Labour Force Occupation Research Articles

Lifestyle and occupational factors associated with participation in colorectal cancer screening among men and women in Australia

This study explores the associations between lifestyle and occupational factors and participation in colorectal cancer (CRC) screening among men and women aged 50 and over and living in Australia. We used weighted data from the Australian National Health Survey 2014–15 to produce population estimates. Lifestyle variables investigated were smoking, physical activity, alcohol consumption, fruit and vegetable consumption, and body mass index, while the occupational variables were labour force status, occupation, and participation in shift work. Using weighted data, 1,990,287 men (55%) and 1,898,232 women (49%) reported ever-screening for CRC. Female current smokers were less likely to report ever-screening for CRC (adjusted RR = 0.78, 95% CI 0.64–0.96), as were men who were less physically active (aRR = 0.87, 95% CI 0.78–0.97), reported no alcohol consumption (aRR = 0.73, 95% CI 0.59–0.91), and reported eating more vegetables (aRR = 0.84, 95% CI 0.72–0.99). When lifestyle behaviours were combined into a healthy lifestyle index score, a significant trend was observed for both men and women, whereby those who reported engaging in more healthy behaviours were more likely to have ever-screened for CRC (p = .027 men; p < .001 women). No associations were observed between CRC screening and occupational variables. This is the first comprehensive assessment of the lifestyle and occupational factors associated with participation in CRC screening among men and women in Australia. Participation in CRC screening was greater among those engaging in more healthy behaviours, suggesting that an individual's pattern of lifestyle behaviours may be important in determining screening participation. These results have important implications for public health strategies on improving CRC screening participation.

The Impact on the Ownership Restructuring of the Labour Force Occupation in Romania

This article aims to catch some aspects regarding the evolution of Romanian labour force occupation in the last 24 years in the context of ownership restructuring. In Romania, this process proved to be a particular problem, with major impact in all areas such as economic, social, environmental, cultural, education. The ownership restructuring process results were the basic premise of the acknowledgement of market economy in Romania, of the market and its mechanisms. The transition from a centralized, planned economy based on control principles to an economy based on market principles meant radical changes of the entire inherited building structures, thus on the labour force occupation. Once Romania joined the European Union, we had to get in line with the European standards and social policies, the first steps requiring the abandon of the social clauses included in the shares selling contracts of the Romanian state-owned companies.We will try to analyze what were the effects of ownership restructuring over the economic activities of privatized companies, if the maintenance of social clauses lead to labour force distortion with effects on the labour force occupation, to a deficiency in implementing effectiveness in economic activities or even business closures.

Structural Modernisation of Economy and Occupation of the Labour Force in Romania

Structure of the occupied population has sensibly changed over the last decades, and theprocess is far from being over; some of the structural displacements are inscribed on the normal courseof evolution to occupational structures specific to developed economies, while others are confusingand atypical. But all of them occurred because of the economic downfall. The negative rate of increaseof the Romanian population which started in the years ’90, has already decreased population by 10%.To this it is added the labour force migration, estimated between one and two million people of thelabour force population, among which most of them are short-term. Most of the immigrants are stillincluded in the labour force statistics as inactive, but they are absent from the labour force fromRomania, which makes attaining of the 2020 Strategy objective more difficult and might be partiallyresponsible for the slow progress of the labour force occupation rate in Romania.

"Evolutions Of Unemployment Among The Young Over The Economic And Financial Downturn "

The downturn on the global financial markets that struck the world economy in the mid 2008 affected the world economy in its whole, nevertheless, it also had a great impact upon the labour force market in the European countries. After several years of economic growth and of relatively high labour force occupation rate, this caused EU to register levels of decrease that had not been registered for decades. It is crucial to know the unemployment rate among the young in order to transform the young into active persons by means of specific policies aimed at this population category. The difficulties met by the young on the labour market have significant consequences upon their standard of living, upon their families and upon the national or international communities to which they belong. The most important effects of the young's inactivity are: the risk of poverty, the incapacity to play an active role in the development of the society, the lack of freedom in changing the society of which they form part. This work presents a short analysis of the unemployment among the young at world level, at the European Union's level and Romania's level. The current economic recession imposed and still imposes on the EU member states' governments to strongly interfere on the labour force market, especially in the field of youth occupancy. This work also deals with several of the measures adopted by different European states for the reduction of the unemployment rate among the young as well as for their introduction on the labour market.

Taking advantage of the 2010 population census round to strengthen the global evidence base on the health workforce

There is an increasing body of evidence of a strong correlation between the density of trained health workers in a country and improved population health outcomes. Yet many countries lack sufficient numbers and equitable distribution of skilled health workers to deliver essential health interventions, such as immunization and skilled attendance at delivery. The World Health Organization estimates that there are 57 countries, mostly located in sub-Saharan Africa, with crisislevel shortages of doctors, nurses, midwives and other health workers (WHO, 2006). An increasing number of stakeholders – including international and national agencies, non-governmental organizations and the general public – have become sensitive to the importance of planning, developing and strengthening the health workforce in order to meet national and global health and development goals, including the healthrelated Millennium Development Goals. With only five years left until the 2015 deadline to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, 2010 presents a critical opportunity for action to increase investment and support to countries to strengthen their health systems, including their health workforce, to deliver primary health services. Despite the undoubted importance of monitoring the health workforce and impacts on population health outcomes, the empirical evidence to support policy formulation is often fragmented. Many sources can potentially produce information relevant to this issue but remain underused in health research, especially among lowand middleincome countries. Falling into this category are national population censuses. Population censuses with questions on labour force activity and occupation can be a key source for statistics describing the health workforce, providing a comprehensive snapshot of the stock and distribution of health workers in a country (GUPTA et al., 2003; LAVALLEE, et al., 2009). However there are few (if any) documented experiences of health sector planners, managers and policy-makers capitalizing on this resource to inform decision making. In most cases, ministries of health rely exclusively on administrative data sources such as facility staffing records and registries of professional regulatory bodies. While these sources offer many advantages compared to populationbased sources, including being locally available and generally easy to use among non-specialist audiences, having and using a range of data from different sources can help present a fuller picture and minimize the risk of making decisions based on statistics that are incomplete or biased (ABOUZAHR et al., 2007). In Brazil, like many other countries, population censuses are conducted about once every ten years. The last census for which data are currently available, conducted in the year 2000, included questions on occupation among household members of age of economic activity. The coding of responses, as mapped to the national classification of occupations, allowed for statistical delineation and analysis of those with a health-related occupation, such as medical doctors, nutritionists and nursing auxiliaries. As in many other countries, the national classification holds as reference the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO).

Some principles for a system of socio-demographic statistics

The changing volume and composition of demand for social statistics indicates a need to so arrange statistical products that important interrelations among major population characteristics and institutional operations can be more effectively reflected. The System of Social and Demographic Statistics (or SSDS) concentrates upon the major characteristics and activities of Canadians as they pass through the life cycle, and upon the operations, costs and benefits of the social institutions that partly regulate such passage. Essentially SSDS is a collection of related data files, concepts, classification schemes, accounts or other measures dealing with socio-economic and demographic processes for Canada and its important sub-populations. A data file, and its associated concepts, statistical accounts or other measures, and its storage-retrieval system, form a module of SSDS. The organization of data will facilitate the estimation of appropriate coefficients reflecting relations among relevant statistical series both within and between modules. The subject-matter scope of SSDS is seen as forming three spheres of observation. The first contains data on individuals, families and households. The second refers to observations concerning the operations, costs and benefits of major social institutions that partly regulate the manner of life-cycle passage by individuals and families. The third sphere deals with inventories of the nature and conditions of important facilities created for social benefit by the above-mentioned institutions. Considerable emphasis is placed on mapping patterns of change in important demographic and socio-economic characteristics; particularly in the fields of migration, fertility, marital status, education, labour force status, occupation, industry and health.

A REVIEW OF THE FACTOR-ANALYTIC STUDIES ON URBAN SYSTEMS FOR FIVE COUNTRIES

The use of quantitative methods has become popular among Japanese geographers, since they have a tradition of statistical analyses back to 1930's. In order to promote the knowledge of such methods, the attention is drawn to the possibilities offered by factor analysis. This analysis may provide an objective solution to the problem of urban geography such as a comparative study of urban systems in different countries. This paper reviews the comparability of urban systems extracted from factor-analytic studies done in five countries, namely the United States, Japan, England and Wales, India and Canada. These include studies by Price (1942), Yasuda (1959), Moser and Scott (1961), Hadden and Borgatta (1965), Ahmad (1965), King (1966), Yamaguchi (1967), and Ray and Murdie (1968). The author presents in the last section a summary of the application to Japan in 1967. His analysis of 189 cities used 50 variables such as area, population structure, population change, education, labour force status, industry and occupation, household size and composition, and journey to work. As a result, the first component (20.1%) was regarded as reflecting social status and the second component (16.4%) was related to urban economic base. The third component was closely associated with employment status of working population and the fourth component was strongly associated with urban centrality. The first four components altogether accounted for 59.6 % of the total variance. In conclusion, at least one thing which was common to the studies mentioned above, excluding the case of Ahmad, was the existence of socio-economic status level playing a predominantly discriminating role among cities. However, variables highly associated with this factor would explain the difference and similarity of its function within each urban system of the country studied.