Korean Vessels Research Articles

Algorithm for Monitoring Emissions Based on Actual Speed of Ships Participating in the Korean Vessel Speed Reduction Program

The vessel speed reduction program (VSRP) was first introduced in the Port of Los Angeles in 2001 to improve air quality. In this study, an algorithm was developed to calculate ship emissions with a bottom-up approach based on ship activity using automatic identification system (AIS) data. The target vessel applied to the emission calculation was a vessel participating in Korea’s VSRP. Factors considered for the calculation of emissions were ship type, speed, gross tonnage, engine power, load, sulfur content of fuel, and fuel consumption rate by engine age. The algorithm is designed to calculate the reduction amount by VSRP by simultaneously calculating the emission amount of the actual speed and the emission amount of the cruise speed when not participating in VSRP. The emission results of ships that participated in the VSRP in 2020 revealed that their speed was reduced by 47% and carbon dioxide emissions by 71.9%. These results were verified through comparison with the fuel consumption report of the container fleet presented by the International Maritime Organization. Our findings can be used to monitor the air pollutant emissions of ships entering major ports in Korea and to develop policies envisaged at reducing the production and effect of greenhouse gases and air pollutants. Moreover, we recommend that this model be replicated in other countries for monitoring ship-induced emissions.

Equal Opportunities for Foreign Seafarers to Ensure Sustainable Development in the Korean Merchant Shipping Industry

Despite the increasing number of foreign seafarers working in the Korean shipping industry and the growing concern for psycho-emotional stress due to discrimination in the maritime sector, few studies have focused on the working environment of foreign seafarers on South Korean vessels. This study aimed to determine whether foreign seafarers perceived discrimination in the Korean shipping industry and if so, the types of discrimination they faced and how they responded to this challenge. A survey was conducted to assess foreign seafarers’ experiences of discrimination, understanding of their own human rights, and level of satisfaction in working with Korean seafarers as well as identifying positive factors. The main positive findings included the kindness of colleagues, and excellent welfare facilities and benefits; whilst the most frequently reported negative factors related to language barriers and food types. These findings can be used to identify and share best practices and help determine priority areas for action. However, as the number of participants was small due to difficulties in contacting foreign seafarers during COVID-19 restrictions, further research is necessary to understand and improve the working environment of foreign seafarers on South Korean vessels.

Caught in a vicious cycle: Connecting forced labour and environmental exploitation through a case study of Asia–Pacific

Several studies have documented the increasing use of forced/trafficked labour on long-haul fishing vessels, while others have documented illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing practices. Recent observations document the existence of both practices occurring together on the same vessel or within the same fishing fleet, in what is characterised as 'convergence crime'. Building on these observations, this paper examines the precise interconnections between forced labour of fishers and IUU fishing on distant waters fishing vessels in the Asia–Pacific. It argues that identifying the dynamics of these connections necessitates a more detailed examination of both practices at the scale of individual fishing vessels and crew. Such an examination allows the reasons trafficked fishers engage in IUU fishing practices to be better understood. A twofold characterisation of exploitation involving the two interlinked aspects of 'labour' and 'situation' frames the analysis. The paper draws on two contrasting case studies to make its argument: first, semi-structured interviews with 50 Cambodian and Filipino migrant fishers deployed on Taiwanese fishing vessels, and second, 32 semi-structured interviews with Indonesian fishers on South Korean vessels fishing in New Zealand's waters as well as court documents pertaining to the engagement of the South Korean officers in IUU fishing practices. A key contribution of the paper is to understand the unwitting role forced labourers can play in exacerbating degradation in marine environments.

Co-creating changes to achieve decent work conditions in the New Zealand fishing industry

In 2014, New Zealand enacted the Fisheries (Foreign Charter Vessels and Other Matters) Amendment Act in response to ongoing labour abuses on board South Korean vessels in New Zealand’s foreign charter vessel sector. Importantly, the legislation expresses the universality of the International Labour Organization’s Decent Work Agenda: all member countries must pursue policies based on the strategic objectives of equality, dignity, safe working conditions and that workers are protected from exploitation. The Act was in response to the identification of widespread labour abuses in this sector. In June 2011, the extent of the abuses came to light when 32 Indonesian crewmen of the Oyang 75 walked off their vessel. In this paper, we explore how a range of stakeholders worked organically to bring about change. We do this qualitatively by combining semi-structured interview (with over 160 Indonesian migrant crewmen between 2011 and 2017), observation and document analysis. We analyse our data through the lens of participatory action research which provides a framework to document the processes of who was involved, the cycles of change, what was achieved in each cycle, and importantly the platform for change. Specifically, we look at how stakeholders – the crew themselves, their advocates, academics, non-governmental organisations, journalists, activists, among others – all played a part in achieving legislated protections.

Illuminating dark fishing fleets in North Korea.

Illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing threatens resource sustainability and equity. A major challenge with such activity is that most fishing vessels do not broadcast their positions and are "dark" in public monitoring systems. Combining four satellite technologies, we identify widespread illegal fishing by dark fleets in the waters between the Koreas, Japan, and Russia. We find >900 vessels of Chinese origin in 2017 and >700 in 2018 fished illegally in North Korean waters, catching an estimated amount of Todarodes pacificus approximating that of Japan and South Korea combined (>164,000 metric tons worth >$440 million). We further find ~3000 small-scale North Korean vessels fished, mostly illegally, in Russian waters. These results can inform independent oversight of transboundary fisheries and foreshadow a new era in satellite monitoring of fisheries.

선원법상 선원근로계약의 준거법선택에 관한 연구－비거주선원의 근로계약을 중심으로－

The working conditions of non-residential seafarers working on Korean vessels are different from those of residential seafarers in many respects. This is because the working conditions in the Seafarers' Act are not applied by shipowners to non-residential seafarers but their working conditions are decided by Collective Bargaining Agreements concluded between shipowners' organizations and seafarers' unions in accordance with international practices. The current shipping and fisheries industries conclude separately the collective bargaining agreement with non-residential seafarers and this practices have been wide spread and incorrigible. When concluding the seafarer's employment agreement with non-residential seafarers, a third law has been chosen as a governing law through collective bargaining agreement. It can be said that this is in line with the international private law that recognizes the parties autonomous principle so that the parties can choose the applicable law for seafarers’ employment agreement containing foreign elements. However, the Seafarers’ Act is a sort of unilateral as well as positive conflicts rules so that the Korean Seafarers’ Act is exclusively applied to any seafarers’ employment agreements regardless of resident or non-resident seafarers. In addition, the Seafarers’ Act excludes the possibility of selecting a third law as governing law. It takes closed and stiff legislative attitude and denies commercial practices and the party’s autonomy principle in international private law. Therefore, it is necessary to introduce provisions allowing shipowners and non-resident seafarers to select a third law as governing law through separate Collective Bargaining Agreements.

Making Sanctions Smart Again: Why Maritime Sanctions Have Worked against North Korea

Making Sanctions Smart Again:Why Maritime Sanctions Have Worked against North Korea Robert Huish (bio) Following a period of escalating tension between the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), in which the Kim regime conducted a series of ballistic missile and nuclear tests and the Trump administration pursued a policy of maximum pressure, Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un met for a historic summit in Singapore on June 12. What changed to bring the two leaders together? The main reason North Korea sat down at the bargaining table was not sports diplomacy at the Winter Olympics or Trump's Twitter barrages. It was that the country is out of resources as a result of the international maritime sanctions.1 These sanctions have worked, and worked well, by targeting the environment on which the Kim regime depended to acquire belligerent materials. The 2017 maritime sanctions against North Korea, particularly U.S. Executive Order 13810 and UN Security Resolution 2397, worked for three reasons.2 First, owing to its unique geography, North Korea was almost entirely dependent on illicit maritime trade for its weapons programs, which stands in contrast to long-held claims that most military hardware came overland from China.3 Second, some argue that North Korea's already hollowed-out, authoritarian economy created an "inner isolation" among most of the country's nearly 26 million inhabitants.4 Sanctions are often responsible for increased suffering; however, most North Koreans survive through limited self-sufficiency or black markets that are often unaffected [End Page 42] by formal sanctions or the country's international economic environment. Third, sanctions that targeted foreign companies, in particular maritime insurance companies that may have provided protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance to North Korean vessels, provoked a swift reaction by the insurers to absolve themselves from dealings with North Korea. The important message of the sanctions imposed in 2017 is that this focus on pressuring the maritime industry led to a noticeable behavioral change in North Korea. The remainder of this essay examines what lessons about the efficacy of smart sanctions can be drawn from the case of maritime sanctions against North Korea. The next section will describe the 2017 sanctions from a maritime standpoint and analyze why they worked. The essay concludes by considering the potential to effectively apply similar sanctions to other targets. Have You Been to Sea? To understand why maritime sanctions worked so well against North Korea, two issues must be discussed. First, what are effective sanctions? And second, what role does China play in enabling North Korea to outsmart sanctions? For years, the international community made two major errors in dealing with North Korea. Many experts believed, first, that any sort of sanction would be a good measure against the Kim dynasty and, second, that China is the sole provider of resources, including military resources, to North Korea. Both of these claims are problematic. Sanctions aim to encourage a behavioral change of a target nation or its leadership. Traditional, or "dumb," sanctions either prohibit the target from any financial dealings with the issuer's market or seize the target's assets in the issuer's territory. Such ham-fisted sanctions often do more to further the suffering of the population than apply pressure on the leadership. In the 1990s, then secretary-general of the United Nations Kofi Annan encouraged the use of "smart" sanctions in order to overcome such blunders. Speaking in hindsight of the tragedies in Iraq, the Balkans, and East Africa, Annan argued that economic policy could be crafted so that despotic leaders are pushed toward behavioral change given that their own personal assets were at risk.5 In the 1990s this logic made sense because many dictators had offshore assets that could be directly targeted. Even so, many tyrants, including members of the Kim dynasty, managed to acquire [End Page 43] luxury goods and odious resources through shady networks involving fake currency production, narcotics trafficking, weapons smuggling, and insurance scams. Moreover, sanctions did not deter the Kims from pursuing nuclear tests or overseeing brutal human rights violations. One of the faultiest assumptions about North Korea in the international relations literature was that North Korea...

우리나라 어선감척사업의 연안자망어업에 대한 어자원회복 및 경제적 효과 추정

The purpose of this study is to estimate the extent of fisheries resource rebuilding and other economic effects on coastal gill-net fishery as a result of the Korean vessel buy-back program using with-without analysis based on methods estimating sustainable yields for all species caught by coastal gill-net fishery. Based on the results of with-without analysis, maximum sustainable yields (MSY) of all species caught by coastal gill-net fishery have been increased by the Korean vessel buy-back program. In addition, profits per vessel of maximum economic yield (MEY) of the species have been improved by the program. Further, yields and a producer surplus per vessel under an equilibrium of open access (OA) have increased because of the program. In detail, first of all, at the MSY level, the vessel buy-back program has led to about 21% fisheries resource recovery, and at the MEY level, it has led to about a 19% resource recovery. Secondly, at the MEY level and the OA level, the producer surplus per vessel has been increased by about 24% and 22% respectively by the vessel buy-back program.

CVM을 이용한 바다낚시 자원풍도 증가에 대한 지불의사액 추정에 관한 연구

The purpose of this study is to estimate the Willingness To Payment (WTP) of sea-anglers regarding the increase in the abundance of fish resources resulting from the Korean vessel buy-back program using the contingent valuation method. Data was collected through sample surveys of 352 seaanglers across the nation in 2015. If a 20% increase in the abundance of fish resources resulted from the vessel buy-back program, WTP estimates of sea-anglers per recreational fishing trip were 9,570 won on truncated mean, 16,528 won on mean, and 35,830 won on median, respectively. Additionally, when the number of annual total recreational fishing trips in Korea were estimated as 22,700 thousand trips, the annual increase in national welfare through recreational fishing was estimated to be 217.2 billion won on the truncated mean, 375.2 billion won on the mean, and 813.3 billion won on the median, respectively.

New Zealand's turbulent waters: the use of forced labour in the fishing industry

AbstractIn this article, we make an empirical and conceptual contribution to the emerging debate on unfree labour in the context of labour chains and global value chains. We recast an historical view of poor labour practices aboard some foreign charter vessels fishing in New Zealand's waters as something more nefarious. Applying the International Labour Organization (ILO) and European Commission (EC) operational indicators of human trafficking for forced labour to 293 interviews, we evaluate the extent to which we can consider migrant fishing crew aboard South Korean vessels as victims of forced labour. We find that they are indeed victims of forced labour and that there is a need to extend the ILO/EC operational indicators to take into account exit strategies. Specifically, there is insufficient recognition of deception, exploitation and coercion at the point of exit, which can prevent a trafficked victim from exiting the employment relationship. Thus, it is crucial to take account of all stages, from recruitment to exit, to understand fully unfree labour in labour and global value chains.

US-China Relations: Managing Differences Remains an Urgent Challenge

US-China relations are a complicated mix of positive and negative elements, competition and cooperation. Conflict between the US and China is not inevitable. In agreeing to establish a new type of major power relationship, Presidents Obama and Xi Jinping have prioritized the need to manage differences and avoid confrontation and conflict. Both leaders are focused on reinvigorating their economies and addressing other pressing domestic challenges, and hope to avoid bilateral strains where possible. Nevertheless, it remains possible that the US and China will be unable to sustain an amicable relationship. In this regard, there are three broad categories that deserve discussion: (1) tensions could increase over political and economic issues; (2) a military conflict could occur either as a result of escalation of an inadvertent incident or deliberate action; and (3) a Cold War-like strategic competition could emerge over time as a consequence of increasing mistrust and diverging interests. Possible Tensions over Political and Economic Issues Friction over political and economic issues is commonplace in the US-China relationship. In the past few years, Washington and Beijing have bickered over the exchange rate of the renminbi ; China's unwillingness to condemn North Korea's sinking of the South Korean vessel the Cheonan or its shelling of Yeonpyong Island; and Beijing's veto of United Nations Security Council resolutions aimed at imposing sanctions on Syria, to name only a few issues. In most cases, US-China differences over specific issues do not spill over into other areas and threaten to set back the entire bilateral relationship. In the foreseeable future, the majority of issues on which the US and China disagree are also not likely to threaten the overall relationship. There are, however, a few potential matters that could send US-China ties into a tailspin. Korea Denuclearization remains a shared goal, but the US and China have never agreed on how to achieve it. At times the two nations have appeared to be in lock-step, for example in the aftermath of North Korea's third nuclear test when both joined the other members of the UN Security Council in passing a resolution that tightened sanctions on North Korea. In the future, cooperation on North Korea could go badly and sour US-China ties, but not end up in a US-China military confrontation. North Korean military provocations against South Korea or proliferation of nuclear material could prompt the US to seek to overthrow the regime in Pyongyang.

우리나라의 해양사고에 대한 고찰

Fishing vessels have been causing more than 70% of marine casualty in Korea. As a view of the occurring number of marine casualty, it is obvious for fishing vessel to account for the absolute high portion of that in comparison with the non-fishing vessels. That is a natural outcome because fishing vessels have occupied more than 90% of all registered Korean vessels. If we consider it not occurring number, but occurring ratio, we could find out that fishing vessels accounted for 5 times lower than non-fishing vessels in marine casualties. Nevertheless, fishing vessels have not immunity from responsibility for marine casualties at all, because the tendency of it in fishing vessel has been dominating the whole marine casualties in Korea. So for reduction of them, it is indispensable to decrease the casualties of fishing vessel. In this study, the authors tried to carry out many items of them to compare the occurring number with the occurring ratio, and dealt with the casualties of collision and machine damage in detail, because those have not only been occurring most frequently in casualties in Korea, but also led to the death and injury of lives. To reduce the collision and the machine damage, the operator have to keep the watch more strictly and check and keep the machine in good order. And it is necessary for the operator to take more education and training intended to decrease those systematically and continuously, especially for the crews of fishing vessels.

The Implications of U.S. Strategic Rebalancing: A Perspective from Thailand

The Implications of U.S. Strategic Rebalancing:A Perspective from Thailand Kitti Prasirtsuk (bio) President Obama's participation in the East Asia Summit (EAS) for a second consecutive year confirms the United States' heightened attention to and engagement with Asia. Earlier, many Asian observers had doubted that a U.S. president could remain committed to attending the annual summit, particularly when the 2012 meeting was hosted by Cambodia, a relatively small country in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The fact that Obama kept his commitment to attend the EAS is evidence that the United States is stepping up its rebalancing efforts in Asia. This essay offers a perspective from Thailand—a traditional U.S. ally—on the motivations behind U.S. rebalancing, as well as on the policy's implications for Thailand and Southeast Asia as a whole. U.S. Motivations As seen from Thailand, there are four major motives behind the United States' rebalancing strategy. The first two concern China, while the other two motives relate to policy reorientation in the United States itself. First, China has gained considerable influence in East Asia, thanks in part to its strong relations with ASEAN. China became a dialogue partner in 1991, and its constant participation in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) since 1994 and in other subsequent regional cooperation schemes has enabled Beijing to play a key role in the region. Alongside Japan, China has also been instrumental in setting the agenda for the ASEAN +3 forum. Among the most prominent achievements of the ASEAN +3 is the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), the currency swap scheme aimed to help member countries suffering from a financial crisis. As the world's largest foreign-reserves holder, China is a formidable partner in the CMIM. Further, Beijing has pledged support for the Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI) and other programs to improve logistics connectivity, including the construction of roads, bridges, river ways, and high-speed trains, which will further link southern China with ASEAN. [End Page 31] On the economic front, China-ASEAN trade surged from $7.6 billion in 1990 to $186.5 billion in 2009, and China has been ASEAN's biggest trade partner ever since.1 This strong relationship is largely the result of the China-ASEAN free trade agreement, which was agreed to in 2002 and went into full effect in 2010. In the socio-cultural realm, China participates in a number of exchange programs with ASEAN countries, and Beijing's so-called panda diplomacy has likewise been effective. After leasing a couple of pandas to Thailand a decade ago, China has recently made similar deals with Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. Moreover, Chinese tourists have become top visitors to many ASEAN nations, including Thailand.2 In short, China-ASEAN relations have been strengthened in several areas spanning the political, economic, and socio-cultural realms. Against such a backdrop, the United States could not remain on the sidelines. Second, China has become more assertive in its external posture. As Aaron Friedberg observed in the July issue of Asia Policy, this increasing assertiveness has been manifest on a variety of fronts, including Beijing's defense of North Korea over the sinking of a South Korean vessel, its confrontation with Japan over the arrest of a Chinese fishing boat captain near disputed islands in the East China Sea, and intensifying territorial claims in the South China Sea.3 At the same time, China continues to enhance its military capabilities, as demonstrated in the development of stealth fighters and an aircraft carrier. Given the strength of the Chinese economy, the country's defense budget will only increase in coming years. Third, the lack of attention paid to Southeast Asia during the George W. Bush administration, which was largely preoccupied with the war on terrorism in the Middle East, generated unfavorable perceptions of the United States. In particular, regional states noted the consecutive absences of Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice at the ARF meetings. During the Obama administration, the United States has sought to re-engage with Southeast Asia through sending high-level envoys, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to visit the region and attend multilateral forums such as the EAS...

A Study on the Countermeasures for Securing Safety of Ship from Piracy Attacks

This study is concerned with the applicable countermeasures for securing safety of ship from piracy attacks. For improvements and countermeasures, we analyzed the recent anti-piracy trends. In spite of international community's various activities for safety navigating, the number of piracy in Gulf of Aden and in the vicinity of Somali waters has been increasing dramatically in the last few years, so has the number of piracy on Korean vessels. In case of piracy attack which based on Somalia, it continues constantly and widely not only near shore, but coastal and oceanic waters. This study figures out the limitations of international community's efforts including military and legal improvements. There are no studies concerning the countermeasures of bridge protection by piracy. This study suggested the additional installation of outside door of bridge as well as the adjustment of piracy operation area(POA) of Korea navy.

선원대피처의 적정규모에 관한 연구

근래 해적에 의한 선박 피랍이 전 세계적으로 큰 문제가 되고 있다. 우리나라의 초대형 유조선 "삼호드림호"가 소말리아 해적에 의해 피랍되어 몸값으로 엄청난 액수를 지불하고 풀려났다. 그리고 2011년 1월 20일 "삼호쥬얼리호"의 경우 해군은 창군 이래 처음으로 공해상에서 해적과 교전하여 선원 21명 모두를 구출하는 쾌거를 이루어냈다. 또한, "한진텐진호"의 경우, 전 선원이 선원대피처로 신속하게 대피하여 모두 안전하게 해군에 의해 구출되었다. 이와 같이 우리나라 선박들이 해적에 의해 피랍되는 경우가 늘어나면서 해적의 위험으로부터 벗어날 수 있는 다양한 방법이 연구되고 있다. 정부는 2011년 1월 선박설비기준을 일부 개정하여 선원대피처를 지정된 위험해역을 항해하는 모든 선박에 설치하도록 강제화하였다. 따라서 이 연구에서는 선박 피랍의 위험상황 발생시 장시간 대피 거주해야 하는 선원대피처의 적정 규모를 선원들의 피난 안전성에 기초한 이론적인 산출과 FDS를 이용한 화재시뮬레이션을 통해 설정하고자 한다. Recently, vessel hijacking by pirates has been a big issue around the world. For example, the hostages of VLCC "SAMHO Dream" were released for a large sum of ransom. On January 20, 2011 "SAMHO Jewelry" succeeded releasing all of the 21 crews on the vessel by attacking the pirates in international waters for the first time since the founding of the Naval Force. Furthermore, the "HANJIN Tianjin" crews evacuated to the Citadel promptly and were rescued by the navy. As hijacking of Korean vessels by pirates is increasing, various safety measures must be implemented. As a matter of fact, the standard for ship's facilities has been partially revised and setting up an evacuation shelter on all vessels sailing dangerous zone has been reinforced. This research aims to discuss crew Citadel installation on vessels intended for long haul. In addition, it will look at measures against potential gas flow in the event of pirate armed attacks and fire outbreak onboard a vessel. It will also assess the optimal number of crew Citadels theoretically. Lastly, the optimal number of shelters in the event of fire outbreak will be discussed based on an FDS simulation.

Primer—North Korea, South Korea, and the United States: Reading between the lines of the Cheonan attack

On March 26, 2010, North Korea attacked the South Korean vessel Cheonan, killing 46 people and making it one of the deadliest encounters in Korea in recent years. This attack followed a year of mounting tensions in which Pyongyang tested the first stage of a long-range missile in the guise of putting a satellite into orbit and then conducted its second underground nuclear test. Following the attack, the Obama administration backed South Korea’s decision to punish North Korea with tough trade sanctions. The author writes that this was not necessarily a wise move, as punitive measures, however justifiable, will be met tit-for-tat by North Korea. Pyongyang reacted to the July 2006 U.N. Security Council sanctions for its missile tests, the author writes, by conducting a nuclear test; its response to tougher U.N. sanctions in June 2009 for its second nuclear test was to reprocess more plutonium. The author looks at recent interactions, discussions, and disputes among North Korea, South Korea, and the United States, and writes that the only way to make the waters off Korea safer and to stop further nuclear proliferation is to resume the Six-Party Talks soon, negotiate in earnest, and start a parallel peace process for the Korea.

외국인 선원 혼승선박내 선원간 문화동질성과 승선근무 내성의 차이가 조직커미트먼트에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구

본 연구의 목적은 외국인 혼승선박에서의 우리나라 선원과 외국인선원의 문화적 동질성과 승선근무 내성의 차이가 조직 커미트먼트에 미치는 영향을 실증적으로 검토하는데 있다. 해운산업에 있어서 외국인 선원 고용제한이 완화되어 외국인 선원이 혼승함에 따라 많은 문제점이 발생하고 있음에도 불구하고, 외국인 선윈 혼승선박에서의 문화적, 환경적 영향요인과 구성원의 태도와 행동에 관한 구체적인 연구가 이루어지지 않고 있는 실정이다. 따라서 본 논문은 외국인 선원 혼승선박에 승선하고 있는 우리나라 선원과 외국인 선원들을 대상으로 이문화 관리와 승선근무내성 및 조직커미트먼트의 관계를 실증적으로 검증하였다. 검증결과, 우리나리 선원과 외국인 선원간의 문화적 동질성과 승선근무내성에 차이가 있으며, 문화적 동질성과 승선근무 내성이 높은 집단의 조직커미트먼트가 일부 변수간의 관계를 제외하고 모두 높은 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 연구결과는 외국인 선원 배치 및 교육훈련 그리고 혼승선박 조직관리에 있어서 중요한 실무적 시사점을 제공할 것으로 사료된다. The purpose of this study is to examine empirically the cultural problem and working attitude in the Korean vessel of combined foreign crews, Currently, the restrictions on the employment of the foreign crews are being eased in the Korean shipping industry and many problems such as misunderstanding and dissonance in working have been occurred consequently, However, specific and empirical studies regarding different culture between Korean and foreign crews working together in the vessel have not yet carried out, So this study is meaningful as exploratory research about cultural homogeneity, onboard working tolerance and organization commitment for combined foreign crews and the result of this study contributes to management of crew and vessel organization.