Institution Of Kingship Research Articles

Assyrian Chronology and Ideology of Kingship: The Impact on Biblical Historiography and Religion

Studies since 2005 have raised doubts about the Assyrian King List’s (AKL) intention and ability to measure absolute time. If telescoping of time occurred, it would be difficult to detect during periods when royal annals were scant. The best way to detect discontinuity in the AKL is by comparison with contemporary king lists, such as one constructed from 1–2 Kings regnal formulas. If the AKL conflates time, an assessment of the plausibility of historical scenarios resulting from different timeframes allows for discrimination between one timeline or another. Israel and Judah’s interlocking chronological systems make a comparison with the Neo-Assyrian timeline possible but contain 44 more years than the timeline implied by the AKL and Assyrian Eponym Canon. By narrowing the window of time within which a deficit in the Neo-Assyrian canons may have occurred, possible reasons for missing years in the consensus chronology present themselves. This investigation concludes that Assyria sought to maintain the legitimacy of the institution of kingship during a protracted period of unacceptable or anomalous authority. Concerns surrounding the continuity of kingship would have dictated the final form of the Assyrian King List/Assyrian Eponym Canon. Using Divided Kingdom regnal data, a revision of the historical timeline is proposed that aligns archaeological, radiocarbon, biblical, and Assyrian data.

The Symbolic Potentials of Motifs on Yoruba Beaded Crowns

The Yoruba monarchical system operates supremacy of power with the use of beaded objects to indicate ranks and wealth. Suffice to say that beads are of inestimable value in Yoruba culture because its use is historic and perhaps, transcends extinction based on it's cultural value and record. This paper therefore, explores the basis for the use of particular motifs (rendered in beads) on these great works of historical, cultural and socio-political values and their symbolic potentials in Yoruba culture. It examines the relationship between ori (head) and crown in relation to Yoruba culture. It groups Yoruba crowns Into two: Agba Ade (the tall and conical type) and Orikogbofo (the caplike type). It identifies four main motifs on the crown and describes one as material (veils) and the other three as iconic (groups of birds). Extolling the power of the motifs in Yoruba monarchical system, the paper submits that the statuses of Yoruba kings are determined by the number of icons (motifs) on their crowns. The paper concludes by asserting that irrespective of any changes in the Yoruba society, the institution of kingship will remain with continuous making of beaded crowns adorned with symbolically and potentially driven motifs in response to socio-cultural demands of the Yoruba society at that time. Keywords: Symbolic, Potential, Motif, Yoruba, Beaded Crown. Aims Research Journal Reference Format: Ajayi, J.B. (2023): The Symbolic Potentials of Motifs on Yoruba Beaded Crowns. Advances in Multidisciplinary and Scientific Research Journal Vol. 9. No. 4. Pp 35-43 www.isteams.net/aimsjournal. dx.doi.org/10.22624/AIMS/V9N3P4

Designing Viable Republican Constitutions for Modern African States: Why the Institution of Traditional Kingship Must Be Abolished

In this paper I argue for the adoption of an unmitigated republican constitutional system by modern African nation states as a necessary condition for the realisation of their democratic aspirations. I identify the continued retention of the traditional kingship institution, even in a much whittled down form, as a major impediment to the establishment of full-fledged republics in contemporary Africa. I then argue for the total abolition of the kingship system on the following grounds: (i) that it was founded on historical injustice to begin with, (ii) that it has no relevance or utility to modern African states, and (iii) mostimportantly, that its continued existence is antithetical to the requirements of a modern democracy. This last point, I take largely for granted. I provide ashort elucidation of ‘republicanism’ as a constitutional philosophy. Finally, Isuggest some constitutional measures that African nation states may adopt toeradicate the traditional kingship institution and thereby ensure the survivaland flourishing of their republics.

Accession to the Throne of the Olowu of Ancient Owu Kingdom: A Case Study of Oba Olusanya Adegboyega Dosunmu Amororo II

Kingship institutions headed by traditional rulers have been in existence for centuries before the advent of colonialism. Indubitably, the presence of colonialism paved ways for different political structures, from the independence of Nigeria in 1960 till the return of governance to civilian rule by the military regime headed by General Abdul-Salam Abubakar in 1999, all these changes in the political structures of Nigeria, had a lot of effect on the status and position of the traditional rulers; from a position where they were the chief executive of their domains to advisers in the present political dispensation in Nigeria. Be that as it may, traditional institutions still show utmost resilience in the face of various political changes it has passed through, as the traditional rulers are being accorded a high degree of legitimacy in the eyes of the populace. This paper, therefore, presents discussion on the accession to throne in Yorubaland, the stool of the Olowu of Owu in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria, with reference to the processes involved in the selection, initiation, coronation and installation of Oba Olusanya Adegboyega Dosunmu Amororo II, as the 13th Olowu of Owu kingdom. The discourse relies on oral interviews and supplemented with secondary data. In the main, the paper presents that there are six ruling houses in Owu kingdom which are: Akinjobi, Akinoso, Amororo, Ayoloye, Lagbedu, Otileta and that the basis of rotation was to be adopted in selecting a new king whenever the stool is vacant. The study further discovers that when it was the turn of Amororo dynasty, six persons jostled for the coveted stool out of which Oba Olusanya was successfully chosen by the Kingmakers as the best candidate. The study concludes that initiation which is needed to be done for a new king came in a different dimension for late Oba Olusanya, although he entered “ Ipebi” seclusion but no form of traditional rituals or rites was performed for him and on him. Keywords: Kingship Institution: Colonialism: Owu Kingdom: The Stool of Olowu of Owu: Ruling Houses: Initiation: Nigeria

Religious Discourse in Ancient Mesopotamia

AbstractThe modern representation of cuneiform literature as a creation depending on a religious discourse leads us to think that myths and rites have structured not only the institution of kingship, but also all Mesopotamian knowledge, as well as social life. If political ideology needed a religious support to explain the king’s authority and privileges, later textual traditions show that the same intellectuals working for the royal court and urban elites developed at the same time, beyond religion, an alternative conception of their own power as knowledge and control of history, through narration, and nature through “magic”, in order to change reality and the gods’ will.

Colonial rule, trajectories and travails of the Kingship Institution in Akokoland, 1900–1960

ABSTRACT Akokoland is a conglomeration of many towns located in the north-eastern part of Yorubaland. There exists many colonial documents with narratives to the effect that, colonial rule profited the Akoko communities that were brought under it. This paper, however, argues that colonial rule adversely impacted and altered the workings of the kingship institution in the period under review in Akokoland. Through a gristmill of sources, the paper discusses how power politics was used as a divide-and-rule tactic to enforce loyalty and consequently alter well developed traditional political institutions using the kingship institution in Akokoland as case study. The paper reveals that colonial enterprise in Akokoland was tailored towards the pursuit of power and rewards rather than the welfare of the people through political opportunism paid for by the establishment of harsh tax regimes and the imposition of political control of non-Akoko towns on the people of Akokoland by the agents of colonial administration. Beyond this, the kingship institution in Akokoland has continued to show resilience and remains a potent pillar of societal cohesion, viable grass root mobiliser, interpreter of government policies and viable agent of inclusive development.

A Contextual Analysis of Three Major Tribes’ Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in Pre-Literate Nigerian Society

This paper contextually analyzed three major tribes’ traditional conflict resolution mechanism in pre-literate Nigerian society. Conflict is very much part of human society and it is expected. Conflict resolution encompasses a range of processes gallantly aimed at alleviating or eliminating sources of conflict. Secondary sources of data with relevant literature were engaged and the Emile Durkheim theory of societal development was adopted as a theoretical framework. Findings show that in Yorubaland, conflict is seen as unavoidable, a positive development through which people understand each other better. While the main causes of conflict among the Igbos are basically land, chieftaincy tussle and matrimonial fallouts. Prior to kingship institution, the Igbo used non-centralized forms of government which have in attendance Elders and Council of Elders which serves as the highest and most important peacemaking and conflict resolution mechanism. Hausa/Fulani pre-colonial administration is highly centralized and hierarchical in nature. The Emir, in terms of adjudication, is both the political and religious head because he ensures that the provisions of Sharia are adequately followed to the core in treating cases of individual or group conflicts. The Emir court was the highest and the final. Having perused all the conflict resolution mechanisms of the three major tribes in Nigeria, the following recommendations were made; there is a need to encourage traditional conflict mechanisms as it is accessible and economic for disputants. There should be peace education for all and sundry. Alternative dispute resolution and unofficial strategies should be subscribed to in an attempt to ameliorate and manage human’s conflicts (vigilante, militias, charms, prayers, communal solidarity, etc). Keywords: Tribes, Traditional, Pre-illiterate, Conflict Resolution

A Contextual Analysis of Three Major Tribes’ Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in Pre-Literate Nigerian Society

This paper contextually analyzed three major tribes’ traditional conflict resolution mechanism in pre-literate Nigerian society. Conflict is very much part of human society and it is expected. Conflict resolution encompasses a range of processes gallantly aimed at alleviating or eliminating sources of conflict. Secondary sources of data with relevant literature were engaged and the Emile Durkheim theory of societal development was adopted as a theoretical framework. Findings show that in Yorubaland, conflict is seen as unavoidable, a positive development through which people understand each other better. While the main causes of conflict among the Igbos are basically land, chieftaincy tussle and matrimonial fallouts. Prior to kingship institution, the Igbo used non-centralized forms of government which have in attendance Elders and Council of Elders which serves as the highest and most important peacemaking and conflict resolution mechanism. Hausa/Fulani pre-colonial administration is highly centralized and hierarchical in nature. The Emir, in terms of adjudication, is both the political and religious head because he ensures that the provisions of Sharia are adequately followed to the core in treating cases of individual or group conflicts. The Emir court was the highest and the final. Having perused all the conflict resolution mechanisms of the three major tribes in Nigeria, the following recommendations were made; there is a need to encourage traditional conflict mechanisms as it is accessible and economic for disputants. There should be peace education for all and sundry. Alternative dispute resolution and unofficial strategies should be subscribed to in an attempt to ameliorate and manage human’s conflicts (vigilante, militias, charms, prayers, communal solidarity, etc). Keywords: Tribes, Traditional, Pre-illiterate, Conflict Resolution

THE FORMATIVE TO CLASSIC PERIOD TRANSITION AT IZAPA: UPDATES FROM THE IZAPA HOUSEHOLD ARCHAEOLOGY PROJECT

AbstractIn southern Mesoamerica, the period between 100b.c.anda.d.400 saw both the apogee and fall of several powerful Formative-period cities. Previous reports have suggested that conquest from the southeast may have prompted a unique decline at Izapa around 100b.c., when many neighboring cities were prospering. Over the last five years, new archaeological data has emerged for the Formative to Classic period transition at Izapa. The present work summarizes these updates and highlights recent deposits excavated during the Izapa Household Archaeology Project. These updates raise questions about the Hato-phase intrusion hypothesis proposed by Lowe and colleagues (1982). I close with an alternative proposal that, beginning around 100b.c., increased network participation and a change in the institution of kingship produced some of the dramatic changes in ceramics and burial patterns observed at the site.

The development of kingship institution in Oru-Igbo up to 1991

The development of kingship institution in Oru-Igbo up to 1991

The development of kingship institution in Oru-Igbo up to 1991

The saying “Igbo do not have kings”- Igbo enweeze (Jell-Bahlsen:13) is undoubtedly one of the most profound statements in Igbo proverbs. Nevertheless, facts predicated on historical evidences have proven that kingship institution existed in Igboland since the pre-colonial period. However, this claim cannot be generalized since it is not applicable to all parts of Igboland. In other words, this simply implies that there are some parts of Igboland whose people could be regarded as the genuine custodians of kingship institution as an imperishable heritage right from the pre-colonial through post-colonial eras. On this basis, therefore, this paper interrogates the development of kingship institution in Oru-Igbo with a view to bringing to the fore the knowledge of kingship institution that existed in Oru-Igbo at different epochs. Therefore, Oru-Igbo are one of the people that had kings in the pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial eras in Igboland as considered in this paper within the period which this discourse focuses on. The knowledge and practice of kingship as an institution are not alien cultures to the Oru-Igbo. The paper examines their relationship with the Igbo at the West of the Niger (today’s Delta State of Nigeria) as well as the Benin people of Nigeria in terms of kingship hence it is a common belief in Oru-Igbo that they migrated from a place called Ado naIdu 1 in the 15 th century. The paper also investigates the essence of Oru 2 or why the people of Oru-Igbo pride themselves as Oru-Igbo instead of strictly identifying themselves as Igbo without the “Oru or Oruness” appendage as they often do when the need arises or when it becomes necessary to accentuate their peculiar culture such as the kingship institution. Interestingly, apart from such issues that touch the identity and culture of Oru-Igbo which are regarded as identity makers, Oru-Igbo people do not on concrete and practical terms disassociate themselves from Igbo nation. Towards this end, the paper interrogates the peculiar kingly culture of Oru-Igbo in the South East ( East of the Niger) of Nigeria and how such legacy endured over the years and practically distinguished them from other hinter land Igbo, most especially with respect to culture. Also, in this paper, however, it is discovered that the Oru-Igbo are unarguably Igbo irrespective of their cultural inclination and some other factors that made other “Igbo” create a new identity in the post Nigeria-Biafra civil war of 1967-1970 by declaring themselves as non -“Igbo”.

The Rhetoric of Convention: The Foundational Saul Narratives (1 Samuel 9–11) Reconsidered

Biblical scholars have applied new methodologies to the royal narratives in the Deuteronomistic History (Joshua–Kings) as viable resources for recovering authentic historical information regarding the monarchic cultures of ancient Israel and their impact on the development of Israelite religion. The present study considers anew the narratives regarding Israel's first king, Saul son of Kish. A recurring motif in these narratives is the appeal to socio‐religious convention, which is suggestive of a rhetorical strategy among the authors that sought to situate the Saulide royal lineage in familiar traditions that the institution of kingship was perceived as disrupting.

The Institution of kingship in Aeshylus' tragedies: Terminology and Historicity

En employant un outil méthodologique nouveau, à savoir l'examen systématique, comparatif et exhaustif de l'ensemble de la terminologie politique qui existe dans l''oeuvre poétique d''Eschyle qui nous est parvenue, nous allons montrer que le poète emploie dans chaque tragédie une série de termes distincts pour décrire les royautés ainsi que les institutions qui se rattachent à ces royautés. Nous allons montrer que ce plan terminologique propose des tableaux politiques bien définis et suggère des milieux politiques distincts qui ne sont pas fictifs mais qui au contraire reflètent en partie la tradition historique de chaque cité en question.

The Igbo: “A Stateless Society”

For sometime now there have arisen some interests and controversies among scholars and observers as to whether the Igbo had a political system that could be considered centralized. Some scholars and opinion are of the view that the Igbo did not organize themselves into states and so, had no kingship institution. In other words, the Igbo political institutions and structures did not constitute credentials of statehood. The British anthropologists and colonial administrators with limited knowledge of the type of government in Igboland have tended to classify the people as a stateless society. To them, what existed were federations of autonomous villages without any single individual endowed with the attributes of a king or ruler as was the case with the Benin kingdom, the Empires of Oyo and Kanem Borno, and the Hausa States. The purpose of this study is to interrogate the appropriateness or otherwise of this assumption because the people’s institutions and structures met their aspirations just as those of the so-called states in the pre-colonial days. The paper is a departure from the widely held but misleading conceptions and stereotypes about the Igbo political system before the colonial era. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p1315

ROYAL MINANGKABAU SEALS

For over three centuries, Malay seals engraved in Arabic script have functioned as symbols of the authority of the sultan and his court. In all parts of maritime Southeast Asia, there is extraordinary uniformity in the inscriptions of these Islamic seals, which generally identify the sealholder by his name and official title, as well as giving his pedigree and place of origin. Over half of all Malay seals recorded are dated, making them important primary sources for the study of Malay history and biography. Strangely enough, seals from Minangkabau in west Sumatra are at odds with the general picture on two counts. Firstly, royal Minangkabau seals do not usually designate an identifiable individual ruler but rather signify the institution of kingship itself. Secondly, there exists an entire genre of seals which can be entitled ‘Minangkabau seals of patronage’, whose inscriptions do not conform to the template for Malay seals described above. In this article both these categories of seals will be explored, in the process shedding new light on how Minangkabau authority was disseminated in the rantau, or areas of traditional Minangkabau migration in Malay borderlands, with particular reference to Negeri Sembilan.

Foundations for the Legitimation of the Tonghak Peasant Army and Awareness of a New Political Order

At present, there are two contrasting views on the historical significance of the Tonghak 東學 peasant uprising: first, that the uprising was a step towards a modern society; second, that it was a “conservative rebellion.” Controversies and arguments all narrowly focus on whether or not the Tonghak peasant uprising aspired to modernity, and since researchers have tended to highlight those parts of the statements, actions, and demands of the insurgents that were advantageous to their own cause, our understanding of the uprising has been restricted rather than broadened by this debate. In order to achieve a more balanced assessment, this article probes the motives behind the Tonghak peasant uprising against the background of the governing system and ideology of Chosŏn society, while also considering the varied social customs and experiences of the people at that time. The members of the Tonghak peasant army internalized and appropriated Confucianism to justify their actions with the aim of restoring the Confucian ideology of minbon and injŏng, which had been abandoned by government officials. They did not fundamentally reject or try to overthrow the governing system of the Chosŏn dynasty, nor did they deny the validity of the institution of kingship. In this regard, the political awareness of the armed peasants was far from modernist, as they were still influenced by the existing Confucian political culture of benevolent governance. Yet, in their forceful insistence that they were entitled to benevolent government, they betrayed a mindset that had been lacking in earlier centuries and may be regarded as a precursor of a more democratic consciousness.

Seals as Sources for the History of Negeri Sembilan

Malay seals are in general extremely reliable historical witnesses, with care and consistency in the use of names and titles, pedigrees, toponyms and dates. A very different seal culture flourished in the Minangkabau highlands of west Sumatra. Minangkabau kings had seals of office which did not designate a particular ruler, but rather the institution of kingship itself, represented by the symbolic regnal name of Sultan Maharaja Diraja ibn Sultan Abdul Jalil Muazzam Syah , and also dispensed seals of patronage in the name of Sultan Abdul Jalil . Minangkabau influence is strongly felt in Negeri Sembilan, and many Negeri Sembilan seals cite as their font of authority Sultan Abdul Jalil Muazzam Syah (Rembau, Ulu Muar, Seri Menanti, Tampin), Sultan Muhammad Jalil (Sungai Ujung) or Sultan Muazzam Syah (Jelebu). All these variants can now be interpreted as deriving from the symbolic Minangkabau regnal title of 'Sultan Abdul Jalil Muazzam Syah' rather than from a sultan of Johor, as had long been thought. This recognition has important implications for the historiography of Negeri Sembilan.

Do the Kings Lie?

Taking departure from Arrian’s famous statement (Anab. 1, Praef. 2) that he mainly relied on Ptolemy Soter’s account of Alexander the Great’s history since Ptolemy was the king and lies should be avoided by him, the roots of the idea of the royal truthfulness are discussed. It is claimed that the Greek political thought about monarchy and the institution of kingship had a strong ethical flavor but the argument of the kings’ veracity was not especially stressed out. Arrian, however, has found it both in Alexander the Great’s ideology and the ideology of the royal court in Ptolemaic Egypt. Essentially, however, the origins of the truthfulness idea are to be sought in the royal Oriental (Achaemenid especially), official ethics, under the influence of which Alexander certainly remained. The novelty of Arrian the historian’s decision should by thus appreciated. It does not mean that Arrian’s account of Alexander’s expedition is ideally objective but it certainly means that in his effort to give a possibly unbiased history of the Macedonian king’s achievements, he tried to do his best.

Peering through the cracks in the Baburnama: The textured Lives of Mughal sovereigns

This article examines the intertwined literary and political processes that moulded the texts of Mughal sovereignty and shaped the lives of Mughal sovereigns. In historical terms it considers the lives of Babur (d. 1530) and his grandson Akbar (d. 1605) and the ‘books’ associated with them, the Baburnama and Akbarnama. However, in order to connect the two pairs, this article follows an unconventional and less trodden path through Safavid political history, Iranian Sufism and the Persian epic and storytelling tradition. By doing so, it reveals new, less intuitive perspectives on the cultures that produced these texts and their protagonists. Specifically, it shows how Babur’s work and others like it were not only products of new literary tastes and reading practices but also participated in the making of new institutions of kingship and sainthood that evolved together in Mughal India and Safavid Iran over the sixteenth century.

Stepping Stones through Time

lie outside its memory range. In this article I aim to formulate a descriptive model for a society that operates in terms of what I call a “memory capsule” of four generations that provides an expectation of recollection over a period of about a hundred years. This model represents a rather static way to speak of the actual human experience that moves forward constantly through time as each generation replaces the one before it, and we should take account of this process, but I have found through the study of Indo-European material, and comparable material from elsewhere, that it is possible to envisage this model in terms of movement through a system of alternate generations, with each of the alternations having its distinctive nature. In the IndoEuropean case, it is proposed that the generations are marked by the central institution of kingship, with each king’s reign differing in nature from that of his predecessor and successor. The “stepping stones” of my title suggest a way of grasping this proposed dual movement through time.