Kinds Of Names Research Articles

Diminutive names in Peninsular Arabic

AbstractIn the Arabian Peninsula, lexically diminutive personal names, family names and place names are ubiquitous. In a dataset of 9,060 Arabian names, 1,717 (19 per cent) are diminutive. This article finds that the diminutive pattern CiCēC (cf. Classical CuCayC) has meanings and functions in Arabic names that are distinct from its meanings and functions in common nouns. In addition to expected meanings related to size, the diminutive carries partitive and attributive meanings. It may simply mark a name (as an onymic) or derive a name (as a transonymic). The diminutive may disambiguate two similar names found in close proximity (e.g. Diba ≠ Dubai). The form and function of the diminutive differ categorically according to what kind of name is diminutivized, supporting the semantic-pragmatic theory of names. A quantitative analysis of toponyms indicates that diminutive names are associated with Bedouin dialects and practices, as suggested by previous research.

(245–248) Proposals regarding rank‐denoting terms (Articles 6, 21, 24 and 32)

(245–248) Proposals regarding rank‐denoting terms (Articles 6, 21, 24 and 32)

Naming and the Relegation of Poor Migrants: an Ubuntu Appraisal

Naming of a kind that relegates unwelcome poor strangers is a current challenge in countries that continue to experience substantial migration of destitute individuals. On the basis of African moral philosophy, and specifically an ubuntu/hunhu ethical theory, I examine the ethics of naming and particularly the concern that some names relegate unwelcome poor strangers in the host society. First, I discuss the problem of terms such as “foreign” and the relegation of poor migrants. Secondly, I draw attention to the ethic I am going to use to evaluate names, probing the African philosophy’s understanding of stranger and brother in terms of human dignity. Thirdly, I apply my favored dignity-based ethic to contemplations of naming, demonstrating which kinds of names are demeaning, which instead are apposite, and how various agents should change theirpresent practices. What is distinct and new in this philosophical investigation on naming and the relegation of poor immigrants is that I appeal to ubuntu moral theory and propose positive alternatives about which names should be used along with recommendations for change of practice.

What's in a Name? (Diagnosis)

Shakespeare’s Juliet asked, “What’s in a name? That which we call a rose / by any other name would smell as sweet.” (Romeo and Juliet Act II, Scene II, Line 46-47) But Juliet was a love-struck teenager. The Chinese philosopher Confucius gave advice that is more suitable for medical writers: “If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be conducted successfully.” (Analects Section 3, Part 13) A diagnosis is a kind of name—a name that must be used accurately. Real estate professionals tell us that the value of a property is determined by 3 factors: location, location, and location. Likewise, the care that a patient receives will hinge on diag-nosis, diagnosis, diagnosis. As medical writers, we need to understand what a diagnosis is, and what the process of diagnosis entails.

Towards the History of Spanish Compound Anthroponyms with the Preposition de (Based on the 16th Century Baptismal Registers of Seville’s Parishes)

The paper focuses on Spanish compound names with the preposition de (e.g. María de la Concepción, Juan de los Santos, Catalina de Santiago, etc.) retrieved from baptismal books in Seville prior to 1600. This research was outlined years ago by Ramón Menéndez Pidal who studied names with Marian dedication, based mostly on the 17th and 18th centuries sources. The paper reprises the theme but in a more elaborate way: the study is based on baptismal registers from the century preceding 1600 when Menéndez Pidal began his research and on the baptismal books of all parishes of Seville, which makes it possible to draw reliable quantitative conclusions. Besides, the study considers all kinds of names with the preposition de. The corpus contain two kinds of such names: compounds with Marian dedications and those containing a saint’s name (e.g. Fernando de San Pedro, Elvira de San Vicente, Juan de Santo Agustín, etc.). In the 16th century such names were relatively rare: only 115 children are found to have been baptised with a compound name containing preposition de, such names being based on the combination of a first name with one of only 30 dedicative elements (de San Pedro, de la Concepción, etc.). Female names with Marian dedications were almost twice as frequent as compounds with a saint’s name. The analysis shows that in the last case, the choice of the name depended on the catholic calendar: in the overwhelming majority of cases, the newborn baby got baptised immediately on the corresponding saint’s day or some days around this date (all deviances from this practice are discussed in the paper). It is also found that prior to 1600 names with de were characteristic of the most disadvantaged social groups, especially slaves and abandoned children, where the dedicative element that followed the preposition served as a substitute of a missing second name.

Numbing Aesthetics: Taste and Tempers of Peppercorn / Mountain Pepper / Sanshō

This article explores a cultural history of peppercorn and its famous characterization as a “numbing spice.” It investigates how the quality of “numbing spice” extended from East Asian cosmologies that engaged with peppercorn, also known as mountain pepper or sanshō 山椒, as a medical, literary, and culinary object. Medieval and early modern encyclopedias in China described how the plant's vivid colors reflected cosmological relationships that promised better health and eternal youth. The plant's desirability represented what I call “numbing aesthetics,” in that its taste was directly tied to its appearance and utility. When burned, boiled, or crushed, forms of peppercorn could treat hemorrhages, hair loss, swollen scrotums, and toothaches. Beautiful peppers were more effective; ugly peppers were less effective. These many types of plants had many kinds of names with origin stories that derived from young girls, young couples, pigs, and frogs. As a social metaphor, pepper dust became a popular metaphor for describing confined concubines. This article later argues that these qualities fell away when biologists attempted to reduce the plant into its active molecular components in the twentieth century. Tokyo-based chemists imperfectly distilled numbing juices from the pepper's bark and fruit to define numbness as a single unit of flavor, even when numbness was not a classical kind of flavor and more closely resembled tingling vibrations. But by becoming a quasi-category of flavor, the molecularization of peppercorn would diminish its long history of cosmological associations that were gendered, practiced, and otherworldly.

Nazwy stacji drogi krzyżowej (przemiany struktury i funkcji w XX wieku)

The names of stations in the Way of the Cross may be used as titles of pictures and sculptures, each corresponding to a particular event in the Passion of Christ, or as titles of meditations. The article focuses on the second meaning, but the trends of the development of both kinds of names are similar. The study is based on material consisting of about 200 texts of the service that have been published from the beginning of the 20 th century to the present (2020). The purpose of the article is to describe the changes that have taken place in the 20 th century, a period of particularly turbulent changes in religious discourse. The article deals with the function, syntactic structure and features of style, such as the use of archaic or colloquial vocabulary. These properties are considered in connection with social and cultural changes. At the beginning of the analyzed period, it was customary to use relatively long titles, which informed the participant or reader about a particular event using expressive and evaluative lexis. Those titles gradually gave way to short, schematic names. Since the Second Vatican Council, titles of a new type have appeared. Their purpose is to attract the attention of the recipient. They are based on a riddle, a contrast, allusions, etc. Therefore, the recipient derives satisfaction from deciphering the puzzle or finding the source of the quote or allusion. These phenomena are known from research on the language of press or fiction, but they can also be linked to current trends in the so-called new evangelization.

Dimas

Dimas Robert Pérez (bio) "Dimas, sir.” “What kind of name is that?” “It’s a church name, a Christian name. My father chose it way before I was born. His name was Dimas too.” “Ever call you Junior?” “No sir, Dimas, just Dimas.” “Well the reason I called you in, Dimas, is this. Mrs. Binder complained that you called her an offensive name yesterday.” “Who’s she?” “The librarian. Mrs. Binder.” “Oh, her.” The ninth grader smiled. He smiled one of those Huckleberry Finn smiles. “She says you also told her to put the library notice to good use next time she used the restroom,” said the assistant principal, holding back the chuckle pushing on his throat. “I told her I didn’t check out that book. Why should I read Black Beauty? Somebody signed my name to that card and kept the book.” “She says you’ll have to pay for the book.” Mr. Goines, the veteran assistant principal, studied the fifteen-year-old. He stood over him like he stood over his students before “popping” them with his three-quarter-inch “May-skeet” paddle. With his head leaning to one side and his chin resting on his left knuckle, the assistant principal sized up his victim. Mexican, ducktails, long-sleeve flimsy shirt, khakis, tan shoes. 1960. Dimas Guerrero, fifteen-year-old at the mostly Mexican Jr. High, studied “Go-een-nez.” Pinche piruquillo pendejo. What took you so long to find out the book was missing? I’ve already figured this out way ahead of you. “If I had taken the book, sir, I would pay for it. But I didn’t. I even signed a paper so the librarian could compare the signatures. They’re a million miles apart.” Sure they are. I gave that library card more loops than those guys that signed the Declaration of Independence. My signature is almost square. Viejillo pendejo. “They look pretty different to me too. Are you sure you didn’t sign the card differently?” He faked studying the totally different signatures. He held both card and paper up as if light would round out the jagged signatures. I wish I could read his face. These Mexicans are all alike; you can’t read them. Look up, dammit. “Maybe somebody just used my name.” Dimas looked down. He focused on the chocolate and vanilla blocks of tile and saw rivers and lakes from his childhood. He tried prying up a piece of old gum that held the desk to the floor. The hard gum snapped off ahead of his tan shoe’s sole. Three-twenty. Baseball practice at four. I’ll have to run home to change and get to practice. Hurry man. He’ll pay. He knows he can’t prove he didn’t forge it. He’s probably trying to figure a way out. But I got him. I just have to push. He’ll give. They all do, rather than have their parents come in. “Sir, today is Holy Thursday. I told my mother I’d be home by three-thirty to go to church.” What the hell? “It’s three-twenty.” The thirty-five-year-old former crafts class teacher framed his watch face with his fingers as if he were holding an invisible magnifying glass to read the dial. Dimas looked at the Timex strapped around his toast-colored wrist. “Yes, I know. I’ll be late.” “Why did you talk to Mrs. Binder like you did? She’s an old lady. It really bothered her. That’s her biggest complaint about this matter. You can’t talk to her like that. You should just explain . . .” Dimas interrupted the assistant principal. “I tried to. She said I’d have to pay for a book I’ve never seen. I don’t think that I should have to pay for it, sir.” “I’m sure that if you explain to her that you are sorry you talked to her like you did she’ll let the fine go.” “But why should I tell her I’m sorry? I didn’t take the book and she said I did.” [End Page 105] 3:22. “But if...

Helynév és identitás

Not only personal names are identity markers, so are place names. The issues of what kinds of names are given to which geographical objects, why and how places with established names are renamed, and what factors determine the choice among name variants are connected to the role of place names as identity shapers and markers. The fulfilment of this role is supported by the additional social and affective functions of place names. To illustrate the interrelations of place names and identity, the author quotes slang place names, as the above-mentioned functions can easily be demonstrated on these. The paper first discusses the results of a survey on attitudes towards slang place names conducted among university students; then the appearances of affective and social functions are illustrated with the help of several examples of slang place names.

Definiteness in Nuosu Yi and the theory of argument formation

This paper analyzes argument formation in Nuosu Yi, a language that is typologically unusual in having classifiers as well as a definite determiner. Also unusual is the fact that demonstratives do not combine directly with nouns in this language but require the mediation of classifiers. Properties such as these are shown to pose a challenge to current accounts of argument formation. The Neocarlsonian approach of Chierchia (Nat Lang Semant 6:339–405, 1998) explains the absence of definite articles in classifier languages as resulting from considerations of economy. If nouns in classifier languages are names of kinds, they can occur directly as arguments of verbs, thereby obviating the need for extra structure to host a determiner. The data from Nuosu Yi alters the empirical generalization and calls for a modification of the explanation. The specific account of Nuosu Yi that is presented bears on current discussions about the nature of argument formation. Must arguments necessarily occur with overt or covert determiners or is it possible for languages to differ in this respect? Must bare nominal arguments necessarily denote kinds or can they denote properties? In this sense, the discovery of a new type of classifier language contributes to a theory of language variation and argument formation in general.

Onomastics in a melting pot society with common roots: Israeli Jews in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century

Hebrew given names are transparent semantically and morphologically, hence it is possible to probe their linguistic nature. This study attempts to identify linguistic, phonological, morphological and semantic parameters that emerge from the examination of the Hebrew given names. The linguistic aspect of those names is related to social and cultural features because, they are carriers of the cultural essence derived from social and national characteristics (Ephratt, 2013). In this study, we analyzed three thousand most prevalent names and six thousand rare names given to Jewish newborns in the State of Israel during the period 1948-2007. Data were obtained from the repository of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Examination of excluded and included names from the prevalent newborns names lists showed differential changes within the use of several kinds of names during this period of time as a reflection of he social processes. This analysis also emphasized fashionable changes in linguistic features of the names in terms of phonology, morphology and semantic.

Naming and name resolution in the future internet: Introducing the NovaGenesis approach

Naming and name resolution have fundamental roles in the current and future Internet architectures. In the contemporary Internet, many limitations and problems on this area are longtime well-known, including the limited number of namespaces, the overloaded semantics of IP addresses and domain names, the use of network layer names at higher-levels of the architecture, and the limited name resolution capabilities of DNS. More recently, information-centric networking (ICN) and ID/Locator splitting have emerged as important approaches for rethinking the role of naming on the Internet. In addition, flat name schemes and innovative name resolution service (NRS) are being proposed to improve content distribution efficiency and provenance. In this paper, we are proposing a novel, hierarchical, distributed, name resolution and network caching service to support any combination of flat or hierarchical, natural language or self-verified naming. We provide a scientific contribution to the problem of structuring and resolving names composed of bindings among any kind of names in hierarchical autonomous domains. Our differentiated ICN approach is the core of a future Internet architecture called NovaGenesis. We evaluate and compare the performance of our approach for hierarchical name resolution services, specially in terms of how much servers are used (utilization). Results suggest that our proposal can be adopted as an alternative to the current Internet or other ICN approaches, like multi-level distributed hash tables. We report a reduction on name resolution services utilization at more than one level of authoritative domains’ hierarchy. When the probability of a queried domain name is in the cache of a resolver is equal to 0.547 (the typical value today), NovaGenesis root and second level name resolution servers have experimented less than half of the current DNS servers utilization. Finally, we have experimentally evaluated the performance of our proposal in a local domain using a C++ Linux implementation and Docker™ containers, analyzing how the number of name records and hash table nodes impact on name resolution lookup times.

The interpretation of Brazilian Portuguese bare singulars in neutral contexts

Abstract The interpretation of Bare Singular count nouns (henceforth BS nouns) has been at the center of much debate in the literature on countability in Brazilian Portuguese. In this paper, we ad- dress the question whether BS nouns may only be interpreted as mass nouns or as names of kinds, or whether they may also be interpreted as object denoting nouns. It is generally agreed that BS nouns can be interpreted as names of kinds. Furthermore, Beviláqua and Pires de Oliveira (2014) show that BS nouns are interpreted as mass nouns in contexts that favor a mass interpretation. However, the preferred interpretation of BS nouns in neutral contexts (i.e. contexts that favor neither a count nor a mass interpretation) has never been investigated experimentally. We present the results of two experiments, which show that speakers tend to interpret BS nouns as count nouns in neutral contexts.

The Week of German Cinema

The Week of German Cinema Maciej Miłkowski (bio) Translated by Justin Wilmes (bio) 1 At this sort of event the audience is, on the one hand, rather specialized—we are talking about culture after all—and on the other hand quite predictable, drawn from among a small, easily quantifiable group of regulars—we are talking about culture after all. A few are recognizable public figures, almost famous, though the fame of literary critics, translators, even poets is a bit different from that of actors, athletes, or singers. Even the most celebrated poet can visit a crowded marketplace without worrying that he will be obsessively accosted, while picking out a handsome ear of corn, by a group of local youths professing their admiration and undying devotion. Cultural gatherings are also sure to draw a number of academics—steadfastly observing the principle never to veer from their narrow area of specialization. A meeting with a French writer is attended by Romanists, a meeting with a Hungarian writer by Hungarianists. If the relevant languages are not taught at the university in a given city, then discussions with their leading artists often sit empty, if they happen at all. At a recent meeting with a Croatian writer, one such specialist, a lady in the front row—in answer to the translator about whether she needed to translate the Croatian author’s replies—glibly proclaimed, “Of course not! What for?” At the next week’s meeting with a leading Lithuanian writer, somehow I didn’t see this woman. A separate category of regulars is made up of those one knows by sight, those with no particular fame or position, and generally with no professional ties to the topic, and yet coming often enough that their faces lodge in one’s memory. There is nothing to explain such people—perhaps they are simply interested in culture. Such figures occasionally are given some kind of name or pseudonym—at any rate, my wife and I are in the habit of doing this. Maybe we’ve also been assigned nicknames, after all no one knows our names either, and we are regular visitors at all sorts of cultural gatherings. So we have, for example, Grandma Renia, a person who straddles two categories, since apparently her real name actually is Renata. It was her name, rather, since she recently passed away. While alive she sat in the front row at nearly every event. After her death, the frequency of our regular events fell by several dozen percent. There is also Chuck—he is our favorite. Chuck is around six-foot-six, skinny as a beanpole, with a crown of disheveled hair that is graying beyond his years. He is invariably dressed in cargo shorts with enormous pockets, pockets that are [End Page 143] stuffed to unearthly proportions with secret contents. What in the world does he have in there? A bunch of encyclopedias? (A theory supported by the size of the mysterious shapes.) Secret lists of Freemasons who have infiltrated the Vatican, plans for world destruction, the only existing evidence proving unequivocally who killed Kennedy, stocks of uranium capable of blowing up half the city, two canaries in identical cages, a few kilograms of flour in case of war, drinking water from a trusted source, or rocks to throw at his pursuers? There is no doubt that Chuck is psychologically unbalanced. According to bourgeois, statistical criteria, Chuck is mentally ill. He is probably mentally ill according to any set of criteria. But he is most definitely interested in culture, so we think he may be some sort of artist, possibly a writer. Not, say, an academic writer, but rather a solitary talent, a diamond in the rough, chiseled by his own hand. If he is a writer at all, then he is probably the type who tosses cow carcasses, not one who teaches creative writing. He is also undoubtedly—and will remain until the end of his short and tumultuous life—a forgotten artist, and only after his dramatic end will we realize what a brilliant guy he was. He reminded us of Bukowski, which is also where we got the nickname Chuck. Our Chuck. The Polish...

Neat, Swine, Sheep, and Deer: Mill and Peirce on Natural Kinds

In the earliest phase of his logical investigations (1865–1870), Peirce adopts Mill's doctrine of real Kinds as discussed in the System of Logic and adapts it to the logical conceptions he was then developing. In Peirce's definition of natural class, a crucial role is played by the notion of information: a natural class is a class of which some non-analytical proposition is true. In Peirce's hands, Mill's distinction between connotative and non-connotative terms becomes a distinction between symbolic and informative and pseudo-symbolic and non-informative forms of representation. A symbol is for Peirce a representation which has information. Just as for Mill all names of Kind connote their being such, so for Peirce all symbols profess to correspond to a natural class.

INFORMATION SYSTEM AS A SERVICE: ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

Information system evolved as the evolution of information technology. The current state of information technology, placed the internet as a main resources of computing. Cloud technology as the backbone of internet has been utilized as a powerful computing resources. Therefore, cloud introduced new term of service oriented technology, popular with “as a service” kind of name. In this paper, the service oriented paradigm will be used to address future trend of information system. Thus, this paper try to introduce the term “information system as a service”, holistic view of infrastructure as a service, platform as a service, software as a service, and data as a service

'What the Hell Kind of Name is Yossarian?'

'What the Hell Kind of Name is Yossarian?'

Doctor Trixie Beau's Advice To The Uninsured

About three months ago a bump appeared on the bridge of my nose. It had a hard whitish tip. Naturally, picked it, but it didn't go away. So picked it again. The hard whitish tip came off, but then it regrew. picked it. It regrew. picked it. It regrew. My unicorn horn won't go away, complained to my boyfriend Eliot. He told me to go to the dermatologist and get it frozen off. what if it's the source of all my power? Again, pressed down on its rough edge with my fingernail. He rolled his eyes. if it's cancerous? stopped picking. I've spent a lot of time in the sun. Anxious, called my mother to see if she could recommend a doctor. As hung up the phone, made a face at Eliot, who was cleaning up cat pee with a sponge. Wally had sprayed the stereo again. Trixie said. 2 kind of name is that for a dermatologist? Dr. Trixie Beau? What does she do, wrangle horses in her spare time? Just call her. But before called Dr. Trixie Beau, looked her up online. Dr. Trixie Beau's website featured a large glowing portrait of Dr. Trixie Beau with a grinning, dimpled preteen whom presumed was Dr. Trixie Beau's daughter. Both of them had impeccable, smooth skin. Feathery white script unspooled above their shining heads: Look Good at Any Age... I resent her already, said. Eliot aimed the spray bottle of Nature's Promise Odor Removal at the speakers. Call her, Jane.

Crime is in the Eye of the Beholder: Petr Petrovich Luzhin as a Distorting “Puddle-Mirror” in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment

AbstractThis study demonstrates how conceptualizations ingrained in our linguistic consciousness help us realize the full semantics that an author com municates to his reader through a “speaking name”; this kind of name, together with the character's behavioral profile create a multidimensional psychological portrait.The examples are taken from Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment, specifically the “puddle-name” Luzhin. The speaking name of Petr Petrovich Luzhin evokes a number of cognitive conceptualizations that are rooted in human experience, as well as in the history, mythology, and culture of the Russian people and that are in dialogical relationships with the other characters in the novel through their speaking names. The analysis, based on cognitive stylistics and, more specifically, cognitive metaphor theory in the Lakoff tradition, underscores the significance of the cultural water metaphor when applied to the human domain. It also confirms that the “speaking name” is a major device in Dostoevsky's poetics.

Ominous Festivals, Ambivalent Nostalgia: Brian Friel's Dancing at Lughnasa and Billy Roche's Amphibians

Ominous Festivals, Ambivalent Nostalgia:Brian Friel's Dancing at Lughnasa and Billy Roche's Amphibians Martin W. Walsh Two contemporary plays, Brian Friel's Dancing at Lughnasa (1990) and Billy Roche's Amphibians (1992, revised 1998) continue a longstanding practice among Irish dramatists of tapping into the rich heritage of folklore, folkways, and calendar performances. Both playwrights base their handling of the festivals portrayed on ethnographical materials, but each substantially reinvents their stage "traditions." In doing so, each author demonstrates a certain attraction to a pagan past, but ambiguously so. Friel and Roche value the liberating energies of archaic rituals vis-à-vis Irish small-town life, but both authors find the rituals they present to be at the same time dangerously transgressive. If this is nostalgia, it is a decidedly ambivalent form of longing for the past. Dancing at Lughnasa has already achieved the status of a classic of Irish drama, with numerous international productions and awards, including a 1991 Laurence Olivier Award for Best New Play, and a 1992 Tony Award for best play, as well as major motion picture treatment in 1998.1 An autobiographical memory play, the piece centers on the five Mundy sisters and their recently returned missionary brother who live at the edge of the small Donegal town of Ballybeg (Irish for "small town"). The fictional Ballybeg is a thinly disguised version of Friel's own home town of Glenties in the southwest portion of the county. Although Friel's play has occasioned a considerable body of criticism, the critical literature includes only slight discussion of the Feast of Lughnasa itself, and how it functions in the work.2 [End Page 127] Michael Mundy, the alter ego of the playwright, begins the play by reminiscing on the summer of 1936 when he was seven. He introduces the festival of Lughnasa by means of the family's new-fangled wireless set: And because it arrived as August was about to begin, my Aunt Maggie—she was the joker of the family—she suggested we give it a name. She wanted to call it Lugh after the old Celtic God of the Harvest. Because in the old days August the First was La Lughnasa, the feast day of the pagan god, Lugh; and the days and weeks of harvesting that followed were called the Festival of Lughnasa. But Aunt Kate—she was a national schoolteacher and a very proper woman—she said it would be sinful to christen an inanimate object with any kind of name, not to talk of a pagan god. So we just called it Marconi because that was the name emblazoned on the set.3 Here, Friel establishes one of his favorite themes: narrow, puritanical Irish Catholicism versus an older "paganism," loosely defined, which in this work is played out as well in the person of Father Jack who has succumbed to an African animistic spirituality after twenty-five years in Uganda. One point where the story does not fit into a strictly autobiographical framework is the centrality of the ancient feast. For residents of Glenties and environs, Lá Lughnasa was just as foreign a notion as it was for the audiences in Dublin, London, or New York, who were absolutely dependent on this exposition by Michael. In Brian Friel in Conversation (2000), James Deling pole reports on these statements from residents of Friel's hometown: "I never heard of the festival of Lughnasa inme life," says Dr Malchy McCloskey, at 77 one of the town's older residents. "And we wouldn't be dancing round fires or anything like that. Not in my time, or my mother's," adds Marie Clare O'Donnell, a supervisor in the town co-op.4 Friel, then, has to a large extent invented a festival for his theatrical environment. In a similar fashion he turns his own apparently normal missionary uncle, who was afflicted only by recurring malaria, Father Barney, into the addled apostate Father Jack. But if the stage Lá Lughnasa is not part of the playwright's own living tradition, neither is it an invention out of whole cloth. Friel is a playwright who undertakes significant research for his works, having written plays on...