SEZs). In Slobodian’s provocative analysis, SEZs become a late neoliberal solution to the entrenched problem of democracy at the nation-state level. We follow Slobodian into the zone, thinking with him about the spatial dimensions of contemporary political economy. Although we problematize the disjuncture between Crack-Up Capitalism’s group biography of market radicals and its analysis of zones as a global economic reality, our intent is not to critique Slobodian, but to use his new book as a jumping off point to foreground other possible frames for understanding the zone: a longue durée historical outlook that can help de-exceptionalize the zone as a phenomenon of late neoliberalism, a focus on the internal diversity and political possibility of the zone form, and an emphasis on the causal link between the recent proliferation of zones and the ascendance of export-oriented industrialization as a global development paradigm.

Struggle, Exit, “Resilience”—or How Precarious Workers Cope with Late Neoliberalism. Individual and Collective Agency of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in Spain

Abstract This article inquires the individual and collective agency of female migrant domestic workers in Spain. I use fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2023 to examine the interplay between the migrant workers’ individual coping strategies, the claims-making strategies of the domestic workers’ trade union Sindihogar, and the structures they operate within and attempt to challenge. Drawing on contemporary research about precarious workers’ movements, I aim to explore to what extent this social movement union has the potential to reduce the power of structural constraints and increase the power of agency. Implicit is a broader, more provocative question: To what extent is substantial change possible within the current political-economic order, here defined as late neoliberalism? I found that while the movement’s community-building approach may empower activists at an individual level, there are significant structural barriers to its potential to accomplish change in terms of better job conditions for this highly precarious workforce. In addition, I suggest that an increasing focus on precarious workers’ “resilience” risks undermining narratives of structural transformation.

Magic, Idleness and Comedy: Late Agamben’s Marxist Reaction to Neoliberal Political Theology

ABSTRACT This article deals with Giorgio Agamben's late work, arguing that Agamben’s trans secular critique of capitalist political theology is incepted from the historical conditions of late neoliberalism – with its focus on the personal “self” as its anchor. It suggests that to understand Agamben’s trans secular reaction to late neoliberalism we need historicized his thought. As historicized, it can reveal the dialectical limits of neoliberalism. To do so, the article reads late Agamben texts next to contemporary Marxist thinkers Alenka Zupančič and her theory of comedy, Todd McGowan and his analysis of Capitalism and desire and Sianne Ngai and her conceptualization of zaniness as the aesthetic representation of neoliberal precariousness. Moving on, the article focuses on Agamben’s late book Pulcinella. It argues that the book not only expresses the limits of neoliberalism but also uncovers hope and promises for comic theological renewal beyond neoliberalism and its cult of the self.

Beyond the limits of rentability: Revalorizing urban space in late neoliberalism

How has the process of urban spatial valorization evolved since the global financial crisis of 2007–2008? In the late neoliberal city, flows of value are increasingly captured through new forms of privately-controlled rentable property. In order to explore this process, this article develops the notion of rentability. It argues that the post-crisis period of urbanization in the neoliberal core is characterized by an emphasis on the expansion and deepening of rentability throughout urban and suburban space. The article details multiple manifestations of this process. It argues that there this process features distinctive spatial, scalar, and political patterns. And it explores how the expansion of rentability and of landlord-tenant relations are being contested in various ways. As more of urban life becomes subject to rent relations, new opportunities for resistance emerge.

Zaniness, Idleness and the Fall of Late Neoliberalism’s Art

Zaniness, Idleness and the Fall of Late Neoliberalism’s Art

Nuclear Weapons and Extinction As Progress

Nuclear weapons have delivered more near-extinction encounters than any other anthropogenic threat, but for the three decades after the Cold War discussion of this threat was relatively sidelined. This paper points to some of the historical connections between 'war-ending' weapons, deterrence logic and its breakdown, and the binding between the sublimation of politics into commerce and an extinction logic held within it. It firstly gestures towards roots in the ideal of market mediation as civilisation rising in the eighteenth century; secondly it looks at some writing on the conception of nuclear weapons and the surprisingly long history of awareness of anthropogenic extinction risk this brings; thirdly it suggests that a post-Cold War revival of the binding of market realism to progress that had led to the 'weapon to end war', and the condition of deterrence, helps explain the fall in discussions of nuclear extinction; and fourthly it notes that current proliferation and destabilisation question this deep and largely unspoken conventional wisdom over nuclear 'non-violence'. It points to various moments in the imagination and realisation of viable nuclear weapons and their embedding in democratic regimes in Atlantic powers in particular, and to points of serious scientific consideration of extinction during the Cold War, and suggests that the long naturalisation of nuclear weapons has taught us to 'live extinction' in a way that speaks to other anthropogenic risks. Climate and nuclear crises indeed can be read as nodes on a trajectory of extraction and exchange defining a narrow conception of progress that has extinction as its telos. Ideas of 'total' deterrence become widespread during the imperial rivalries following this extractive-productive ethics, and take nuclear form as early as the first decades of the twentieth century. After 'stable' deterrence, though, as nuclear arsenals remained to back the Anglo-American 'victory' in the Cold War, these arsenals reached the apotheosis of their long depoliticising, dehumanising mission, standing as a silent horizon absorbing conflict and helping to explain a lack of political 'newness' often felt during late neoliberalism. With the more recent complex and largely obscured re-arming, nuclear weapons are being rediscovered as both an existential threat and an imperative to rethink the scope of political action.

Migrants, Vagrants, and the Making of the Anthropocene

Migrants, Vagrants, and the Making of the Anthropocene

Infrastructural-Innovation Realism in an Age of Collapse

Abstract This article explores a phenomenon of low-level magical realism we call infrastructural-innovation realism. Reversing the formulation identified by Sean McCann and Michael Szalay in their 2005 essay “Do You Believe in Magic? Literary Thinking After the New Left,” in which an earlier generation of left-leaning American writers eschewed engagement with the state in favor of imagining utopian magical communities, these novels rewrite historical events, often catastrophic and violent ones, with the addition of one piece of working magical infrastructure. Here we explore the effects of these magical technological additions in three novels: Colson Whitehead’s Underground Railroad (2016); Mohsin Hamid’s Exit West (2017); and briefly, César Aira’s Shantytown (2000). Although these effects vary, in these novels, history continues on as violently as ever: together they betray the difficulty in late neoliberalism of even imagining that states will provide working infrastructure, particularly for oppressed and displaced people. At the same time, these novels challenge the idea that imagining utopian communities beyond the state’s orbit constitutes a retreat from politics. Rather, they showcase the difficult, painstaking work of building alternative community in the wake of the state’s many failures and imply the continued necessity of confronting and reimagining the violent state rather than appealing to it.

Including ‘difficult’ students: counter politics, play and liveability in the primary school classroom

ABSTRACT Drawing upon Judith Butler’s conceptualisation of performativity and subjectification, this article explores the effects of different kinds of counter political action to disrupt exclusionary school practices that further marginalise children who are, often already, on the edges of school life. Firstly, tracing the impossibilities sometimes encountered when taking up a politics of reinscription, the article goes on to argue that the role of the pedagogue engaged in counter politics needs further disruption in order that children themselves have more space to determine who and how to be. Here, I explore how the rigid teacher/ student hierarchical binary can be unsettled through play. A more intersubjective relationship emerges between teacher and student which can make school feel more liveable and sustainable. Given the highly pressurised conditions in schools, globally, in this time of late neoliberalism, finding ways to make school more liveable is essential work. This article suggests that whilst moments of play, such as the one detailed here, are often fleeting, their effects can be felt afterwards. Finding opportunities for play is an important counter political strategy in schools at this time.

La política social desde el modelo inclusivo al neoliberalismo tardío: del programa “Argentina Trabaja” al “Hacemos Futuro”

This article analyzes and characterizes the institutional assumptions, guidelines and logics applied in the social programs, as can be observed in different development models in Argentina during two consecutive governments. This work focuses on “Argentina Trabaja” (Programme of Social Income and Work, AT-PRIST). This programme was created during the administration of Frente para la Victoria [front for victory], was amended during the administration of Alianza cambiemos [alliance for change] and finally became the “Hacemos Futuro” [we do the future]. The development models for these programmes show a trend to approach the social issues from 2009 to 2018, moving from a social inclusion model to the CEOcratic model typical to the late neoliberalism. This study is based on a qualitative methodology and uses a diachronic perspective. The theory corpus consists of norms rules and regulations, official documents, information requests to the MDSN, observation-participation and semi-structured interviews

Nonprofit Care Work as Social Glue: Creating and Sustaining Social Reproduction in the Context of Austerity/Late Neoliberalism

This article will bring together the social glue concept of social reproduction and a feminist analysis of civil society to the study of nonprofit care work in order to cast analytic light on the dynamics of care work in the nonprofit sector and contribute to theorizing care work, to identify and theorize aspects of nonprofit care work which reproduce and sustain social glue, and to supplement theory on civil society. Drawing on qualitative interviews with nonprofit care workers in South Africa and Scotland, this article argues that care work, in general, and nonprofit care work, more specifically, are key components of civil society and central to the gendered social glue that holds societies together. We argue that nonprofit care workers are part a distinctive but porous set of social relations and have their own unique way of sustaining social bonds in the context of late neoliberalism. The article looks closely at three dynamics of social glue in nonprofit care work, namely, empowerment, emotional/personal costs, and unpaid work. We argue that nonprofit care workers find micro ways of resisting the erosion of social glue and reweaving the social fabric through care and relationship and further that these forms of resistance may sustain much needed social bonds until larger social transformation is possible.

Student protests and organised labour: Developing a research agenda for mobilisation in late neoliberalism

Students have a long history of protesting the introduction or rise of tuition fees. However, political parties do not often endorse their demands. Even the centre-left, which is known for its redistributive policies, does not necessarily ally itself with the student opposition to fees. In this article, the author focuses on the impact of social movement–organised labour alliances on the opposition of political parties to government policy. The author argues that such alliances have a unique impact on centre-left parties, especially in relation to non-labour issues. Two examples of this alliance are presented, emerging from the quite different political contexts of Germany and Turkey. In Germany, student movements failed to block the introduction of tuition fees in 2006. However, in 2008–2011, after students established a deeper alliance with organised labour, tuition fees were scrapped. In Turkey, student movements had been protesting tuition fees for a quarter of a century before an alliance with labour gained the support of social democrats in 2011. These case studies suggest that labour–movement alliances are effective in shifting social democratic politics in higher education policy because of labour’s experience and know-how in alliance building with centre-left parties and the student mobilisation’s potential to make tuition fees an electoral issue cross-cutting party allegiances. This finding suggests that scholars need to take the degree of engagement in opposition alliances into account, in addition to union density, in order to more accurately measure the political power of organised labour. This point has implications for analysing a variety of policy outcomes in policy areas exposed to permanent austerity measures.

Music in the Work of Social Reproduction

This article interrogates music’s role in the work of social reproduction by bringing into dialogue two seemingly antithetical approaches to thinking music’s relation to the social. One is historical materialism; the other is work informed by the “practice turn” in music sociology, exemplified by Tia DeNora’s studies of music as a “technology of the self.” By taking seriously the proposition that under certain conditions music may itself function as a technology, and by reframing this proposition along materialist lines, this article aims to shed light on the changing functions music has come to assume in late neoliberalism. In particular, new modalities of digital distribution like streaming, by simultaneously driving down the cost of music and normalizing its therapeutic, prosthetic, and self-regulatory uses, increasingly cast it as a cheap resource that can be harnessed to replenish the cognitive, affective, and/or communicative energies strained by the current crisis of social reproduction.

Borrowed Time and Solidarity: The Multi-Scalar Politics of Time and Gendered Care Work

Abstract Exploring long-term residential care (Ontario, Canada), we argue that within the context of late neoliberalism, care time is political, contested, and multi-scalar. Multi-scalar time captures the way that time commodifies, disciplines, and delimits workers’ experience of care, and fractures human relations and solidarities. Drawing on data from nonprofit nursing homes in Canada, the article explores how the larger policy context of care work shapes and hinders workers’ abilities to spend time caring and building relationships with residents, how workers negotiate care provision in austere environments, and how workers use borrowed time to de-commodify care and find spaces for solidarity.

Profitable tidal flats, governable fishing communities: Assembling tidal flat fisheries in post-crisis South Korea

Tracing the discursive emergence of “tidal flat fisheries” in South Korean fisheries policy as a new orientation toward governing tidal flats and coastal fishing communities, this paper examines how crisis catalyzes the production of neoliberal socionature. Framed as a “new growth engine” of South Korea's Low Carbon Green Growth initiative, tidal flat fisheries appeared as both a way to contribute to the country's wealth and a solution to a doubly failing coastal fisheries sector plagued by declining production and aging fishers. In this paper, I argue that tidal flat fisheries as a neoliberal intervention opened underdeveloped tidal flat spaces and exclusive coastal fishing communities to intensified forms of capitalist relations and new forms of governance. Tidal flat fisheries reimagined tidal flats as potentially productive and profitable spaces in need of intensive aquaculture, and delivered a subtle representation of coastal fishing communities as inefficient and illegal, thereby irrationalizing their communal rights to tidal flats as livelihood resources. This paper highlights the role of crisis in the making of tidal flat fisheries as a context-specific, hybrid assemblage where existing discourses, actors, and programs were reconfigured to convey neoliberal rationalities of efficiency and managerial governance. Multiple crises (global and domestic, chronic and acute) and the notion of multi-faceted crisis itself were used to justify neoliberal reform in the coastal fisheries sector. The case of tidal flat fisheries in South Korea compels us to develop an account of crisis and nature in late neoliberalism. Focusing on how crisis produces neoliberal rationalities, I contend that we can advance our critique of neoliberalism beyond the dimensions of variegation to its status as a potentiality with lasting discursive and material effects.

Guest Editor's Introduction: Toward an Archaeogenealogy of Post-truth

Guest Editor's Introduction: Toward an Archaeogenealogy of Post-truth

Late Neoliberalism and its Discontents in the Economic Crisis

Late Neoliberalism and its Discontents in the Economic Crisis

The populist eruption and the urban question

ABSTRACTGeneralizing the recent experience of the United States, the common wisdom associates today’s ‘populist explosion’ with a deepening urban-rural divide, in which small towns and rural regions are seen as reservoirs of populist anger while large cities in the most prosperous areas are portrayed as strongholds of multicultural coexistence and liberal democracy. In challenging this representation, this paper underlines the ‘urban roots’ of today’s populist phenomenon in Western societies, using Italy as illustrative evidence. It is argued that cities – far from being pacified enclaves of happiness and democracy – are central to the contradictions of contemporary societies and their degenerations, reflecting an ambivalent relationship with the nation-state: potential sites of post-national democracy, on the one hand, but also spaces contributing to the current populist-white-revanchist wave sweeping Western societies, on the other hand. In doing so, the paper shows how the intersected housing and refugee crises have fomented impulses of ethnic-majority revanchism within Italy’s cities and towns in a context of late neoliberalism.

Anti-Corruption from Below. Social Movements Against Corruption in Late Neoliberalism

In the last decades, a growing awareness has emerged in progressive social movements about the relevance of corruption as a hidden factor that negatively influences political and economic decision-making processes in both liberal-democratic and authoritarian regimes. Rampant corruption has been denounced by social movements, which have developed specific diagnostic and prognostic frames as well as knowledge and practices for the social accountability of political and economic powers. This contribution maps some of the characteristics of civil society as anti-corruption actors, reflecting on the theoretical challenges they present for social movement theory and for research on corruption and anti-corruption. In order to understand the emergence and outcomes of these mobilizations against corruption, it bridges two bodies of literature which have only very rarely crossed paths: corruption studies and social movement studies. Departing from the traditional visions of anti-corruption from below within corruption studies, the article brings upon social movement studies in order to synthetize some of the main context, organizational forms and framing of (anti-)corruption in today's contentious politics.

The Young Macpherson on the Transition into Socialism and the Rise of Fascism

AbstractGiven the renewed interest in C. B. Macpherson's political theory in a time of late neo-liberalism, the aim of this article is to complement existing scholarship with a detailed account of his early thought on the transition into socialism. Against the prevailing view, I suggest that the young Macpherson outlined a theory of transition, on which the actualization of his democratic vision depended. I trace how he investigated the nature of the state in the 1930s and early 1940s and asked whether a socialist movement could gain control of state institutions and shape their policies to establish an economic democracy that could serve as a defence against fascism. As a democratic socialist, he agonized over the idea that a forcible revolution and unconstitutional measures were likely required to establish socialism. To paint my intellectual portrait, I make use of archival material from the time that has yet to be commented on.