Korean Troops Research Articles

Restrained excess in The Goboi Bridge (1970): Lee Man-hee’s self-censorship and the Vietnam War

ABSTRACT Despite his contentious relationship with the authoritarian Park Chung Hee regime, Lee Man-hee directed a number of Vietnam combat films in collaboration with the state. This article focuses on Lee’s film, The Goboi Bridge (1970), through the lens of self-censorship and aesthetics of ‘restrained excess’ to reconsider the relationship between representation and state censorship. Shot on-location in wartime Vietnam, the film was produced by the Army Film Studio to commemorate the fifth anniversary of dispatching South Korean troops to Vietnam and passed censorship with ease. By critically analysing censorship materials and South Korean popular imaginations of South Vietnam, I examine the various actors – national and transnational, state and non-state – and their interactions within internal and external contact zones created by the war to consider their effects on the mechanisms of censorship. I argue that Lee’s excessive yet subdued audio-visual expressions circumvented the censor’s attention and reflected South Korea’s emergent subimperial gaze and precarious intimacies with South Vietnam.

일본 해군의 조선인 병력동원 제도 시행과 특징

The Japanese Navy has mobilized troops against Koreans since August 1943. The Navy's late push for the mobilization of Korean troops was due to concerns and distrust of Koreans. However, as the war situation worsened and Japanese military resources became scarce, naval mobilization was eventually implemented against Koreans.
 Until now, the structure and status of the Japanese Navy's mobilization of Korean troops has been poorly understood due to data limitations. The sketchy accounts of the start of the naval special assistance system in Korea in 1943 and the conscription system in 1944 make it even more difficult to understand the structure of the navy's troop mobilization. This article examines the status of the Japanese Navy's implementation of the Korean Special Support System through institutions and examples, and explains in detail the structure and methods of troop mobilization.
 The results show that the Japanese Navy utilized both the volunteer and conscription systems to mobilize the Korean population. Contrary to what is known, the scale of Korean mobilization was greater through volunteers than conscription, as the Japanese navy preferred to train them directly through volunteers in order to secure high-quality troops. Meanwhile, Koreans were initially mobilized as sailors and mechanics, but after 1945, about 50% of the total number of Koreans were mobilized as engineers. This was due to the need to build airfields and underground facilities to prevent American air raids and landings.

공포와 관용 : 한국전쟁기 부역자 처벌의 이중성과 그 유산

During the Korean war, and after the Seoul city was retrieved from North Korean troops, the South Korean government began exacting punishments on collaborators who cooperated with the North Korean troops. In the Seoul area, not only open but also very public mass executions called ‘wholesale slaughters’ served as a fearful display for the population. At the time many reporters affiliated with foreign press, as well as the United Nations force, were present in the Seoul area, and the news of a mass execution would instantly be treated as international reports, but they were summarily silenced by South Korean authorities. In the meantime, throughout local areas, swift judgments and summary executions -accompanied by private and harsh punishments- were commonly occurring practices for known collaborators. In the wake of searching for and eliminating DPKR’s remnants, local left-wing supporters and partisan guerrillas, a lot of civilians were killed as well.BR Meanwhile, the South Korean government’s treatment of social elites or leaders in private and public sectors, such as national representatives(members of the national assembly), academic professors, literature authors and cultural figures, who all collaborated with North Korean authorities or troops in several capacities, were so tolerant and benevolent compared to the treatment ordinary citizens received from the government. Some of them were indeed judged or executed, but most of them were pardoned without any clear explanation. BR The punishment of collaborators by the South Korean government was triggered by many reasons. First, there was not only an administrative need for public punishment but also a practical necessity to ensure public security, as well as a sense of anger and revenge. Secondly, such punishments were also a continuation from overly excessive violence and tendency to suppress any kind of social disturbance that had continued since the year 1948. And finally, there was an ultimate political need to have the public turn a blind eye to the administration’s glaring political failures.BR There were differences in the South Korean government’s punishment of collaborators, not only between celebrities and ordinary people but between residents of the capital city and other local regions. Such polarity was caused by a series of elements. According to the nature of certain cases, some of them were opened to the public while some cases even involved foreign countries’ troops, media and governments. How the war was progressing also had to do with certain cases which unfolded as they did. And there was the issue of wartime propaganda, and the need to win over certain portions of the public, that also contributed to the eventual culmination of some cases. The overall polarity between cases did leave a long lasting legacy and repercussions on the post-war Korean society.

The Prevalence of Sexually Transmitted Infections and Sociosexual Behaviors in the South Korean Military Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic.

ABSTRACTIntroductionThis study evaluated the epidemiological factors of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) among South Korean troops including the prevalence, therapeutic methods, and sexual risk behaviors.Material and MethodsThe medical records of the STIs diagnosed troops at the Armed Forces Capital Hospital (AFCH) for 36 months (between January 2018 and December 2020) were retrospectively reviewed. The data collection for the study began after obtaining research approvals from the institutional ethics committee of AFCH. The patients were classified into two subgroups, pre-coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and COVID-19 groups. The clinical parameters of the patients including STI-related symptoms and underlying diseases were analyzed. The sociosexual conduct of the two study groups was evaluated and compared by using a survey questionnaire.ResultsOverall, 138 STI patients with mean age of 21.2 years were included (pre-COVID-19: 106 patients/COVID-19: 32 patients). 32.6% of the patients received college education before the military service. Regarding previous history of STIs, 24 patients (17.4%) had previous experience of STIs, which occurred before participation in the current study. Initial urine analysis results showed that 95 (68.8%) and 79 patients (57.2%) showed pyuria and bacteriuria, respectively. Neisseria gonorrhoeae (29.7%) was the most commonly identified pathogen. Each pathogen was treated with the therapies recommended by the current treatment guidelines, and no patient showed any recurrence of the disease during follow-up. Both pre-COVID-19 (91.5%) and COVID-19 (93.8%) groups showed high rates of binge drinking during off-duty. The pre-COVID-19 group had a greater number of patients (21.7%) having multiple sex partners (during the past 12 months) than the COVID-19 group (15.6%). The COVID-19 group had 18.8% of the troops involved in sexual activity even after the onset of STI-related clinical symptoms, whereas the rate was significantly higher than 2.8% of the pre-COVID-19 group (P = .001). The COVID-19 groups showed a significantly higher number of patients (four patients, 12.5%) experiencing suicidal ideation than the pre-COVID-19 group (two patients, 1.9%) (P = .010). Both groups showed <40% of condom use rates at the last sexual intercourse.ConclusionThe soldiers with STIs showed high rates of binge alcohol consumption, while the rates of engaging in safe sex by using condoms are markedly low. Although the COVID-19 group was under influence of social distancing and military base lockdown, the soldiers’ sociosexual conduct was not significantly different in the pre-COVID-19 group. The importance of education on alcohol misuse and safe sexual relationships should be taken more seriously within the military.

Changes in International Security Environment and Paradigm Shifts in Overseas Dispatch of Korean Troops:

After being admitted to the United Nation (UN) in September 1991, South Korea began dispatching units of engineers on Peacekeeping Operation (PKO) to Somalia in 1994. Since then, it has been involved in promoting national interests and international peacekeeping operations such as armistice monitoring, reconstruction and disaster relief activities by dispatching troops and individuals to conflict zones around the world. In addition, starting with the dispatch of the Zaytun Division to Iraq, South Korean troops have experienced new battlefield environments through Multi-national Force Peace Operation (MNF PO) and secured momentum for improving their ability to carry out independent operations and strengthening the capacity to perform combined operations with the allies through the dispatch of such troops as the Akh Unit to non-conflict zones for Defense Cooperation Activities (DCA). In particular, with changes in the international security environment, where the number of non-traditional security threats such as international terrorism increases in addition to disputes between countries in the global era, the role of the Cheonghae Unit in ensuring the safety of its people from piracy, performing joint maritime operations with major countries and contributing to international maritime peace and security in the face of conflicts between the US and Iran has been highlighted again. Therefore, in the future, flexible approaches are needed for the diversification of overseas dispatch to perform additional missions in the temporarily expanded operation areas as in the dispatch of the Cheonghae Unit, a multi-national force. In this regard, this paper proposes major tasks and paradigm shifts for overseas dispatches in consideration of the expansion of roles and missions of multi-national forces such as PKO and Cheonghae Unit in the changing international security environment, and the current national defense and security environment characterized by reductions in the armed forces due to low birthrates. In the light of national defense and security environment at home and abroad in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, it is desirable to actively review the diversification of dispatching Korean troops, such as expanding tech-oriented troop contribution, breaking away from the conventional engineer-oriented dispatch.

The Domestic and Geopolitical Ramifications of the Vietnam War on South Korea

The Vietnam War is a widely examined topic in the field of international relations. However, it is often viewed in terms of the strategic triangle between the United States, China, and the Soviet Union, instead of their allies. While the atrocities committed by the United States in the Vietnam War are often condemned and scrutinized in English literature, those of South Korea, their closest ally, remain less so. This essay outlines the South Korean government's political, economic, and ideological reasons for supporting the United States in Vietnam, the positive and negative consequences of this support, and the atrocities Korean troops committed against Vietnamese civilians. It argues that the legacy of the Vietnam War in South Korea is characterized by denial and neglect to this day. This essay finds that denial and neglect were experienced not only in Vietnam, but also in South Korea by veterans and the Korean government.

고종의 경운궁 환궁과 러시아･일본 외교관의 시선

The negotiations between Russia and Japan proceeded as the organization of the Joseon army and Gojong''s return to the Palace came together during the period of Agwan Pacheon. After Gojong''s return to the Palace, the issue of training Korean troops over the protection of his personal affairs was a diplomatic issue. Russia insisted that it could carry out the organization of the Korean army on its own. Japan insisted that the Russo-Japanese jointly carry out the organization of the Korean Army. Eventually, the Russian Military Instructor arrived in October 1896 and selected 800 elite troops. Gojong was able to return to Gyeongwoong Palace in February 1897 when the Russian Palace Guard was organized. At that time, there were various views of Gojong''s return to the Palace. Americans in Korea found that Gojong''s return to the Palace was consistent with the goals of the pro-Japanese and the place of safety. In fact, Gyeongwoong Palace was immediately adjacent to the US legation, Russian legation and British Consulate General. Gojong was able to expect help from foreigners in Korea when faced with a crisis in the Jeongdong foreign area. If Gojong are in a hurry, Gojong can escape to Russian and US construction officials. Kato, Japanese minister, argued that Gojong''s return to the Palace was realized because of the Japanese government''s idiomatic Korean strategy. The Russian documents differed in the view that King Gojong''s return to the Palace was related to Gojong''s cooperation with Russia, or Gojong''s unilateral action. In the end, Gojong''s return to the Palace was decided by the Joseon government''s subjective will. In February 1897, Gojong began the process of resolving the conflict between Russia and Japan and pursuing independent nations after Joseon Dynasty. Above all, Gojong''s return to the Palace was linked to the future political activities of the Korean Empire and the Emperor.

베트남전쟁 한국군 철수와 국내의 여론·정치 동향

베트남전쟁 한국군 철수와 국내의 여론·정치 동향

베트남전쟁기 PX와 군표의 정치경제학

Examined in this article are U.S. PX(Post Exchange) Stores which were run by the U.S. Army since the second World War wherever U.S. troops were stationed, as well as the Military Payment Certificates(MPC) which were used to operate them. The focus of this article is to determine how such stores and certificates affected the economy and society of states where U.S. troops were stationed, and for that purpose a historic event that occurred during the Vietnam war will be preliminarily discussed.<BR> U.S.’ MPC was only designed to be officially used in PX stores, but in reality they circulated in the vicinity of U.S. Army bases as ‘special currency.’ It served as a basis which formed the so-called ‘Army Base towns’ and several black markets, and was even given to soldiers as payment.<BR> In this article, the historical origin of the PX store and MPC are first examined, as well as how they were used as payment to Korean soldiers for their tours in a foreign country (in this case, Vietnam). Understanding of such history would enable us to see the nature of wartime economy which thrived on U.S. PX stores, MPC and the black market. Such economy could also be labeled as “PX Economy,” in which U.S. and Korean soldiers each played their part.<BR> Secondly, also examined here in such context is the nature of the ‘MPC Reform’ that took place in 1969 in both Korea and Vietnam, alongside a fraudulent act committed by a Korean soldier serving at the Maengho Division within the Korean Army Headquarters in Vietnam, as the incident is documented with details in a MAC-V(U.S. Army Headquarters in Vietnam) report filed by the Inspector General. Hopefully this incident would shed some light on how the “in-the-middle” position that had been initially maintained by the Korean troops, from a country that shared with Vietnam the experience of escaping Colonialism and then also going through the horror of being a war-stricken divided country, later changed due to implications of the Korean-U.S. Alliance, and a ‘crusade’ campaign against Communism.

이승만 박정희 정부의 한국군 베트남 파병 추진과 국회의 대응 - 의용군 파병논의를 중심으로 -

Analyzed in this article is the discussion that took place inside the Republic of Korea’s National Assembly over the issue of sending volunteer soldiers to Vietnam, in the wake of the Lee Seung-man and Park Jeong-Hi regimes’ intention and preparations to send Korean troops to the said country.<BR> The former government’s proposal to send troops to Indochina was related to the issue of founding the Asian People’s Anti-Communist Alliance, as Lee Seung-man was interested in forming an organization of virtual ‘Anti-Communist Crusaders’ with Jiang Jieshi to fight the Chinese Communist party. However, sending troops abroad required legal -either international or domestic- bases, and without those he could not send troops anywhere. So, in order to circumvent such obstacle, Lee proposed that the troops which would be sent would be volunteers. The Eisenhower administration of U.S. considered Lee Seung-man’s offer but did not want the Indochina dispute to spread to other regions. So the U.S. government supported Lee’s plan to establish an anti-Communist military alliance, but rejected his proposal to dispatch Korean soldiers. Asian People’s Anti-Communist Alliance remained as a civilian body.<BR> The Kennedy administration, on the other hand, asked that Korean troops to be sent to Vietnam. In order to secure a relief program from the U.S., President Park Jeong-hi agreed to such demand. After examining certain precedence from the Lee Seung-man era, his government created a domestic legal foundation that would enable the regime to send troops abroad, and began training anti-insurgence exercises as well. But on the international front, legal foundation that would justify a country to send troops beyond its boundaries was still lacking. So the Park Jeong-hi regime also considered sending volunteers to Vietnam, but at the request of U.S., it was decided that Korea would dispatch regular army units.<BR> The National Assembly of Korea was against the idea of sending Korean troops, citing a number of problems. Certain representatives also suggested dispatching volunteers as a compromise. But the Park Jeong-hi administration and the governing Republican (Gong’hwa-dang) party enforced the issue, and the National Assembly was not able to block it.

FROM THE INVOLVEMENT IN VIETNAM WAR (1964 - 1973) TO THE EMERING HORIZONS IN SOUTH KOREA-VIETNAM RELATIONS

The Vietnam War was one of the most extensive and violent wars in the 20th century. More than 3 million American military service members participated in 1964–1975 and about 58,000 died, was the longest military conflict in US history. The people of Vietnam have been confronted with an great power with potentials, economic strength and military superiority. In order to internationalize the war as the model of Korean War (1950-1953), the US have mobilized powerful allies to directly involve (Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, Philippines…) in Vietnam War in which, the South Korean (ROK) troops was highly evaluated by the US for their aggressiveness, ability and effectiveness. By the end of 1969, about 49,000 Korean troops were actively participated in combat in South Vietnam, while an additional 15,000 civilians labourers and technicians were working as employees of the US and Korean firms operating in South Vietnam. This study is divided into three major parts: (1) to brief the context of the ROK’s participation in Vietnam War (1964 - 1973) in which we try to review the motives and factors behind South Korea’s decision to send troops to Vietnam. (2) the benefits and consequences of the ROK’s participation; and (3) the current changing relations between the ROK and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRVN) as the two countries put aside the past and look to emerging horizons with the “miraculous” developments in the ROK-SRVN relations.

Battle between the Two Koreas in Vietnam: An Analysis of Participation in the Vietnam War by the North Korean Psychological Warfare Unit and Propaganda Leaflets

The purpose of this study is to illuminate the veracity of deployment of the North Korean psychological warfare unit to the Vietnam War and its activities. With the South Korean troops as its target, North Korea deployed over a hundred psychological warfare troops every year, beginning with the first unit of four dispatched in June of 1966. The North Korean psychological warfare unit produced and distributed propaganda leaflets and materials; taught the Vietcong the Korean language and means to abduct South Korean troops; operated Korean-language broadcasts; and conducted data investigation and radio monitoring. The most noteworthy of said activities was the distribution of propaganda bills. An analysis of fifty-eight propaganda bills collected at the time demonstrates forms as diverse as writing, photographs, drawings, and a combination of writing and photographs (or at times writing and drawings). The contents involved propaganda regarding the characteristics of the war, instigation of anti-American and anti-government struggles, stimulation of nostalgia and decline of morale, and inducement of defection to North Korea. The illumination of North Korean participation in the Vietnam War is a crucial facet of better understanding the significance of the Vietnam War in contemporary Korean history as well as the security conditions of the Korean peninsula in the 1960s and the 1970s. Essential will be ongoing research on the North Korean involvement in the Vietnam War, a subject that has remained relegated to the sidelines thus far.

Hematologic and serologic status of military working dogs given standard diet containing natural botanical supplements.

The health of military working dogs (MWDs) deployed with Korean troops is of prime importance. The aim of our study was to investigate the hematologic and serologic status of Korean MWDs given natural botanical supplements. To do this, 11 natural botanicals were selected based on relevant references and combined to supplement MWDs. Throughout the 16-week experimental periods, there was no significant difference in body weights of individual dogs. The Hemoglobin (HGB), hematocrit (HCT), Mean Corpuscular Volume (MCV), and Mean Corpuscular Hemoglobin (MCH) values were slightly higher in the group given the supplement. On the other hand, the Mean Corpuscular Hemoglobin Concentration (MCHC) values were slightly lower. Changes in platelet, lymphocyte, and basophil counts were observed in the supplemented group. The median serum IL-6 level did not differ significantly between the supplemented and control groups. However, the mean serum C-reactive protein (CRP) value increased significantly from the start of supplementation to 8 weeks, and then decreased at 16 weeks. Taken together, our result suggests that the health condition of most MWDs supplemented with natural botanicals was gradually improved. Thus, this study may provide support for the development of a feed supplement for MWDs using natural botanicals.

ДОПОМОГА США БІЖЕНЦЯМ В ПЕРІОД КОРЕЙСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ (1950 – 1953 рр.)

The article reveals a set of measures taken by the United States of America to assist “the refugees of war” in the context of local conflict in the Korean Peninsula. It is underlined that securing assistance to hundreds of thousands of Korean refugees has become a unique experience for the United States and the international community in providing financial support, assistance programs, combat operations, and organized troop deployment. Particular attention was paid to the decisions and actions of the US Armed Forces Command aimed at avoiding panic among refugees from the North, evacuating civilians, setting up and operating Refugee Camps. The unprecedented scale of the Hungnam rescue operation carried out during the offensive of the Chinese and North Korean troops in December 1950 is examined. The first exampled experience was the work of the United Nations Civil Aid Command in Korea, whose field teams distributed clothing, supplies, consumer goods and large-scale vaccinations against smallpox and typhoid during the second half of 1950. In addition, it reviewed the work of UNCURK, which was to help rebuild the country. As part of the program, Korean refugees received rice, used clothing and shoes, and medical equipment. At the same time, the establishment and activities of the UNKRA, to whom the United States has been the major donor, have played a leading role in assisting the forced migrants. The relief programs subsequently became a significant factor in the Westernization and economic revival of the Republic of Korea. It has been shown that in the context of the military conflict in Korea, US assistance to refugees was provided not only through a profile UN agency but also through the active involvement of US military structures and non-governmental organizations. The role of volunteer organizations and private initiatives of the American public in support of the Korean Refugee was noted.

Fighting the Korean War in pacifist Japan: Korean and Japanese leftist solidarity and American Cold War containment

ABSTRACTWhere does “pacifist” Japan fit within the history of the Korean War? Was Japan simply the beneficiary of the wartime boom – a case best exemplified by Japanese Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru’s characterization of the Korean War as “a gift of the gods”? When North Korean troops crossed the thirty-eighth parallel and launched a full-scale attack against South Korea, the U.S. occupation in Japan quickly transformed the pacifist nation into the indispensable rear base of United Nations military intervention in the Korean War. The Japanese Communist Party and leftist groups organized by zainichi Koreans (Korean residents in Japan) launched an antiwar movement to stop Japan from producing and sending arms to UN forces in Korea. The U.S. occupation responded with determined efforts to contain every antiwar voice emerging from the streets of the pacifist country. By examining the political dynamics of zainichi Korean and Japanese leftist solidarity and U.S. countermeasures, this article shows how the Korean War was fought in pacifist Japan. It also illuminates how the practice of Cold War containment was mutually linked on the ground between occupied Japan and South Korea.

5.16군사정부기 미 대한원조정책의 성격과 AID-유솜의 역할 : 초기 울산공업단지 건설과정을 중심으로

Contrary to previous understanding, the U.S. policy of Korean aid was actually shifting during the Kennedy administration. The magnitude of Korean aid which included aiding 600,000 Korean troops was becoming a burden for the U.S., and was preventing the U.S. government from adopting its new foreign aid policy to Korea immediately. The U.S. government planned to commence the policy shift in Korea in 1964, which was essentially a switch from military aids to economic aids, accompanied by an establishment of a long-term aid plan as well as an offer of a development loan. The reason that the U.S. government did not actively support the first 5-Year Economy Development Plan in the early years of the “5.16” Military regime was not only because it differed in opinion of developmental strategy with the military government, but also because it was hard to shift its entire aid policy to Korea immediately.BR The Ulsan Industrial Complex(UIC), which also included the central factories for the first 5-Year Economy Development Plan, shows us how the Kennedy administration’s foreign policy was shifting at the time. In this transitional period, AID-USOM played more than an active role, by mediating American civilian investments for the UIC, and forcing changes in the military government’s initial plans for construction. This was a strategy of the U.S. foreign aid office designed to compensate for any problem that might arise due to the shift in policy itself. In the end, UIC was constructed not with the U.S. government’s development loan as hoped by the Korean military government, but with U.S. private -and direct- investments aggressively mediated by the U.S. foreign aid authorities.

창군기 한국군 정훈의 도입 과정과 중국국민당 정공의 변용

The U.S. Military Government launched the ‘Korean Constabulary,’ which became the foundation for the Korean(South Korean) Army. It was supposed to maintain political neutrality. The political situation of recently liberated Korea was murky at best at the time, so the soldiers were not to disclose their political aspirations or preference, and also not to use the military for their own political agendas. But ironically, this ‘political neutrality principle’ turned out to be what eventually allowed elements from the South Korean Labor party to slip into military ranks. Increased ideological frictions amongst officers started to appear in the form of minor commotions, or incidents of soldiers crossing the border to go over to North Korea. Ultimately, even a series of revolts (usually called as the “Yeosoo-Sunchun Rebellion”) began to break out.BR In response to such incidents, Minister of National Defense Lee Beom-seok ordered the installation of a ‘Troop Infornation&Education’ system, based upon his own experiences with the political warfare of the Kuomintang of China. This Chinese “Jeong-gong” system was from the Party’s own Leninist commissar legacy, and was designed to apply Fascist methods in army operations, for Anti-Communist purposes. Lee also inserted ‘Korea National Youth Corps’ agents -named after the Chinese training specialists- inside the units’ TI&E bodies, in order to train Korean troops just as the Kuomuntang did with their own soldiers.BR But unlike the Chinese situation, the Korean political arena was composed of multiple parties and there was a notion of the aforementioned ‘political neutrality.’ So the Korean army’s TI&E had to be modified from the Chinese model before being applied to the Korean situation. Instead of building Party-controlled troops, the Korean system developed an administrative structure and through that enforced ideological conditioning of the soldiers. This kind of approach to troops orientation has so far been understood as a Fascist approach to the matter, but this seems like an issue that would have to be evaluated not only in terms of its implications in the Cold-war and U.S. interests and all, but also in terms of how the South Korean regime and society dealt with the constant possibility of civil disturbances in a ‘Northeast Asian way.’ Some might say it was not an ineffective methodology.

War on Two Fronts: The Fight against Parasites in Korea and Vietnam.

The Vietnam War has long been regarded as pivotal in the history of the Republic of Korea, although its involvement in this conflict remains controversial. While most scholarship has focused on the political and economic ramifications of the war – and allegations of brutality by Korean troops – few scholars have considered the impact of the conflict upon medicine and public health. This article argues that the war had a transformative impact on medical careers and public health in Korea, and that this can be most clearly seen in efforts to control parasitic diseases. These diseases were a major drain on military manpower and a matter of growing concern domestically. The deployment to Vietnam boosted research into parasitic diseases of all kinds and accelerated the domestic campaign to control malaria and intestinal parasites. It also had a formative impact upon the development of overseas aid.

6ㆍ25전쟁시기 한국군의 식량보급 실태 - 다부동지역 전투를 중심으로 -

6ㆍ25전쟁시기 한국군의 식량보급 실태 - 다부동지역 전투를 중심으로 -

The Organization and Activities of the US Army Signal Corps Photo Unit: Perspectives of War Photography in the Early Stages of the Korean War

In research on the history of photography related to the Korean War, only a small number of studies have focused on the organization, activities and visual features of war photography of the Korean War. In particular, the organization and activities of the military photographers have hardly been examined. It is virtually unknown that Sgt. Charles R. Turnbull, Private First Class (PFC) Ronald L. Hancock and Cpl. Robert Dangel, who were the military photographers for General Douglas MacArthur, were immediately sent to Korea just after the outbreak of the Korean War to carry out their mission. They belonged to A Company (Photo), 71st Signal Service Battalion, which was attached to the Photo Division, GHQ-FEC (General Headquarters, Far East Command). The existing wartime photographs from the period June 28 to July 5, 1950 were mostly produced by these three men, along with Lt. F.J. Winslow, photo officer in the Korean Military Advisory Group (KMAG). They carried out their activities until the end of July 1950, moving freely between the wartime front and rear, photographing American, South and North Korean troops, and civilians. Their work reflects the chaos of the times and displays conflicting viewpoints, a reality made possible by the fact that there was comparatively little censorship in the early stages of the war. This study focuses on the perspectives of these four military photographers, which differed greatly from the perspectives of later Korean War photographers, who tended to reflect the official position of the US Army.