Lack Of National Identity Research Articles

‘Mediators mediating themselves’: tensions within the family mediator profession

AbstractThe demand for family mediation to adapt and change has risen sharply in the contemporary English and Welsh family justice system. This paper focuses on a crucial, yet overlooked, barrier to reform: the tensions felt within the family mediator profession. It first provides an important overview of the introduction of family mediation in the late twentieth century, highlighting the distinction between the traditional therapeutic mediator and the subsequent lawyer mediator. Recent anecdotal evidence suggests that friction exists amongst the two mediator sub-groups, similar to earlier tensions felt between lawyers and mediators. The remainder of this paper is based on an empirical study, comprising 17 interviews with family mediators, which confirms these tensions, as well as a lack of national identity across the profession. However, the data also reveal mediators’ desire for collaboration and community within the profession. The paper is hopeful that regulatory reform can help mediators to ‘mediate themselves’ going forward, and questions whether this transition is supported by a new hybrid mediator.

PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN AFGHANISTAN

From a sociological point of view, national identity is defined as a kind of feeling and emotional belonging to a society that causes national unity and cohesion and has different material, cultural and psychological dimensions that cause societies to differ from each other. The phenomenon of Ethnicization and the formation of sub-national identities and subcultures have become doubly important in the contemporary period because factors such as territorial divisions based on national government, inequality, deprivation, ideology, and colonialism play an important role in ethnic nationalization in societies. The ethnicization of identity can be called a process in which the link between national values is weakened and the possibility of maintaining the convergence of a nation is endangered. What is true of national identity in Afghanistan is that no deep link has yet been established between nationalities and ethnicities with national territory, values, and culture. The identity crisis in Afghanistan has been more focused on the social segregation of groups and has not yet reached the stage of disintegration. Lack of national identity has left negative consequences in the development of concepts such as national unity, national participation, and social justice and has prevented the formation of civic nationalism.

Salvation and villain : the role of Europe in Austrian politics and the rise of the radical right

“Europe” played a significant role in the rise of right-wing populism in Austria, by representing first a counter example to the Austrian model and subsequently an external threat, both of which allowed the right-wing populist Freedom Party to mobilize people and form a disparate coalition of voters. As this article argues however, this was less a question of ideology. As principally a populist party concerned with maximizing its success at the game of elections, the FPÖ always flexibly adapted its position to take advantage of the political opportunities that presented themselves in an evolving Union and a changing Europe. However, the Freedom Party was only able to do so because its leadership, especially Jörg Haider, was keenly aware of the ambiguity in the relationship between Austria and Europe, benefiting from Austria’s historical skepticism of Western modernity, its relative isolation from Atlanticist Europe, its ambivalence toward liberal market economies, and its lack of national identity. For all parties in Austrian politics, “Europe” thus served as an escape mechanism, an instrument of political mobilization, and an image projecting either modernity or an alien threat.

Race and Identity: Appraisals in France of Meyerbeer on his 1891 Centenary

This article examines the ways in which critics and music historians in the Third Republic wrote about Meyerbeer's national and racial identity focusing particularly on the period around the time of the centenary of his birth, the period just before the explosion of the Dreyfus affair. The centenary of Meyerbeer's birth was celebrated in November 1891, by a performance to a packed audience at the Paris Opéra. Critics marked the centenary by writing substantial articles about Meyerbeer.Although many of Meyerbeer's contemporary critics conferred honorary French citizenship on him, by 1891 a significant number saw him as lacking any national identity. This should be seen in the context of a period in which French composers were intensely debating the issue of their own national identity, and clearly since the Franco-Prussian war, they were no longer so complacent about welcoming a German as a Frenchman. Yet the perceptions of Meyerbeer's lack of national identity were also often motivated by negative associations of Meyerbeer as Jew.Derogatory stereotypes of the Jewish composer are present in Meyerbeer criticism from the July Monarchy onwards, but in the early days of the Third Republic they change slightly in focus and also, as might be expected, become more overtly stated. This article presents a brief overview of this change in focus and concentrates on a number of discrete topics: eclecticism, nationhood, originality and artistic capitulation. The examination of this last topic leads to a short discussion of the impact of Wagner on the musical world at this time, and the effect that this had on Meyerbeer reception. The centenary celebrations occurred only two months after the success ofLohengrinat the Opéra (16 September 1891) and the proximity of the two events caused many critics to ponder whether the celebrations marked the end of Meyerbeer's reign at the Opéra and the beginning of the reign of Wagner. The centenary event forced critics to take a position on Meyerbeer's current standing in the operatic world.

Why and how East Germans rebelled

Why and how East Germans rebelled