L2 Initial State Research Articles

Accounting for the asymmetrical interpretation of thematic and non-thematic verbs in L2 English

AbstractThis study presents data from an experiment on the interpretation of thematic and non-thematic verbs in second language (L2) English by three groups of adult native Chinese speakers and a group of native English speakers. English allows non-thematic verbs to raise but requires thematic verbs to remainin-situ. In contrast, neither thematic nor non-thematic verbs are allowed to raise in Chinese. The results indicate that there is a discrepancy between native and non-native mental representations of the grammars concerned; whereas native grammars require English thematic verbs to remainin-situbut allow non-thematic verbs to raise, neither thematic nor non-thematic verbs are allowed to raise in learners L2 English grammars. Results of the study argue against theValueless Features Hypothesis(Eubank 1993/94. On the transfer of parametric values in L2 development.Language Acquisition3. 183–208, 1994. Optionality and the initial state in L2 development. In T. Hoekstra & B. Schwartz (eds),Language acquisition studies in generative grammar: Papers in Honour of Kenneth Wexler from the 1991 GLOW Workshop, 369–388. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1996. Negation in early German-English interlanguage: More valueless features in the L2 initial state.Second Language Research12. 73–106.), which posits that the L1 syntactic features of INFL are initially inert and are not transferred. Instead, the results support theInterpretability Hypothesis(Tsimpli and Dimitrakopoulou 2007. The interpretability hypothesis: Evidence from wh-interrogatives in second language acquisition.Second Language Research23. 215–242.), which argues for the inaccessibility of uninterpretable syntactic features beyond a critical period. In particular, it is argued that uninterpretable syntactic features not selected during early stages of primary language acquisition become inaccessible in subsequent language acquisition. The results suggest that there may be cases where apparent target-like performance conceals non-target-like underlying competence.

Acquiring the Scope of Disjunction and Negation in L2: A Bidirectional Study of Learners of Japanese and English

While L1 transfer and L2 learnability have been studied extensively in the domain of syntax and the syntax/semantics interface, purely semantic phenomena have received little attention in the L2 literature. This paper presents two experiments examining the relative scope assigned to disjunction and negation by English-speaking learners of Japanese (Experiment 1) and Japanese-speaking learners of English (Experiment 2). Previous evidence from L1 acquisition shows a protracted initial default for the interpretation of the relative scope of disjunction and negation. Our results show no such default in L2 acquisition, contra the predictions of Epstein et al. (1996). Instead, we find evidence of L1 transfer, suggesting ‘Full Transfer’ at the L2 initial state extends to the domain of semantics. Results also show uneven success in the two L2 groups, which is explained through the different learnability scenarios that arise as a result of transfer and the availability of positive evidence in the L2 input.

The Acquisition of Subset and Superset Phonotactic Knowledge in a Second Language

Can second language (L2) learners acquire a grammar that allows a subset of the structures allowed by their native grammar? This question is addressed here with respect to acquisition of phonotactics. On the assumption that the L2 initial state equals the native grammar's final state, learnability theory would predict that a lack of negative evidence for phonotactic structures that are illegal in the target language precludes acquisition of the target grammar. This prediction is tested for L1-Russian (superset) and L1-Spanish (subset) L2 learners of Dutch by means of word-likeness judgments and lexical decision experiments. Participants responded to nonwords containing consonant clusters in onsets and codas that are legal (1) only in Russian, (2) only in Russian and Dutch, or (3) in all three languages. The results converge to show that advanced L1-Russian and L1-Spanish L2 learners possess native-like phonotactic knowledge. Analysis shows that this knowledge cannot be attributed to transfer of lexical statistics from the native language. The results suggest that L2 phonotactic acquisition is not affected by subset/superset relations between the native language and target language. Some possible explanations for our findings are discussed.

Second language acquisition of Italian accusative and dative clitics

This experimental study investigates the acquisition of Italian accusative and dative clitics by English adult speakers. These pronouns are non-existent in English. Results from a grammaticality judgement task show that Italian accusative and dative clitics develop slowly but gradually in Italian second language (L2) grammars. Interestingly, the placement properties appear to develop earlier than their case properties. The possible implications of these findings for theories of the L2 initial state are considered.

Another Take on the L2 Initial State: Evidence From Comprehension in L2 German

The nature of the initial state in second-language (L2) acquisition is a much debated but still unresolved issue, due in part to the empirical problem of obtaining production data from L2 learners at very early stages in development. In an attempt to circumvent this problem, this article presents evidence from a comprehension-based experiment involving 17 adult English-speaking learners of German at the initial state. The experiment investigates learners' interpretations of ambiguous wh-questions (e.g., Was beisst die Katze? 'What is biting the cat?/What is the cat biting?') ina picture interpretation task. The results present clear evidence against the Minimal Trees hypothesis (Vainikka and Young-Scholten (1994; 1996a; 1996b)), which proposes that early L2 grammars lack functional categories, while lending support to a Full Transfer position (e.g., Schwartz and Sprouse (1994; 1996)), which holds that the L1 grammar as a whole constitutes the L2 initial state.

Bilingual education & biligualism

05–543Aguilar-Sánchez, Jorge (INTESOL, Indianapolis, USA; students@intesol.org), English in Costa Rica. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 161–172.05–544Campbell, Jamie I. D. (U of Saskatchewan, Canada; Jamie.Campbell@usask.ca), Asymmetrical language switching costs in Chinese–English bilinguals' number naming and simple arithmetic. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge, UK) 8.1 (2005), 39–61.05–545Cohen, Roger (U of Guam, The Territory of Guam, USA), English in Mongolia. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 203–216.05–546Curco, Carmen (National Autonomous U of Mexico, Mexico), Code switching and identity in the discourse of Catalan immigrants in Mexico. AILA Review (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 18 (2005), 18–40.05–547Dimova, Slobodanka (Purdue U, USA; dimova@purdue.edu), English in Macedonia. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 187–202.05–548Edwards, Viv (U of Reading, UK) & Lynda Pritchard Newcombe, Language transmission in the family in Wales: an example of innovative language planning. Language Problems and Language Planning (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 29.2 (2005), 135–150.05–549Francis, Norbert (Northern Arizona U, Flagstaff, USA; norbert.francis@nau.edu), Research findings on early first language attrition: implications for the discussion on critical periods in language acquisition. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA) 55.3 (2005), 491–531.05–550García Mayo, María del Pilar (U del País Vasco, Vitoria, Spain; mariapilar.garciamayo@ehu.es), Amparo Lázaro Ibarrola & Juana M. Liceras, Placeholders in the English interlanguage of bilingual (Basque/Spanish) children. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA) 55.3 (2005), 445–489.05–551Gómez, Leo, David Freeman & Yvonne Freeman (U of Texas Pan American, USA), Dual language education: a promising 50–50 model. Bilingual Research Journal (Tempe, AZ, USA) 29.1 (2005), 145–164.05–552Guion, Susan G. (U of Oregon, Eugene, USA; guion@uoregon.edu), Knowledge of English word stress patterns in early and late Korean–English bilinguals. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK) 27.4 (2005), 503–533.05–553Hilgendorf, Suzanne K. (Detroit, USA; s.k.hilgendorf@wayne.edu), ‘Brain Gain statt[instead of]Brain Drain’: the role of English in German education. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.1 (2005), 53–67.05–554Johnson, Eric (Arizona State U, USA), Proposition 203: a critical metaphor analysis. Bilingual Research Journal (Tempe, AZ, USA) 29.1 (2005), 69–84.05–555Leung, Yan-kit Ingrid (U of Essex, UK; ileung@essex.ac.uk), L2 vs. L3 initial state: a comparative study of the acquisition of French DPs by Vietnamese monolinguals and Cantonese–English bilinguals. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge, UK) 8.1 (2005), 39–61.05–556Montrul, Silvina (U of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA; montrul@uiuc.edu), Second language acquisition and first language loss in adult early bilinguals: exploring some differences and similarities. Second Language Research (London, UK) 21.3 (2005), 199–249.05–557Nickels, Edelmira L. (Indiana U, USA; eoquendo@indiana.edu), English in Puerto Rico. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 227–238.05–558Nicoladis, Elena (U of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada; elenan@ualberta.ca), The acquisition of complex deverbal words by a French–English bilingual child. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA) 55.3 (2005), 415–443.05–559Oakes, Leigh (Queen Mary, U of London, UK), From internationalisation to globalisation: language and the nationalist revival in Sweden. Language Problems and Language Planning (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 29.2 (2005), 151–176.05–560Rolstad, Kellie, Kate S. Mahoney & Gene V. Glass (Arizona State U, USA), Weighing the evidence: a meta-analysis of bilingual education in Arizona. Bilingual Research Journal (Tempe, AZ, USA) 29.1 (2005), 43–67.05–561Tan, Peter K. W. (National U of Singapore, Singapore), The medium-of-instruction debate in Malaysia: English as a Malaysian language?Language Problems and Language Planning (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 29.1 (2005), 47–66.05–562Thordardottir, Elin T. (McGill U, Montreal, Canada; elin.thordardottir@mcgill.ca), Early lexical and syntactic development in Quebec French and English: implications for cross-linguistic and bilingual assessment. International Journal of Language & Communication Disorders (London, UK) 40.3 (2005), 243–278.05–563Ustinova, Irina P. (Murray State U, USA; irina.ustinova@murraystate.edu), English in Russia. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 239–252.05–564Valdés, Guadalupe (Stanford U, USA; gvaldes@stanford.edu), Bilingualism, heritage language learners, and SLA research: opportunities lost or seized?The Modern Language Journal (Malden, MA, USA) 89.3 (2005), 410–426.

L2 vs. L3 initial state: A comparative study of the acquisition of French DPs by Vietnamese monolinguals and Cantonese–English bilinguals

This paper compares the initial state of second language acquisition (L2A) and third language acquisition (L3A) from the generative linguistics perspective. We examine the acquisition of the Determiner Phrase (DP) by two groups of beginning French learners: an L2 group (native speakers of Vietnamese who do not speak any English) and an L3 group (native speakers of Cantonese who are also proficient L2 English users). Two current competing models in the field of theoretical second language acquisition, namely Full Transfer Full Access (FTFA) and the Failed Functional Features Hypothesis (FFFH) are compared and their extension to L3A evaluated. Results point to full transfer of L1 in the L2 initial state and partial transfer of L2 in the L3 initial state. The L3 group performed significantly better than the L2 group on most of the properties tested. We suggest that these findings are not totally consistent with either FTFA or FFFH, but argue that they crucially demonstrate that L3A is not simply another case of L2A because transfer in L3A does not necessarily always come from L1.

From Data to Theory: the Over‐Representation of Linguistic Knowledge in SLA

AbstractThis article deals with the over‐representation of syntactic knowledge in L2 learner data. In early L2 grammars, multimorphemic sequences which go well beyond learners’ grammatical competence are very common. Influential theories of the L2 initial state have failed to take proper account of this phenomenon, claiming the apparent presence of, e.g., finite verb forms, wh questions and clitics, as evidence for functional projections from the start of L2 acquisition. However, data from early learners show that these properties are not present outside chunks initially, and that early grammars consist of lexical projections and formulaic sequences, showing no evidence of functional categories.

Where are the minimal trees? Evidence from early Zulu L2 subordination

The Minimal Trees Hypothesis (Vainikka and Young-Scholten 1994; 1996a; 1996b) proposes that second language (L2) initial state grammars lack functional categories because functional categories are not subject to transfer effects. The aim of this article is to argue that, to some extent, functional categories instantiated in the learner's first language (L1) transfer to the initial state of L2 syntactic development. On the basis of Zulu interlanguage (IL) data on the acquisition of the obligatory declarative complementizer ukuthi(‘that’) by English native speakers, it is argued that Comp contains a null complementizer system which has sufficient syntactic content to generate subordination in the learners' initial Zulu IL grammar. Regarding transfer of functional categories, it is suggested that null Comp evident at the Zulu L2 initial state is transferred from English, the subjects' L1.

Stable and developmental optionality in native and non-native Hungarian grammars

The existence of optionality is well attested in natural languages. It can be defined as the coexistence of two variants of a given construction with identical Logical Form (LF) representations within the same grammatical system. The existence of optionality within both stable (native and non-native) and developing grammars seems to contradict the fundamental claim of the Minimalist Program (MP). In the MP, syntactic optionality is excluded within the computational system because of economy principles which require an ‘optimal realization of interface conditions' (Chomsky, 1995: 171).As a result, movement is possible only if it is necessary. Movement which is possible but not necessary (i.e., truly optional) is not permitted. Thus, at the level of competence, optionality may occur precisely because neither alternative qualifies as a unique optimal realization of interface conditions.This article presents evidence from the grammaticality intuitions of native speakers and English-speaking second language (L2) learners of Hungarian about optional and categorical constructions. It is argued that while often observed, stable native optionality is highly restricted and difficult to capture. This might be due to the fact that developmental L1 optionality disappears when the input that children receive is sufficient and/or sufficiently robust. Where the input is not sufficient, optionality lingers on, creating fuzzy grammars and borderline cases in grammaticality. However, such stable native optionality may eventually be resolved by categorization (one alternative is expunged from the grammar) or by semantic differentiation (leading to quasi-optionality).While stable native optionality is unpredictable, developmental optionality is relatively predictable in both early and end-state non-native grammars. The nature of early L2 optionality depends on the characteristics of the initial state. Advanced and end-state non-native optionality persists only if the target language input is non-robust or parametrically ambiguous. Therefore the resolution of optionality at ultimate attainment depends not only on the L2 initial state but also on the intrinsic nature of the primary linguistic data that the learners are exposed to. It is well known that the evidence L2 learners receive is qualitatively different from that obtained by first language (L1) acquirers, and quantitatively limited compared to it. This, in conjunction with the hypotheses created initially, may lead to non-native-like representations that are nonoptimal realizations of the interface conditions. In the face of non-robust and parametrically ambiguous data, L2 learners are either found to fall back on L1 values or resort to general learning strategies, thus ultimately exhibiting divergent representations in end-state grammars.

The second language instinct

Abstract This paper proposes that the notion ‘language instinct’ appropriately characterizes nonnative language (L2) acquisition in two distinct ways. I argue that like native language (L1) development, L2 development, even by adults, relies on language instincts — despite L1-L2 differences at intermediate stages and in ultimate attainment – and that a primary source of L1-L2 differences is differences in their respective initial states. A variety of acquisition data, from the L2 child, the L2 adolescent and the L2 adult, are used to illustrate and assess three models that adopt this general characterization of L2 acquisition: Minimal Trees (Vainikka and Young-Scholten, 1994), Weak Transfer (Eubank, 1993/94) and Full Transfer/Full Access (Schwartz and Sprouse, 1996). These proposals differ on the extent of L1 influence, i.e., on the representation of the L2 initial state, and I show that the L2 data support Full Transfer/Full Access.

Tweede-Taalverwerving in Discussie

Universal aspects of L2 learner varieties are currently being discussed with respect to the issue of the 'L2-initial state'. Minimal Tree (Vainikka & Young-Scholten, 1996), Full Transfer/ Full Access (Schwartz & Sprouse, 1996) and Valueless Features approach (Eubank, 1996) are three approaches that provide theoretical linguistic explanations of L2 acquisition based on UG. They differ with respect to the way in which LI-instantiated knowledge is assumed to influence L2 acquisition. The aim of the Basic Variety approach (Klein & Perdue, 1997) is to explain cross-linguistically similar phenomena of L2 learning on the basis of universal of semantic, pragmatic and configurational constraints. It claims to account for both the simplicity and stability of learner varieties. One can expect these approaches to contribute to our knowledge of L2 developmental processes in the following areas of research. First, there is the question of the relation between the data and linguistic theory. Are native-speaker and nonnative-speaker knowledge of the same knowledge type? Schwartz (1994) argues that both LI and L2 acquisition are UG based. The question, however, is how to determine UG involvement in L2 acquisition on empirical grounds. Second, universality of developmental processes of L2 acquisition is a matter of discussion. UG-based approaches differ with respect to the degree to which the presence of the instantiated LI grammar influences the acquisition of L2 syntax. In Basic Variety approach, universal principles are determined crosslinguistically. They are of a pragmatic, semantic, and configurational nature. Third, Basic Variety provides an explicit account of what constitutes a simple language system. It represents a 'potential fossilization point' because it is not only a simple but also a stable system. Conflicts between constraints, i.e., possible sources of instability, are avoided. In the Full Transfer/Full Access approach, fossilization is due to problems of learnability. Restructuring an LI-induced grammar is problematic because negative evidence seems to be irrelevant, and in some cases, L2 input is highly obscure, i.e., very complex and/or very rare. Fourth, UG-based approaches differ with respect to the role of the LI. In the Minimal Tree and the Valueless Features approach, it is restricted to the initial stages, i.e., the structure of lexical projections. For Full Transfer/ Full Access, it may be relevant in every stage of L2 acquisition. Basic Variety leaves room for crosslinguistic influence only in the early stages of acquisition. When more options are available, L2 learners seem to take the alternative closest to their LI. Fifth, the question of the driving force has never been explicitly posed within UG-based approaches. This is probably because triggering, parameter setting, and feature strengthening exposure to the target language is regarded as trivial. Development in the Basic Variety approach is caused by intrinsic factors, such as discourse contexts where constraints come into conflict. In such situations, the learner has two possibilities: either to 'override' one of the constraints or develop specific means to accommodate the 'competition'. In addition, another motivation is suggested: the need to solve structural ambiguities. Categorization in terms of syntactic functions such as subject, object, predicate, noun, verb, adjective, etc., solves ambiguity through hierarchical structuring.

The Status of a Nonparametrized Principle in the L2 Initial State

In this article, I report an experimental study that examines the role that Universal Grammar (UG) plays in the early stages of the acquisition of Japanese as a second language (L2) by adult learners. The study addresses the issue of whether a nonparametrized principle of UG that is instantiated in the first language (L1) is active enough in the early stages of L2 learning to apply to phenomena for which there are no counterparts in the L1. The phenomenon investigated here involves case particle deletion in Japanese. The nominative case and accusative case contrast in terms of their omissibility--the latter can be freely dropped, whereas the former cannot. This contrast is regulated by the Empty Category Principle--a principle that exists in essentially the same form in English but that applies to a very different set of phenomena in that language. Not only did the L2 learners exhibit a statistically significant difference in the deletability of the nominative and the accusative cases, consistent with t...

What is the 'L2 initial state'?

What is the 'L2 initial state'?

Negation in early German-English Interlanguage: more Valueless Features in the L2 initial state

In Eubank (1993/94), I argued that the apparent syntactic optionality one observes in, for example, the placement of medial adverbs vis-à-vis thematic verbs in French-English Interlanguage can be explained if one assumes that the relevant parametric values of French do not transfer into the English L2 initial state. What one finds instead is a nonvalue of sorts, which I dubbed <inert>. In this article, I extend this view of 'Valueless Features' by examining data from Wode (1981) on the L2 acquisition of English by speakers of German. In fact, what I show here is that, in spite of important differences between the French-English and the German-English data, Valueless Features extends in a fairly natural way. In addition, however, I also examine two views that differ from Valueless Features, namely, the Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis of Schwartz and Sprouse (e.g., 1994) and the Minimal Trees of Vainikka and Young-Scholten (1994). Here, a careful review of the acquisitional data - either the French-English data or the German-English data - suggests that these views may not be as straightforward as they may otherwise appear.

L2 cognitive states and the Full Transfer/Full Access model

This article is a defence of the Full Transfer/Full Access (FT/FA) model. FT/FA hypothesizes that the initial state of L2 acquisition is the final state of L1 acquisition (Full Transfer) and that failure to assign a representation to input data will force subsequent restructurings, drawing from options of UG (Full Access). We illustrate the FT/FA model by reviewing our analysis of the developmental Turkish-German Interlanguage data of Schwartz and Sprouse (1994) and then turn to other data that similarly receive straightforward accounts under FT/FA. We also consider two other competing hypotheses, both of which accept Full Access but not Full Transfer: the Minimal Trees hypothesis (no transfer of functional categories) of Vainikka and Young-Scholten (1994; 1996) and the Weak Transfer hypothesis (no transfer of the values associated with functional categories) of Eubank (1993/94). We provide an example of (extremely robust) L2 acquisition data that highlight the inadequacy of the Minimal Trees hypothesis in regard to stages of Interlanguage subsequent to the L2 initial state. As for Weak Transfer, we show that the morphosyntactic empirical foundations which drive the entire approach are flawed; hence the Weak Transfer hypothesis remains without motivation. Finally, we consider several conceptual issues relating to transfer. These all argue that the FT/FA model provides the most coherent picture of the L2 initial cognitive state. In short, FT/FA embodies the most suitable programme for understanding comparative Interlanguage development.