Kurdish Citizens Research Articles

The Islamic Republic of Iran’s Multipronged Approach to the Repression of Kurds

Since the establishment of the modern Iranian nation-state in 1923, successive regimes and governments of Iran have pursued an intricate policy of suppressing and persecuting its Kurdish people, presenting a significant threat to the Kurdish national identity, culture, and society. The successive Iranian regimes have, along with military means, employed the state’s cultural, educational, religious, and economic institutions to accomplish their goals of assimilating and conquering the Kurds. An examination of Kurdish history and politics in Iran reveals that while the international community has some knowledge of the Iranian state’s extensive deployment of military force and explicit militarization of Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), the broader psychological and nonmilitary (soft power) practices employed to suppress the Kurdish movement, identity, and culture are lesser known to the outside world. By focusing on mass media and policies of “divide-and-rule” as measures and mechanisms used by the Iranian state to subdue its Kurdish citizens, this article aims to provide an analysis of the post-1979 state-Kurdish relationships in Iran.

Psychological Well-Being of Displaced Iraqis (A Comparative Study)

The current study aims to compare the level of psychological well-being and its six sub-components (self-acceptance, independence, social relations with others, purposeful life, personal growth, and environmental empowerment) between the displaced Iraqis residing in the Kurdistan Region and the Kurdish citizens in the region and to know the statistically significant differences in psychological well-being For the displaced Iraqis according to the variables (age, gender, educational level, and socio-economic status). The study was conducted on a sample consisting of (240) displaced Iraqis, and (240) Kurdish citizens. The descriptive-analytical approach was used based on the scale of Psychological wellbeing by Ryff (1989), which consists of (84) items and was developed at the University of Wisconsin Medical Center and was renewed in 2002. According to the results of the analysis, the level of psychological well-being among the displaced Iraqis is less than the level of psychological well-being among the Kurds. Furthermore, a significant difference was found between the psychological well-being of the displaced Iraqis and the Kurdish citizens in each of its six dimensions. The results also indicated a significant difference in the psychological well-being of the displaced Iraqis according to the gender variable. The study also found that there was a lack of a significant difference in the psychological well-being of the displaced Iraqis according to the variable (age, educational level, social and economic status). In light of these results, the researcher presented some recommendations.

Determination of Potassium Bromate in Bread Brands in Sulaimani City, Kurdistan-Iraq

Bread is the most consumed and staple food in many countries worldwide. It is made from dough of flour such as wheat and barley, and water. It usually contains flour improver potassium bromate (KBrO3) which is used by bakers. However, many studies have confirmed the deleterious effects of KBrO3 on human health. Therefore, this study aimed to determine the rate of KBrO3 in five main types of bread in Sulaimani city, Kurdistan-Iraq. The duration of the study was from August 2021 to November 2021. Thirty bread samples were collected from five main products that are extremely consumed by Kurdish citizens. The bread-type products were bakery bread (Nani frn), white hamburger bread (Samun), white bread known as Kurdish bread (Nani Hawrami), pizza, and brown barley bread. Single beam UV–visible spectrophotometer APEL-303 was used for the quantification of KBrO3 in bread samples. The results found that all 30 samples were had KBrO3 residues in their products with different concentrations. Samples of brown barley bread were having the least content of KBrO3 while samples from pizza dough were having the highest concentration of KBrO3. The present study concludes that all bread samples from five major bread types had potassium bromate above the permitted levels allowed by the United States Food and Drug Agency (FDA).

Distributive politics and electoral competition for the Kurdish vote

ABSTRACT Competition for the Kurdish vote has been important in contemporary Turkish politics. Focusing on the non-contributory health insurance program in the early period of AKP rule, this article shows that this competition also affected the distribution of benefits. Kurdish citizens’ likelihood of holding a Green Card increased with the competitiveness of the district between the AKP and Kurdish-oriented parties. The number of Green Cards and social spending were also higher when a Kurdish-oriented party posed an electoral challenge. These findings reveal the electoral calculation behind AKP’s strategy of favoring Kurdish voters as well as the importance of political organization for the minority group’s access to benefits.

Inside Outsiders: Comparing State Policies Towards Citizens of Palestinian and Kurdish Descent in Israel and Turkey

ABSTRACT This study compares state policies of Israel and Turkey regarding their citizens of Palestinian and Kurdish descent, respectively. It then explores the reasons for the differences and points at the consequences for Israel’s and Turkey’s democracy. Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have faced systematic discrimination. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies vis-à-vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. While applying different methods in defining the boundaries of Israeli and Turkish ethnicity, both Israel and Turkey have refused to view members of these groups as equal citizens. Awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty-dilution fears in Israel and of Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of a transnational community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into ‘inside outsiders’. This has deprived them of fundamental constitutional rights and limited the prospects of democratic consolidation in both states.

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Autocratic Legalism In New Turkey

Autocratic Legalism In New Turkey Ayşe Kadıoğlu (bio) In the dark timesWill there also be singing?Yes, there will also be singingAbout the dark times —Bertolt Brecht ([1936–38] 1976, 320) the colossal building we entered made us feel like insignificant specks. We began to follow the signs on the walls towards our destination. Suddenly I heard the familiar voice of a young colleague: "Hello, Professor, it is so good to see you here. Do you need any directions?" Without waiting for my reply, she continued: "Some of our colleagues are waiting downstairs. Another group from our university is on the fifth floor. We can hear their session in half an hour. Would you like to go up there?" Soon we were up on the fifth floor and surrounded by colleagues, some shaking hands, some hugging. I looked down the enormous atrium at the center of the building and spotted several familiar faces of colleagues on different floors walking hastily in different directions. There were women and men in gowns accompanying them. My young colleague said, "This session seems delayed. I am afraid I will miss it since I will have to go to my own session soon. I hope all goes well." She smiled reservedly. I could see the clouds of worry in her eyes when she spoke. She seemed anxious when she said, "If we ever get to that point, I prepared to give a defense for 10 minutes." "Good luck," I said while looking firmly into her eyes, gesturing my confidence and pride in her. The worry in her eyes disappeared momentarily. She put her head up and walked away. [End Page 445] This could have been a scene at an interdisciplinary annual academic convention. We could have been scholars walking to our panel sessions on different floors and in rooms of a large hotel chosen as the convention venue. My young colleague could have been anxious about the paper she was about to deliver in a panel. But, no, we were not at an annual academic convention. We were at the grotesque Palace of Justice in Istanbul, which was filled with academics awaiting their hearings in different criminal courts. Some were there for their own trials; others joined them in displays of solidarity for colleagues and friends. It was October 2018. Although authoritarian practices had already begun, the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, and the ensuing declaration of a state of emergency had led to a major crackdown on fundamental rights and freedoms in Turkey. The morning after the coup attempt, while still not knowing how it would end, I called it "Turkey's Reichstag Fire" and argued that "whether the coup was successful or not, one thing was certain: there would no longer be room in Turkey for people who can listen, read, analyze, and think critically" (Kadıoğlu 2016). About 6000 academics were purged from their positions in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt (Kadıoğlu 2018). Among them were the Academics for Peace, 1128 scholars from 89 different universities (Başer, Akgönül, and Öztürk 2017) who had signed a petition in January 2016 calling for the peaceful resolution of the conflict and an end to the ongoing atrocities against Kurdish citizens in the southeastern provinces of Turkey, declaring, "We will not be a party to this crime." Academics for Peace signatories were already being harassed, purged from their universities, and detained with charges of terrorism prior to the failed coup attempt. Immediately after the emergence of the petition in media outlets, in a speech he gave at the ambassadors conference, Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, labeled the Academics for Peace "degenerate impersonators of intellectuals" (aydın müsveddeleri). He called them "ignorant," "dark," "colonialist," and "fifth column operators." He referred to the "treason" of these intellectuals and maintained that "their minds are foreign [End Page 446] despite the fact that their names are like ours." He called upon the responsible units in the state to take immediate action against these academics who, in his words, "eat the bread of this state yet act like its enemies" (Erdoğan 2016...

Factors Influencing the Citizens’ Acceptance of Electronic Government

The research aimed to analyse the factors influencing citizens’ acceptance of electronic government in Kurdistan region of Iraq. The researcher developed six research hypotheses. A quantitative method used in order to analyse this study in Kurdistan region of Iraq. The present study was confined to 256 units from Kurdish citizens were selected. A focus method sampling used to analyse this research by focusing on students’ perceptions. The researcher used single regression analysis to investigate the technology acceptance model and its relationship with e-government in Kurdistan region of Iraq. It was found that. This thesis is expected to be interesting to the information systems consultants, experts and specialists who provide and study the factors influencing consumers’ acceptance of electronic government services. Also, it could be interesting to academics and researchers who research on the factors that influence citizens’ in implementing electronic government.

Community-Based Assessment of Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices Towards COVID-19: an Epidemiological Survey in Kurdistan Region, Iraq

Covid-19 considered as a pandemic disease and spread very rapidly, the people are needed to respond to this danger situation without becoming complacent because still there is no vaccine for it. The sample of this cross - sectional descriptive study was consisted of 1250 Kurdish male and female, their ages ranged between 14- 76 years. The main objective of the study is conducted to assess the people’s knowledge, attitude, and practice (KAP study) toward COVID-19. The data were collected during the period of April 4 up to June 2020. A self- constructed questionnaire was used for data collection and it was designed according guidelines, literatures, and articles concerning COVID-19; which consisted of 40 variables. The researchers made google form for the questionnaire and distributed by local residents of Kurdistan region. Relying on the authors’ networks, and sent by (Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and Telegram). Therefore, the data analyzed through the using of the (SPSS, version 23). A p value of ? 0.05 was considered statistically significant. The findings of the current study concluded that the main way for obtaining knowledge of the participants was social media and it was much more than ministry of health, WHO and CDC together. Also, the study indicated that the age group of 21-30 years old has a high score of knowledge and attitude while the age group of 31-40 years old has a high score of practical issues regarding COVID-19. As well as, the female employer by Bachelor degree with barely sufficient financial status in urban area had a high score of KAP concerning COVID-19, lastly the present study observed a strong positive correlation between KAP toward coronavirus among the participants. The study recommended to ministry of health and health sectors to present much more scientific healthy issues to improve the knowledge, attitude, and practice of the Kurdish citizens concerning coronavirus because the health care workers are much more dependable scientifically than social media toward COVID-19 to prevent rapid transmission and control this serious situation.

Now there is, now there is not: the disappearing silent revolution of AKP as re-entrenchment

ABSTRACTBased on a continuous and relational understanding of state-formation, as conceptualized by Charles Tilly, and inspired by Gramsci’s formulation of ‘war of position’, AKP regime in Turkey can be identified as a process of (re)-entrenchment. The AKP’s original claim to de-securitize the state–society relationship in Turkey has re-entrenched, re-aligned and re-institutionalized positions of power and democratic participation within the state to overcome the old-guard and establish its own hegemonic rule. The conspicuous disappearance of a booklet from 2013, i.e. the Silent Revolution, that was supposed to be the historical documentation of the AKP’s ambitious original claims from all AKP-related media effectively indicates its abandonment of these goals. This document reveals the contentious (re)entrenchments while the party ascended to power challenging deep-rooted security-oriented positions of the statist nationalism. This ascent to power was indeed a ‘war of position’ during which international opportunities created by the EU were effectively navigated and legislation and executive actions a) pertaining rule of law, human rights and freedoms, administrative accountability and transparency, b) economic and social reforms regarding vulnerable social groups, anti-corruption measures and labour relations, c) de-securitization and civilianization of government agencies and d) issues of Kurdish citizens were utilized as ‘trenches.’

Use of Chemical Warfare Agents in Ancient History. A Case of Persians and Romans in Dura-Europos, Modern Syria in 256 C.E.

Background: Chemical warfare agents (CWA) were most notably used during the First World War in Europe, against Iranians and Kurdish citizens of Iraq at the hands of Saddam Hossein’s regime in 1980s and more recently in Syria. The use of CWA is banned under the international law. Methods: Ancient uses of CWA are not well studied. Recently, their use during the Persian siege of the Roman-held Dura-Europos (Salihiyah) in modern Syria in 256 C.E. has been theorized by revisiting the archaeological findings from Dura-Europos from the 1930s. Case study: The paper describes the history of Persia (Iran) and Rome in that era and particularly Shapur I, the second King (Shah) of the [Sasanian] Persian Empire (215 - 270 C.E.) and Valerian, Publius Licinius Valerianus Augustus, the Roman Emperor (193/200 - 264 C.E.). In addition, composition of the potentially applied CWA and clinical findings related to the exposure are postulated through a medical toxicology lens taking into account archeological evidence (carbonized top of the tunnels and bodies and yellow crystals found in the tunnel), recent research and contemporary historical notes. Conclusion: It is plausible that a combination of fire accelerant or so called pitch (oil based substance, naphtha, bitumen or crude oil) and Sulphur dioxide (SO2) were used in this occasion. SO2 in combination with water on the body membranes creates highly toxic sulphurous acid (H2SO3) which is life threatening in a small enclosed space. As a result, a burning sensation in the nasopharynx and eyes, coughing, dyspnea, choking that led to pulmonary edema and death would have shortly followed. Severe clinical manifestations, panic and consequent mass hysteria of the toxic exposure should have prevented any organized retreat. In this incident, nineteen Roman and one Persian soldier were killed.

Reading John Stuart Mill in Turkey in 2017

Academic freedom has eroded and continues to erode in an unprecedented magnitude in Turkey especially since the failed coup attempt of July 15, 2016. During this time, thousands of academics were purged from their positions including Academics for Peace who signed a petition calling for an end to the atrocities against Kurdish citizens and a peaceful resolution of the conflict in the southeastern provinces of Turkey. Such authoritarian backsliding was accompanied by a discourse that blurred the distinction between opinion and truth. Academics were increasingly ostracized and viewed as non-members of what came to be referred as New Turkey. A discourse of rejection replaced criticism and an unprecedented dissonance emerged between the current academic debate on free speech as well as academic freedom and the tragic reality faced by academics in Turkey making it impossible for them to continue their vocational existence.

دور الأحزاب السياسية في الاستقرار السياسي وعدمه اقليم كوردستان العراق نموذجاً

Abstract research under the title The role of political parties in the political stability and political instability of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq as a model) to show how the political parties have a role or influence on the process of political stability and political instability within the Kurdish society. It is worth mentioning that in the context of democratic transformation in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, the importance of developing the role of political parties becomes an important and effective role in creating a social, economic and political life system in society. For this purpose, the researcher relied on more than two approaches to scientific research such as analytical and historical approach, analytical and descriptive approach, and case study. In light of the problematic nature of the research and its basic premises, the structure of the research was divided into three sections: first is the general theoretical framework aimed at shedding light on the theoretical issues of the phenomenon of political parties and divided it into two requirements: first requirement to deal with the concept of political parties was defined as a language and a formula. second is to discuss the types of political parties and types of systems Party and party functions. In the second section, it was devoted to defining political stability by addressing the most important theoretical trends that contributed to defining its nature by dividing it into two requirements: first requirement was devoted to clarifying indicators of political stability, and the second is to discuss the factors influencing the phenomenon of political stability. third and last topic: To enrich the research, we decided to attach to its theoretical and practical aspects this topic, in which we highlight the role of political parties on the phenomenon of political stability and political instability. research was followed by a conclusion that includes the most important conclusions we reached, including: 1- Educating the Kurdish citizens about the negative effects of the problems and differences between the political parties operating in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the non-arrangement of the Kurdish House to achieve stability in various political, economic and social aspects through the various visual and audio media. 2. problem of political instability in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq can not be dealt with through the necessary institutional reforms of the administrative and financial institutions of the State or regulatory bodies alone, but through the alliance of all organs, institutions and state authorities, including government agencies, regulators, the private sector and also civil society.

Kurdish broadcasting via state TV in Turkey – Cultural diversity or government’s propaganda machine: The case of TRT 6

Abstract This article provides useful insights on the perception of TRT 6 (TRT Kurdî) by Turkey’s Kurdish community regarding TV broadcast in mother tongue. The research environment of the study is Kurdish citizens who live in both south-east and west regions of Turkey. TRT 6 is a sub-channel of state TV (Turkish Radio and Television Corporation) and mainly broadcasts in the Kurmanci dialect of the Kurdish language. The results of the study show the fact that those who define themselves primarily as Kurdish – as opposed to Muslim – reject TRT 6 (and especially criticize its news coverage), and Kurds who see themselves primarily as Sunni Muslims watch it with pleasure, implying that the channel serves as a tool in ‘Turkifying’ the Kurds of Turkey through a common religious identity.

Politics in the Kurdish periphery: clan networks and local party strategies in a comparative perspective

ABSTRACTDespite the return to violence and state repression in the Kurdish conflict, the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party – AKP) has remained the only alternative to the Kurdish National Movement (KNM) for Turkey's Kurdish citizens. What local-level strategies did the AKP employ in Kurdish areas to reinforce its national-level appeal to Islamic values? Under what conditions did local vote-seeking strategies help the AKP to overcome its pro-Kurdish rivals at the ballot box? This article examines the politics of local coalition building in the periphery of the Kurdish landscape – Bingöl and Muş. Despite their many similarities, the two cities voted for different political parties in national elections. This article examines how the AKP's local party organizations interacted with local authority structures, recruited influential local elites, and pursued new voters. The vitality of clan networks in parts of Bingöl enabled the AKP to build a reliable local coalition. The gradual weakening of clan networks in Muş and their permeation by the KNM prevented a similar coalition. Instead, the parties of the KNM were able to take advantage of divided clan networks to win national electoral contests in the province.

AT THE CROSSROAD OF INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL MIGRATION: CONFLICT OF INTERESTS IN KUMKAPI

This study explores the conflict of interests in Istanbul’s Kumkapi district between the Kurdish migrants from Eastern/South Eastern Anatolia and the African asylum seekers. While the survey with the Kurdish citizens reveal the assumptions and attitudes about the African asylum seekers in the area, in-depth interviews conducted with the Africans reveal their ideas about the locals and specific difficulties faced as black people in Turkey. The analysis of Kumkapi research shows frequent examples of xeno-racism (a peculiar combination of racism and xenophobia) as a result of the conflict. Therefore, the article aims to portray the internal migrants residing at Kumkapi area both as victims and perpetrators, while expressing their complaints and reactions. Regarding the increasing number of asylum seekers and refugees in Turkey, in order to prevent the problems spread, permanent solutions will be offered and discussed. Keywords: Internal migration, international migration, illegal migration, asylum seekers, Africa, Xeno-racism, Turkey.

Name-giving variations in Kurdistan Province of Iran: An ethnic identity marker categorized

Name-giving, in addition to being an act of designation or official registration, implies the cultural identity of name-givers. One obvious aspect is showing the social values and practices in an area. This study aims to explore the social factors which motivate namegiving among Kurdish ethnicity of Iran. The corpus of data for the analysis included the National Organization for Civil Registration of Iran, Kurdish websites, interviews, and questionnaires given to Kurdish citizens of Kurdistan. The important classifying variable is the socio-cultural preferences which were compared through using the frequency of different categories of names. The results of the study showed that ten categories would divide first names; the five most frequently used categories of names include: reference to ethical qualities, nature, geographical locations, ancient characters, and outer physical features respectively. Another goal of the study concerned the diachronic changes in namegiving which was carried out by comparing the most frequent names of two age groups: 60 years or older compared with the 25 years or younger. Interesting findings were uncovered which showed three trends of change among the Kurdish name-givers: a shift from common nationwide names towards ethnic Kurdish names, and sectarian to names referring to ethical qualities; additionally, a tendency was observed to move from combined name compounds to simple ones. The implications of these findings might be interpreted as name-givers’ preference for not only maintaining ethnic independence but also an observable desire to display a sense of unity.

Editorial

Kurdish studies have, in the past few decades, come to be established as a respectable field of academic investigation and publication, after long having been as marginal in academia as the Kurds themselves were in the politics of the Middle East. The received wisdom, in many Western academic institutions, was that it was essential to retain access to the “field” and that permits to carry out field research in such pro-Western and relatively accessible countries as Turkey and Iran would continue to be granted as long as scholars stayed away from sensitive issues – and the Kurds were definitely one of the most sensitive of those issues. Turkey and Iran, Iraq and Syria perceived their Kurdish citizens as a major security issue, and scholarly interest in the Kurds aroused suspicions of imperialist meddling in Arab, Persian or Turkish affairs.

The Logic of Reconciliation: Between the Right to Compensation and the Right to Justice in Turkey

This article analyses the processes and outcomes associated with legal reforms designed to provide restorative justice in the context of contemporary Turkey. Focusing on the practices and discourses associated with the Compensation Law, it explores both state practices and the survival mechanisms of Kurdish citizens living in the conflict zone. The article shows that the Compensation Law did not transform the relationship between the state and Kurdish citizens. Rather, it reproduced the symbolic and material relationships that historically and politically had been based on bribery, disavowal, abuse, and subversion.

Solidarity Among Strangers:A Problem of Coexistence in Turkey

That the absence of democratic inclusion usually leads to the disruption of the social fabric and renders trust and peaceful coexistence increasingly difficult needs no argument. In the absence of comprehensive solidarity, coexistence is bought at the expense of a new regime of exclusion. In this paper, we discuss this as a problem of solidarity and illustrate our argument with reference to the Kurdish issue in Turkey. We find it fruitful to approach the Kurdish issue from the perspective of solidarity especially at a time when an Islamic model of social integration presents itself as an alternative to genuine democratic inclusion. Turkey left behind one of the most difficult summers of its history as the Constitutional Court was seeking to close down its ruling party, which received 47% of the votes in the 2007 general elections. When the case of closing the AKP (the Justice and Development Party) came to the Court, and the Court’s decision to not close it down generated sighs of relief. Some commentators such as Andrew Arato saw in the decision of the Court a refashioning of its role in Turkey’s political life, i.e., its search for elevating itself to the role of initiating deliberation and consensus-seeking among the conflicting parties (as the European Constitutional Courts have traditionally been doing). During the same time frame, there was another case to close down the DTP (the Democratic Society Party), the last Kurdish party to come into being after its successors were systematically closed down by the Court. This second court case remains unnoticed and the DTP’s very possible closure does not seem to stir anything that comes close to the storms that were unleashed by the possibility of the AKP’s closure. While this selective treatment of party closure cases definitely requires attention, the context in which the closure of the DTP is being sought deserves special attention. Until the 2007 election, the DTP used to earn the votes of an overwhelming majority of Kurds who reside in the southeastern region of Anatolia. Due to the carefully planned, tremendously expensive and sustained campaign by the AKP, for the first time in Turkish history, a Kurdish party faced a serious challenge in getting the votes of Kurds in the region for the first time in the recent history of Turkey. Currently, the Islamic solidarity model is portraying itself as the only viable option for a peaceful resolution to ethnic conflict within Turkey. If Turkishness and Kurdishness create problems of integration, then being Sunni Muslims would be the grounds for membership, as the reasoning goes. As more and more disillusioned Kurds become eager to be co-opted by the Sunni-based Islamic solidarity, the more likely it is for Islamic solidarity to consolidate itself as a model of social cohesion, not merely for southeastern Anatolia where a majority of Kurdish citizens reside, but also for Turkey as a whole. While such a shift from ethnicitybased political representation to an all-embracing, catch-all type representation could be seen as a welcome development especially in its potential to end a long lasting ethnic conflict, the reasons for the shift, the assumption of an encompassing Sunni Islamic identity it relies on, and the outcomes it is likely to generate should also be investigated.