Kind Of Protest Research Articles

ОСОБЕННОСТИ ДЕВИАЦИЙ У СТАРШЕКЛАССНИКОВ В ЦИФРОВОЙ СРЕДЕ

The relevance of the article is due to the fact that modern Russian schoolchildren's free time is increasingly becoming occupied with game gadgets, that help young men master virtual reality. The discussed problem deals with the control of content provided on the Internet, which promotes cruelty, violence, misunderstanding of the values of goodness and spirituality. All this leads to the fact that teenagers’ and high school students’ consciousness is destructively influenced by the values of the criminal world, extremist associations, various kinds of protests and mass involvement in illegal actions and riots. These issues are also considered in the works of foreign authors, where there is confirmation of the presence of the detrimental effect of digitalization on the students’ personality. The article touches upon the issue of the value orientations formation, worldview attitudes, the possibilities of self-realization based on the knowledge of the "I-image" in adolescents and young men. Systematic and purposeful work on the formation of value orientations corresponding to the traditional concepts of good and evil, morality and morality, allows young men to resolve the contradictions that arise between the digital norms of morality and their own opinion, their view of reality. The authors present the research of deviant activity in the digital environment among high school students. As a result of the study, indicators of the facts of the occurrence and commission of certain forms of deviant activity of high school students with deviations in the digital environment were determined. Based on the results obtained, a conclusion was drawn regarding the assessment of deviant activity in the real and virtual environment of high school students with deviations in the digital environment.

ТЕМА ИММИГРАЦИИ В НЕМЕЦКОЯЗЫЧНОЙ ДОКУМЕНТАЛЬНОЙ ДРАМАТУРГИИ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ ПЬЕСЫ М. ОБЕКСЕР «НЕЛЕГАЛЬНАЯ ПОМОЩЬ»)

The theme of migrants in Europe in general and in Germany in particular has been relevant in the past few years more than ever. A large number of migrant authors in different generations put this problem at the forefront of their creativity. However, it is somewhat of a taboo theme among EU native authors. It is interesting that even if they address the topic of migration, they consider it not from the point of view of migrants themselves, but the attitude of Europeans towards them. For example, Maxi Obexer creates her documentary play Illegal Helpers with the help of interviews with Austrians, Swiss and German who help refugees. The characters help because of various motives, while breaking the law. It turns out that helping illegal migrants is important not in itself, but as a kind of protest against the state. In addition, the theme of Nazism is crucial. They draw a parallel with the past of Europe, when many Europeans had to hide from the authorities.

Writer's authority in the processes of social transformations of the 1960s and 1970s (worldview projection and ideological background)

The article describes the strengthening of writer's interest in the common, ordinary person, in the Soviet deteriorations and hardships of the post-war period. The text focuses on the emergence of a critical line in the literary work of the writers of the Russian North – a territory where peasant mental ties and spiritual bonds were especially strong. The article considers the ideological discussions regarding the published acutely social component of the press – the stories “Vologda Weddingˮ by Alexander Yashin and “Round and aroundˮ by Fyodor Abramov. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that it shows the political and ideological mechanisms of influence on the authority of a writer. Special attention is paid to the period of the 1960s, associated with the cardinal social transformation of rural life, the breakdown of its traditional way of life, the commodification of labour relations, the change in economic guidelines and the modification of peasant values. The researcher comes to the conclusion that the irreconcilability of writers to the deformations of socio-economic development and the problems of the life of the rural society, including the restructuring and breaking of family institutions, property, the role of custom in peasant life, played an important role in the ideological ideas of the public, being a kind of protest, an appeal to action.

Protest Consciousness of the Russian Youth (on the Example of the Russian Far East)

In Russian history and culture, various kinds of protests and uprisings have always played an important role. One can recall periodical civilian riots and uprisings in the Russian Empire; the revolution of 1917 that changed the world history. Political processes in a country have often been a pendulum swinging between extremes such as passive loyalty and riot. In recent years, a relative stability of society and power has been achieved, the foundations of which are sometimes referred to as a social contract. However, the beginning of protest in Russian society is increasingly shows itself. The publication presents materials of semantic reconstruction of ideas about various forms of social protest among Russian youth. The study made it possible to reconstruct structural and informatory characteristics of young people's ideas about five significant forms of collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and uprising. Comparative analysis shows that the closest form of protest to young people is such a form of protest as a rally, such a form as a petition is also positively assessed. Young people don’t associate radical forms of protest, such as riot and uprising, with values and goals that are meaningful to them.

The Phenomenon of Familiarity in the Scientific Heritage of M. M. Bakhtin

The paper considers the phenomenon of familiarity in the context of the carnival theory of the outstanding Russian scientist M. M. Bakhtin, whose work influenced the development of humanitarian thought in Russia and the west of the 20th century. The author of the article investigates the formation of this concept and its influence on the formation and development of the novel genre as one of the components of the folk-laughter culture. Familiarity is a free and unofficial communication without any distance or etiquette norms. Free communication allows you to retreat from the hierarchical and official relations between people. At the same time, the familiar areal speech, through which familiar communication is built, has got its own special characteristics. The speech includes curses, oath, false vows, and obscenities. Therefore, this speech is ambivalent, it is isolated and completed. They are the source of such a phenomenon as familiarity. In this case, familiarity as a category has several levels. The semantic level is associated with informality and the rejection of normativity. The verbal level consists of the specific familiar-square forms and genres, and therefore it contributes to the formation of a special unofficial language. These two levels create a collective, in which familiar treatment is possible. This collective becomes a fair, a carnival crowd. In addition, over time, forms of familiarity have become a kind of protest against the official ideological system.

Рудольф Лабан – життя, педагогіка та хореографія

У статті проаналізовано життєвий шлях та творча діяльність відомого хореографа і педагога Рудольфа Лабана – автора концепції експресивної гімнастики, яка була своєрідним протестом проти консервативних методичних вимог щодо структури та змісту занять з фізичного виховання у загальноосвітніх школах. Мета дослідження – проаналізувати життєвий шлях та творчу діяльність відомого хореографа та педагога Р. Лабана. Методи дослідження: аналіз літератури з педагогіки, теорії і методики музичного та фізичного виховання, хореографії. Результати дослідження. Концепція експресивної гімнастики спирається на творчу рухову імпровізацію учнів у супроводі музики. Вона дає вчителю можливості у виборі фізичних та танцювальних вправ, рухливих ігор, музичних творів. Їх виконання стимулює у учнів активність та фантазування у руховій діяльності, позитивно впливає на розвиток естетичних почуттів, формує координацію рухів, узгодження своїх дій з рухами партнерів та ін. Р. Лабан пропонує оригінальні комплекси експериментальної гімнастики, які мають свою тематику. Наприклад, відчуття руху, ваги тіла. Формування вмінь співпрацювати з партнерами і групою, розвиток відчуття руху, ваги тіла, простору, часу та ін. Висновки. За своє 79-річне життя Рудольф Лабан зробив значний внесок у мистецтво, педагогіку, ергономіку. Його ентузіазм, енергія та творчий підхід у всіх напрямках діяльності і хореографія, режисура, педагогіка, фізичне виховання дали можливість сформувати та апробувати на практиці новаторські підходи у цих сферах людської діяльності. Тому новаторська науково-практична спадщина Р. Лабана є актуальною й у нас час, незважаючи на політичні зміни, що відбулися у більшості країн світу.

The relation between religiosity dimensions and support for interreligious conflict in Indonesia

In this study, we explain differences in support for interreligious lawful and violent protests against the religious outgroup. Combining religiosity and social identity approaches, we take three dimensions of religiosity (namely, practices, beliefs and salience) into consideration related to support for interreligious conflict, next to relevant control characteristics. The analysis is based on survey data ( N = 2026) collected among a random sample of Muslims ( n = 1451) and Christians ( n = 575) across the Indonesian archipelago. Our findings show that members of the Muslim community are, on average, more inclined to support interreligious conflict, both lawful and violent protests. Participation in rites of passage is a crucial aspect of religious practices found to be positively related to both kinds of protest. Religious beliefs show great importance but vary in their influence: particularistic views and intratextual fundamentalism are related to support for lawful protest, whereas religiocentrism is related to support both for lawful and violent protests. In contrast, salience reduces support for violent protest. As such, the findings offer a differentiated way to understand present-day interreligious conflicts among the general population in Indonesia.

Blame and Protest

In recent years, philosophers have developed a novel conception of blame as a kind of moral protest. This Protest View of Blame faces doubts about its intelligibility: can we make sense of inner ‘protest’ in cases of unexpressed blame? It also faces doubts about its descriptive adequacy: does ‘protest’ capture what is distinctive in reactions of blame? I argue that the Protest View can successfully answer the first kind of doubt, but not the second. Cases of contemptful blame and unexpressed blame offer initial counterexamples to the view. The Protest View can accommodate these examples by appealing to a broader notion of protest, but, I argue, at the cost of retreating to a broader category that no longer captures what is distinctive about blame. Moreover, nonviolent resistance, in the tradition of Gandhi and Dr. King, characteristically protests without blame, presenting another powerful challenge to the Protest View. These challenges, I argue, undermine the view, while helping to illuminate and defend the appeal of nonviolent resistance. They also offer an alternative conception of the relation between protest and blame, characteristic of nonviolent resistance and obscured by the Protest View. On that alternative, the relation is not descriptive but practical; rather than understanding blame as a kind of protest, we should aim, in many cases, to replace blame with protest.

Home Sweet Home? Housing Activism and Political Commemoration in Sixties Ireland

This paper examines the explosion of activism around housing in Ireland in the late Sixties. At a time of political commemoration around the anniversaries of the 1916 Rising, and the establishment of the first revolutionary independent parliament (Dail) in 1919, a group of activists calling themselves the Dublin Housing Action Committee sought to disrupt political consensus and ask serious questions about the priorities of the Irish state. The group began through cooperation between homeless people in the city, but soon garnered support from anti-establishment agitators within the republican party, Sinn Fein. By 1969, the group was pressing government for response to the acute housing crisis in the city. The significance of the DHAC was threefold. In the first instance, it sheds light on a local political problem, challenging the consensus of an Irish ‘success’ narrative, and putting the spotlight on the failure of the state to deliver on its promise to its citizens at exactly the time when this ‘success’ was being celebrated. The strategies of the DHAC demonstrated how the wider national question of Irish unity could be fused with local issues in order to successfully build alliances beyond its organic political base. Secondly, it sought to exploit a rights-based language placing socio-political protest in Ireland within a much broader international context. Thirdly, the case of the DHAC prompts us to rethink the position of Ireland within the global ‘sixties’, beyond the dominant narrative of civil rights activism in Northern Ireland. The actions of this housing movement indicate that the struggles of a small modernizing economy on the fringes of Europe produced the same kinds of protest as were evident in urban unrest in Britain, the US and other parts of Europe.

Collective Action and Affective Publics: The “Cinema America Occupato” Storytelling on Facebook

The practices of protest participation in urban centres are progressively including among their aims the safeguarding of cultural spaces (theatres, cinemas, etc.) to protect them from real estate speculation and to establish the right to access cultural heritage (sites, materials, content, etc.). Although this kind of protest usually has been antagonistically framed through rhetorical discourses, languages and symbols that are produced by both the social movements themselves and the mass media, new more inclusive collective actions are emerging from the grassroots. This article discusses the case of “Cinema America Occupato” in Rome, a collective action that is particularly interesting when compared to other protests because of its identity building process and storytelling management: the CAO group, exclusively made up of young people, strongly separated from any ideological positions, has gained resonance, visibility and a following that had never been achieved before by similar actions, thanks to an inclusive and engaging representation of both the group and the protest. By analysing (through both a qualitative and quantitative approach) the CAO’s efficient and pragmatic use of social media – and in particular Facebook – in promoting social engagement and grassroots participation, the article investigates the structures of feelings activated in relation to the individuals engaged in the collective action.

Sport and Protest: Global Perspectives

Sporting mega-events habitually spawn protests from local groups discommoded by the building of new infrastructure, environmental lobbies contesting the long-term legacies of such events, and expressions of outrage at the expenditure of public funds on events often restricted to an elite selection of participants and spectators. Are these protest movements ever successful in preventing sporting events from taking place or in modifying their nature, or even in drawing attention to social issues? Or are they inevitably destined to be ignored in the popular fervour and financial windfall that accompanies such events? Similarly, sporting events have occasionally been the site of iconic moments of political protest. Tommie Smith’s and John Carlos’ ‘Black Power’ salute at the Mexico Olympics in 1968, for example, remains one of the abiding symbols of resistance to oppression expressed in a sporting context. What is it about sport that lends itself to these kinds of protests? Are these protests effective in accelerating change in society or does the sporting context ultimately serve to trivialize important social issues? Here we endeavour to respond to some of these questions and thereby illuminate the evolving political, economic, environmental and cultural implications of sport in society.

STAFFING AND THE QUALITY OF TEACHING IN UNIVERSITIES

This study sought to establish the influence of staffing on the quality of teaching in Uganda’s public universities. It was undertaken in the face of persistent stakeholder concerns regarding the declining quality of teaching and learning in these institutions that have occasionally culminated into student strikes and different kinds of protests. Basing on a mixed-methods approach, the study employed the descriptive cross-sectional survey design where both qualitative and quantitative data were collected from 14 academic managers, 111 academic staff, and 285 undergraduate university students of Kyambogo University, using survey and interview methods. The collected data from staff and students were analyzed using descriptive statistics and multiple regression techniques while content analysis technique was used to analyze qualitative data collected by interviewing purposively selected university managers. The study findings revealed that: first, staff recruitment (B=.182; p=.040), staff training (B=.340; p=.000), and development (B=.327; p=.000) have statistically significant influence on the quality of teaching. Meanwhile, staff deployment (B=.010; p=.914) has statistically insignificant influence on the quality of teaching. However, overall, the study revealed that staffing (R=.683; R 2 =.467; p=.000) significantly influences the quality of teaching in public universities in Uganda. Therefore, it was concluded that effective staffing would raise the quality of teaching in universities, other factors held constant. The study thus recommends that university managers and staff should stick to the prescribed recruitment policy, invest more resources in training and developing staff, and ensure that existing staff are generally well-managed. Article visualizations:

The Role of the Poet in a Time of Violence: A New Historicist Reading of Paul Muldoon’s “The More a Man Has the More a Man Wants”

The main aim of this paper is to examine how Paul Muldoon’s personal experience in a strife-torn Northern Ireland affects his selection of historical subjects and his fictional representation of them adopting the New Historicism theory. It begins with a brief background on the New Historicism theory and emphasises the notion that the new historicist theorists sought to reveal truths concealed by history and to re-read or re-inscribe the past as seen from a present perspective. Both history and society combine to give various meanings and multiple interpretations to literary texts, hence studying the socio-cultural backgrounds as well as the authorial intentions help re-inscribe the past, reconstruct the social, cultural and political issues, and refigure the individual identity. The paper concludes that there is no binary opposition between history and literature or context and text and that both are subjective representations of reality. Thick description is illustrated as one of the tools that help suggest a multiplicity of social and political implications and it is concluded that both literary and non-literary texts are fictions formulated by imagination and created according to the authorial intentionalism. The second part of the paper proves that Muldoon’s poetry is intentionally obscure to manipulate and baffle readers. The paper asserts that Muldoon’s poetic technique and fast-paced tone help in dedicating his willful obscurity. “The More a Man Has the More a Man Wants” delineates the hunger strikes prevalent as a kind of protest in Northern Ireland in the 1980s, revealing an ugly, unpalatable truth. Muldoon inscribes history in the images of the body. The hero’s transformations coincide with the poet’s changing of the traditional sonnet into a more flexible narrative form. The irregular metrical patterns, repetitions and transformations in theme and subject emphasise the fragmented identity the poet wants to reveal. Muldoon’s interest in intertextuality as a poetic technique helps him confirm that official history can be fictionally re-structured and that the reader is responsible for interpreting the authorial intentionalism.

Protest Against the Deportation of Rejected Asylum Seekers in the Local and National Press in Switzerland

Objective: Examine whether a focus on national newspapers biases the coverage of protest against the deportation of rejected asylum seekers. Methods: Articles on the deportation of rejected asylum seekers in the local press were analysed in the same manner as articles in the national press. Descriptive statistics are used to compare the coverage of protest. Results: There is a clear tendency for the local press to report more protest from the geographical area they are based in. The characteristics of these protests, however, are comparable to those reported in the national press. Conclusions: A focus on national newspapers seems to undercount the volume of protest taking place, but not introduce large biases in the kind of protest covered.

An Absence of Fairness… Restrictions on Industrial Action and Protest in the Trade Union Bill 2015

Abstract In July 2015, a Trade Union Bill was introduced by the incoming Conservative Government which seeks to place significant restrictions on UK trade union activity, probably in anticipation of deep budgetary cuts affecting the public sector which are likely to generate protest. The assertion has been made that this legislative proposal is fair and balanced. We contest that claim with reference to the likely effect of the measures on industrial action, pickets and protests. The consultative process was incomplete and the substantive provisions unfairly target union-organised strikes and protests. The proposals are open to challenge on grounds of insufficient justification, impracticability of compliance and violation of fundamental civil liberties. They entail probable breach of UK obligations in respect of International Labour Organisation (ILO) standards and rights arising under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and European Social Charter (ESC). By further restricting the scope of lawful industrial action and pickets, the proposed legislation risks provoking other kinds of protest.

Gendered Activism

Despite an established tradition of comparative research that focuses on gender differences in the amount of protest, relatively little cross-national research examines gender differences in the kinds of protest. This study examines gender differences in types of protest using data from seven advanced capitalist democracies in the 1994–2004 waves of the World Values Surveys. Multinomial logistic regression models indicate that while men and women have similar levels of protest activity, there are gender differences in the forms of protest in which they participate. Specifically, women are more likely than men to engage in nonconfrontational activities. By contrast, men are more likely to be involved with forms of activism that involve confrontational activities. The results also suggest gender ideology plays a crucial role in creating the conditions that foster gendered forms of activism. In egalitarian contexts, women are more likely than men to participate in a wide array of protest activities. Evidence of gendered activism reinforces the argument that gender organizes protest politics in ways that undermine political equality.

Another way of saying enough: environmental concern and popular mobilization in Kyrgyzstan

This article is a foray into the understudied issue of environmental protest politics in Central Asia. Specifically, it uses Kyrgyzstan as a case study to test the argument that environmental concerns mobilized people to engage in protest and in ways different from other kinds of protest. This essay presents the first systematic study of public opinion about the environment in Kyrgyzstan. It includes results from a 2009 nationwide survey, over 100 expert and elite interviews, and newspaper content analysis. Furthermore, it spatially analyzes these results to identify geographical variation in public perception and political event occurrence patterns. Protest engagement is a complex process determined by the interaction of several factors, and is not explained solely by affluence, rationality, or grievances. Eco-mobilization – collective political action about the environment – represents a class of protest events that offers a different view into mass discontent in the former Soviet Union and neo-patrimonial societies. The study finds that these political actions about the environment are not necessarily elite driven; there is a basic foundation of national concern and salience of these issues, and demonstrated environmental beliefs do help to explain protest behavior.

Finding Distinctive Chinese Characteristics in Qing Era Popular Protests

Finding Distinctive Chinese Characteristics in Qing Era Popular Protests David D. Buck (bio) Ho-fung Hung. Protest with Chinese Characteristics: Demonstrations, Riots and Petitions in the Mid-Qing Dynasty. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011. 288 pp. Hardcover $50.00. ISBN 978-0-231-15202-0. This title already has won the Social Science History Association’s President’s Award for 2010. The award is given to a first published work, and this book displays careful social science research and broad interpretative scope. Ho-fung Hung has extracted from the Qing dynasty’s Veritable Records (Qing shilu) more than 950 cases of popular protests against the Qing government in the hundred years from 1740 to 1839. He has supplemented this material with work in the First Historical Archives in Beijing and the Palace Museum in Taiwan as well as careful reading of secondary materials. The century under investigation covers most of the Qianlong emperor’s reign (1736–1796) and the reigns of his successors: his son, the Jiaqing emperor (1796– 1820), and grandson, the Daoguang emperor (1821–1851). Then Ho-fung Hung breaks down his data into three shorter time periods of twenty years each and draws conclusions about the different patterns of protest he finds. He uses established categories from other social science scholars of protest, particularly Charles Tilly, to classify this data. To supplement his statistical analysis, Hung adds detailed descriptions of several incidents from each subperiod. Hung finds shifting patterns of protest in three twenty-year subperiods and devotes more than half of this work to discussing these differences. The first subperiod, from 1740 to 1759, comes during the early years of the Qianlong emperor’s long reign. It was marked by general prosperity and aggressive state expansion, including the pacification of the far western regions of Mongolia and the establishment of Xinjiang (new territory). Hung is not concerned with this expansion, but rather deals with protests within the Chinese heartland of the Qing empire. He characterizes the protests from this period as “filial-loyal demonstrations” (p. 68), [End Page 128] in which Chinese protesters accepted the Qing mandate to rule and sought to bring about changes by impressing the emperor with their loyalty and filial devotion. Many protests from this era took a peaceful form and showed respect toward officials as parental figures. Demonstrations included kneeling in worshipful postures before magistrates. The second subperiod runs from 1776 to 1795, during the last decades of the Qianlong emperor’s reign, when his Manchu protégé, Heshen, dominated the government. In these years, the elderly emperor exercised lax control and tolerated corruption at all levels of government, led by Heshen’s own avaricious behavior. Hung finds that under these conditions, protestors became defiant toward both the emperor and his officials. No longer respectful, the protesters took forceful action, including open rebellion. The White Lotus Rebellion (1796–1805) was the culmination of this period. He labels this as a time when “riots [turned] into rebellion” (p. 102). The final subperiod, from 1820 to 1839, comes in a time known as the Daoguang Depression, marked by financial and monetary instability of the Qing empire, resulting from declining tax revenues, silver outflow to purchase opium imports, and the breakdown of the Grand Canal grain shipments. These made up the most obvious examples of failing state policies. Hung sees this period as an era of “resistance and petitions” (p. 135) during which the Qing empire’s Chinese subjects resumed a filial and loyal manner toward the emperor, but vented their antagonism on local officials. Tax riots and open rebellion declined because of general awareness of the declining capacities of the Qing administration. Protestors resumed their appeals to the emperor’s mercy and sought his Confucian responsibility to his subjects. Nevertheless, popular resistance to state policies grew as economic and social conditions worsened. Hung’s statistical data reveal continuing forms of protests across the century, and he draws his general characterizations for each twenty-year subperiod from increased percentages of certain kinds of protest within each. When Hung’s conclusion about the century from 1740 to 1839 is compared with those of his John Hopkins colleague William T. Rowe’s in China’s...

How Nursing Ethics as a Subject Changes: An analysis of the first 11 years of publication of the journal Nursing Ethics

By analysing the first, second, 10th and 11th years of publication (i.e. volumes 1, 2, 10, 11) of Nursing Ethics, I will show the significant visible trends in the articles and draw some conclusions. The trends are visible at various levels: from simple analysis of an issue, or a comment on a situation in the early years, to in-depth philosophical and research studies; and from short statements to much longer articles. The ethical approaches used go from either none or unquestioned assumptions to several approaches used in any one study. This corresponds to the general postmodern trend in society. The interpretation made of these trends is of a kind of protest at nurses and nursing being devalued. Although this is expressed negatively, the positive message conveyed is that nurses are now taking their professional life into their own hands, vigorously and more daringly than a decade ago.

Hacia el pensamiento de Juan Ruiz de Alarcón

The comedy of characters was born in the hands of Ruiz de Alarcon as he achieved that from his first comedies, those of enredo , the main characters learnt to govern their own actions without any classification. That is the reason why the critics, without any further analysis, have described his theatre as 'moral'. Nevertheless, we are talking about a dramatist who stages mirages, unmasks tyrants disguised as level-headed monarchs, and frustrates the development of those court favourites who were egoists and ill by their passions. At the same time, the omission of providence becomes another kind of protest. All the court on the stage to ridicule with irony and punish their bad habits and delusions. When he finally discovered the politics of the conde-duque de Olivares, he decided to give up theatre. Therefore, we discover another Juan Ruiz de Alarcon never suspected: the dramatist who believed in the program of reformation that the conde-duque de Olivares, court favourite of King Philip IV, wanted to impose to a «patria doliente», name given by the dramatist to the Spain of the first half of the 17th century.