Kim Young-sam Research Articles

Globalization as a Policy: Initiation and Implementation of the Segyehwa Policy in South Korea, 1993–2003

This article examines the formulation and implementation of the Segyehwa (globalization) policy in South Korea from 1993 to 2003. The policy was initially formulated and implemented by the Kim Young-sam government (1993–1998). The article argues that while much of the focus, when it comes globalization, tends to emphasize economic issues, the main goal of the state initated Segyehwa policy was to enhance the South Korea’s global position in both economic and political terms. Taking a qualitative empirical approach the article analyses the historical context of the goals, in particular economic and political, that were set by the Kim government, as well as the outcomes of these policies. While the Segyehwa policy was, and remains, the target of significant opposition, with some sectors within society feeling threatened by the policy, the purpose of the policy, to significantly increase South Korea’s global position was not only continued by the Kim Dae-jung government, that succeed the Kim Young-sam government, but also by most of the governments since 2003.

A Descriptive Analysis of Parasocial Interactions of Korean-Pop Fans on Indonesian Social Media

Since kim young sam’s government, South Korea has undergone a massive expansion in the field of culture. The Korean wave is one of their cultural products that entered Indonesians. Many Korean popular culture are consumed by many indonesians, one of which is pop or korean-pop music. By seeing this situations, the researcher is interested in the studying the pattern of interaction between them, especially their parasocial interactions on social media. Social media itself can be effective medium because it has no place or time limitation. The results of this study indicate that the parasocial interactions they carry out is still carried out with asense of pride, eventough they know the idol does not respond back and does not even know about interaction experimence they are having. This research uses the desriptive analysis method because it wants to desribe somrthing more clearly

남한의 민주화에 대한 북한의 대남인식과 전략-김영삼, 김대중 정부를 중심으로-

남한의 민주화에 대한 북한의 대남인식과 전략-김영삼, 김대중 정부를 중심으로-

유럽 내 한류에 관한 연구

In recent years, the Korean Wave (or 'hallyu') has been sweeping the entire world including Europe. Since the early 2010s, the number of hallyu fans in Europe is rapidly increasing. Such global attention and popularity of the Korean Wave is based on the hallyu policies the Korean government has implemented for several decades. Since the policy was initially implemented under the Kim Young-Sam government, it has been evolved during the succeeding governments― Kim Dae-Jung, Roh Moo-Hyun, Lee Myung-Bak, Park Geun-Hye and Moon Jae-In governments―by restructuring culture-related institutions and implementing the promotion strategies of K-Culture. The export of hallyu contents to Europe has achieved remarkable growth especially in the sector of K-Pop and film for the past couple of years. Europeans' perception of Korean contemporary culture and hallyu is generally very positive as well. It is important for both parties to discuss and take any necessary institutional steps to the existing EU-Korea Protocol on Cultural Cooperation in order to facilitate bilateral cultural cooperation further.

Reconciling the Conservation of Cultural Heritage with Rural Development

Reconciling the Conservation of Cultural Heritage with Rural Development

Segyehwa and Ideological Shifts in the Republic of Korea (1993-1998)

The article examines ideological shifts in the Republic of Korea during the presidency of Kim Young-sam (1993-1998) under the framework of his policy of “globalization”, segyehwa. The purpose of this study is to analyze the long-term transformations of South Korean political discourse that occurred in the 1990s and continue to influence the ideology of the Republic of Korea now. The article identifies two key areas of segyehwa’s ideological influence. On the one hand, segyehwa was a discourse aimed at political mobilization that emphasized catching-up with the “international standards” by constantly increasing competitiveness in all spheres of life, and thus this ideology became a continuation of the mobilization and modernization discourse of the era of military dictatorship, albeit adapted to the new realities of the international economy. In case of the hujinguk-seonjinguk dichotomy, segyehwa partially transferred the political language of the authoritarian Republic of Korea to the democratic one, expanding it to all spheres of life, and it continues to exist in this form to this day. On the other hand, segyehwa had a strong influence on the perception of Korean identity, culture, and history. Against the background of a reshaped historical narrative that included anti-Japanese sentiment and democratization at the state level, Korean identity was reconsidered, and became global. Moreover, Korean culture was supposed to become not only a unifying factor for such identity, but an effective export industry that would attract people and actively participate in international competition, which later became the basis for South Korean “soft power”.

Prelude to the "History War": the Making history Right of the Kim Young-sam regime

Kim Young-sam administration formalized historical liquidation through the review of modern history for the first time at the government level through ‘making history right.’ The historical liquidation work of the Kim Young-sam administration needs to be positioned as the beginning of the government-level liquidation of past history. Kim Young-sam’s insistence on ‘making history right’ and liquidation of the 5th and 6th governments was also a political choice to solidify his political position. In the process, there was a backlash from conservative forces inside and outside the Democratic Liberal Party(New Korea Party), which also led to the reorganization of the conservative political forces. And in the end, due to the reality of the Kim Young-sam regime and the economic crisis, a reaction to the historical liquidation work called ‘Park Chung-hee Syndrome’ appeared. This article connects the context of ‘making history right’, one of the reform policies developed during the Kim Young-sam administration with the 5.18 special law enactment, the trial of Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, and amnesty. It examines how historical awareness functions in the process of compromise and is selectively used for political purposes. It also describes the process in which conservative forces were reorganized as a reaction to the Kim Young-sam regime’s work to clean up history and finally ‘the Park Chung-hee syndrome’ emerged.

Liberalism Versus Political Equality in South Korea: Ideological Conflicts Around Democracy in the Postdemocratization Era

This article explores the two competing democratic concepts of liberalism and political equality in Korean politics. In the development of Korean democracy, liberalism has evolved as a form of anticommunism as a way to pursue social stability; meanwhile, political equality has emerged by means of civic participation as a way to seek equal opportunities to be involved in decision making. This article traces how political equality has tended to expand from the time of Kim Young-sam to the Roh Moo-hyun administrations, while liberalism dominated during the administrations of Lee Myungbak and Park Geun-hye. In addition, this article identifies different trends of civic participation between the progressive governments that promoted civilian ascendancy and the conservative governments that showed uncommunicative leadership in the decision-making process.

The life and death of Paik Ki-wan, the lyricist of “March for the Beloved” and legendary figure of the struggle for democracy in Korea

ABSTRACT Paik Ki-wan, an 89-year-old Korean democracy activist, passed away on 15 February in 2021. He wrote the original poem, from which the lyrics of the song “March for the Beloved” (im-eul wihan haengjingog) originated. Many protesters across Asia sing this song, even in an ani-coup protest in Yangon recently. He has fought against dictatorship, and was tortured by it. As a result of the torture, he lost 38 kilograms, while he was in prison from his normal 82 kilograms. He never went to college or earned wages stably. He was an awakened warrior, poet, and teacher who helped poor children learn how to read. The dictatorial government broke down in 1987, and the Korean society went onto the transition road to democracy. In the presidential election in December 1987, the two representative democratic leaders—Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam—both ran for the president and were divided into hostile competition. At this historical point, he was honored to run for president and pressured those two candidates in order to prevent the military candidate from coming into power. As they got old, many of those who fought for democracy on the streets together in 1987 were included in the middle-class group or became high-ranking officialis, but he insisted to stand on the streets beside the underprivileged and the weakest people, fighting against the military dictatorship, and even the liberal democratic government led by Kim Dae-jung and even the current Moon Jae-in.

김영삼 정부의 한･미 미사일 지침 개정 실패 원인

김영삼 정부의 한･미 미사일 지침 개정 실패 원인

The 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the Republic of Korea: historical path of the 1970–1980s.

Рассматриваются исторические этапы сближения двух стран, формирование определённой политики Республики Корея по отношению к Дальнему Востоку России. Прослежены начальные шаги в истории налаживания контактов двух государств, трудности межгосударственного взаимодействия в условиях отсутствия прямой дипломатической коммуникации, использование дипломатических площадок других стран. В налаживании контактов отмечена положительная роль спортивных соревнований – VII-й Летней Универсиады 1973 г. в Москве и летней Олимпиады 1988 г. в Сеуле, деловых контактов главных библиотек Советского Союза и Республики Корея 1974 г. Полезными шагами в деле нормализации отношений между СССР и Южной Кореей можно считать и поездки отдельных граждан, и делегаций для участия в международных научных, культурных мероприятиях, проводимых в СССР, например поездка корейского музыканта Чон Мёнхуна в Москву, занявшего 2-е место в международном музыкальном конкурсе. Отмечено, что 1989 г. был насыщен корейско-российскими контактами: приезд корейской делегации и совещание по вопросам судоходства в Москве, где стороны договорились о принципах установления регулярных прямых водных маршрутов, вели речь о поездках в Южную Корею ряда статусных советских руководителей – директора Института США и Канады АН СССР Г. А. Арбатова и директора Института востоковедения М. С. Капицы; затем вторая поездка Ким Ён Сама в СССР и его встреча с М. С. Горбачевым. Обмен делегациями завершила встреча М. С. Горбачева и Ро Дэ У в июне 1990 г., было принято решение об установлении дипломатических отношений между СССР и РК. Договор об установлении дипломатических отношений был подписан 30 сентября 1990 г. в Нью-Йорке. Ключевые слова: начальные деловые и культурные контакты, Чон Мёнхун, Г. А. Арбатов, М. С. Капица, обмен делегациями, поездка Ким Ён Сама в СССР, договорённость М. С. Горбачева и Ро Дэ У, дипломатические отношения, подписание договора в 1990 г. The historical stages of rapprochement between the two countries, the formation of a certain policy of the Republic of Korea in relation to the Russian Far East are considered. The initial steps in the history of establishing contacts between the two states, the difficulties of interstate interaction in the absence of direct diplomatic communication, the use of diplomatic platforms of other countries are traced. In establishing contacts, the positive role of sports competitions was noted – the VII Summer Universiade 1973 in Moscow and the Summer Olympics 1988 in Seoul, the initial business contacts of the main libraries of the Soviet Union and the Republic of Korea in 1974. Useful steps in normalizing relations between the USSR and South Korea can be considered both trips of individual citizens and delegations to participate in international scientific and cultural events held in the USSR, for example, the trip of the Korean musician Chung Myungwhun to Moscow, which took 2nd place in the international music competition. It was noted that 1989 was rich in Korean-Russian contacts: the arrival of a Korean delegation and a meeting on shipping issues in Moscow, where the parties agreed on the principles for establishing regular direct water routes, spoke about trips to South Korea by a number of high-status Soviet leaders – directors of the Institute for US and Canadian Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. G. A. Arbatov and Director of the Institute of Oriental Studies M. S. Kapitsa; then Kim Youngsam’s second trip to the USSR and his meeting with M. S. Gorbachev. The exchange of delegations was completed by the meeting of M. S. Gorbachev and Roh Taewoo in June 1990, a decision was made to establish diplomatic relations between the USSR and the Republic of Korea. An agreement on the establishment of diplomatic relations was signed on September 30, 1990 in New York. Keywords: initial business and cultural contacts, Chung Myungwhun, G. A. Arbatov, M. S. Kapitsa, exchange of delegations, Kim Youngsam’s trip to the USSR, agreement between M. S. Gorbachev and Roh Taewoo, diplomatic relations, signing of the agreement in 1990.

진보 · 보수 신문의 의료복지 보도 변화에 관한 연구: 김영삼 정부에서 이명박 정부까지

진보 · 보수 신문의 의료복지 보도 변화에 관한 연구: 김영삼 정부에서 이명박 정부까지

Advocacy for Aid to North Korea by South Korean NGOs : Agenda Framing and its Impact in Peacebuilding on the Korean Peninsula

Using the analytical framework based on the constructivist approach, this paper focuses on norm grafting by the NGOs: especially the agenda framing which are exploited by NGOs to maximize norm grafting and the process of internalizing norms in the differing stages of state policy making as a final process of norm grafting. For a case study, this paper examines how South Korean NGOs framed the issue of humanitarian assistance to North Korea throughout the three administrations of Kim Young-Sam (1995-1997), Kim Dae-Jung (1998-2002) and Roh Moo-Hyun (2003-2007) and to what extent it affected changes in aid polity towards North Korea. The paper argues that two variables - the issue characteristics of humanitarian crisis in North Korea itself and South Korean NGOs' ability to reframe the issue timely and effectively - were important factors explaining South Korea's aid decision to North Korea from 1997 to 2007. Ironically the consecutive humanitarian crisis contributed to the establishment of a favorable operational environment for South Korean NGOs' advocacy of aid to North Korea. However, South Korean NGOs' capacity to frame the issue was a critical factor in changes of South Korean government and civil society's stance for aid to North Korea.

Korean Constitutionalism and the Special Act to Prosecute Former Presidents Chun Doo-Hwan and Roh Tae-Woo

The Republic of Korea has undergone extensive political change over the past few years. After decades of military and quasi-military dictatorships, in December 1992 Korea elected a civilian president, former dissident leader Kim Young-sam. Although a milestone at the time, representing a break from the authoritarian past, events since then have in many ways transcended Kim’s election. The disclosure in October 1995 that former president Roh Tae-woo had amassed a slush fund of over $650 million while in office, and later allegations that Chun Doo-hwan, who served as president prior to Roh, had coerced $900 million from Korea’s chaebols, sent shockwaves throughout the nation. But in all probability the most stunning development was the decision of President Kim, in late November 1995, to direct his ruling party to enact a law to prosecute Chun and Roh for their respective roles in a 1979 coup d’etat and 1980 bloody crackdown on Korean citizens in Kwangju. This law, enacted in December 1995, and dubbed the ‘Special Act Concerning the May 18th Democratization Movement’ (“Special Act”), has been the subject of criticism for its seeming disregard of significant constitutional issues.’ The Special Act was enacted to seek retribution for the past acts of bloodshed and military usurpation, and to give closure to an unfortunate chapter in the recent history of Korea. However, because the law enables prosecution of a past act for which the statute of limitations has run, it raises issues about its retroactivity, and whether it is a violation of the Korean Constitution’s prohibition against ex post facto laws. Other objections have been raised concerning whether the law encroaches on Korean principles of legality and equality before the law, also issues of a constitutional nature. It has also been protested that Chun and Roh were subjected to double jeopardy as a result of the law’s enactment. Although these challenges to the Special Act are formidable, one cannot feel much sympathy for the former presidents, whose acts showed total disregard for the Constitution which they now seek to hide behind. Still, important negative consequences may result from the current circumventing of constitutional law. Significant strides have been made in Korea towards the foundation for the rule of law. This foundation is still weak, and it is important that corners not be cut.

김영삼 정부 이후 한국의 문화정책이념에 관한 연구 : 문화적 민주주의인가, 문화의 민주화인가?

본 연구는 내용분석을 통해 각 정부의 문화정책 키워드를 도출하였다. 나아가 정부가 가진 문화정책 키워드를 기존의 문화정책이념과 비교하였다. 정부마다 각기 다른 특징이 있었는지 살펴보면 문화정책이 갖춰야할 공통 키워드도 있었지만 해당 정부에서만 나타나는 특징적 키워드들도 가지고 있었다. 정부별 문화정책이념을 살펴보면 첫째, 문화의 민주화만 나타난 정부는 없었다. 둘째, 김영삼 정부, 이명박 정부, 박근혜 정부는 문화의 민주화와 문화적 민주주의가 혼재되어 나타났다. 셋째, 김대중 정부와 노무현 정부는 문화적 민주주의만 나타났다. 결국 역대 정부를 관통하는 문화정책이념은 문화적 민주주의였다. 문화정책이념의 측면에서 보면 정부마다 단절적으로 구분되는 문화정책이념을 지닌 것은 아니었다. 각 정부마다 문화의 시대라는 것을 인지하고 있었고 문화산업을 중심으로 문화의 다양성과 변화를 추구하였다. 다만 문화예술을 생성하고 소비하는데 정부가 얼마나 주도하고자 하였는가에서 차이가 나타났다.

정부 조직 개편 과정에 대한 연구 : 김영삼 정부의 사례

정부 조직 개편 과정에 대한 연구 : 김영삼 정부의 사례

The Political Transformation of Golf in Modern South Korea

Since golf was introduced to South Korea in the early 1900s, it has been strongly influenced by the politics that reflects socio-political contexts. Therefore, it is important to explore the political influences of golf on the context of its socio-political transformation. In this study, we explored how social and political backgrounds under each of the political administrations have affected the development of golf in South Korea. For this purpose, we utilized the socio-historical approach through document analysis to summarize the golf-related policy stances of nine presidential administrations from the Syngman Rhee government (1948–1960) to Park Geun-hye government (2013–2017). As a result, the Syngman Rhee administration pursued the construction of golf courses to bolster national security. The military regimes of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan constructed golf courses as a means of cementing support among military circles to establish political legitimacy, and also as a means of diplomacy. The Roh Tae-woo administration initiated a construction boom in golf courses to promote sports for all. The Kim Young-sam administration announced a ‘no golf’ stance, while Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun-both of whom had roots in the opposition-strove to encourage golf as a means of embracing their conservative counterparts while also diluting their progressive and contrarian image. Lee Myung-bak included golf among the core strategic tourist industries, while his successor, Park Geun-hye, first prohibited public officers from playing golf before pivoting to a supportive stance later on in her administration.

OECD’s Role on the educational reform of Kim Young-Sam administration: The Influence of International Organization and Korea’s incorporation into Global Education Policy Field

OECD’s Role on the educational reform of Kim Young-Sam administration: The Influence of International Organization and Korea’s incorporation into Global Education Policy Field

The Study of the Science and Technology Administrative System in Korea: From Park Jeong-hee Government to the Kim Young-sam Government

The Study of the Science and Technology Administrative System in Korea: From Park Jeong-hee Government to the Kim Young-sam Government

A Study on the Policy Making Process and Policy Analysis of the Former Police Policy and Future

우리나라의 역대 치안정책은 경찰 자체의 범죄분석에 의한 치안정책수립보다는 정권의 지향점과 필요성에 따라서 수립된 측면이 강하다. 대통령을 정점으로 한 중앙집권적인 행정체제의 특성에 따라 경찰은 그 어떤 행정조직보다도 국가정책의 영향을 많이 받았다. 본 연구에서는 역대정부의 치안정책을 분석하기 위해서 ‘치안정책 분석모델’을 제시하였다. 역대 치안총수가 제시한 치안정책을 ① 국가안보 치안정책, ② 민생안정 치안정책, ③ 시국정보 치안정책, ④ 경찰지원 치안정책으로 나누어 분석하였다. 제1공화국의 치안총수의 정책지향점은 반공노선을 강화하고, 이승만 대통령의 1인 독재를 강화하는 국가안보치안정책을 추진하는 것이었다. 특히 내무부 장관을 정점으로 경찰조직은 부정선거에 앞장섬으로써 이승만 대통령의 권력유지와 정치적 퇴행에 중요한 역할을 담당하였다. 제2공화국의 치안총수의 정책지향점은 정치적 혼란을 수습하고 다양한 사회계층의 폭발적 욕구를 안정적으로 관리하는 민생안정 치안정책을 추진하는 것이었다. 특히 혼란한 정치ㆍ사회적 환경 속에서 노동조합을 비롯한 각종 사회단체와 이익집단의 무질서를 바로잡는 것이 최우선 정책목표로 제시되었다. 제3공화국과 유신정부 치안총수의 정책지향점은 국가의 존립과 번영에 위해를 주는 북한 및 기타 적에 대응한 ‘국가안보치안정책’을 강화하였다. 특히 유신 정부는 유신독재 반대 진압을 위한 ‘안보치안정책’을 추진하면서 ‘시국안정화 정책’과 ‘치안정보 강화정책’을 추진하였다. 이 시기는 이승만 정권보다 인권탄압을 위한 법이 치밀하게 제정되었으며, 통치의 기술이 보다 정교해졌다. 제5공화국 치안총수의 정책지향점은 민주화 열망의 확산을 억압하고, 시민사회의 체제도전을 진압하는 국가안보치안정책과 시국정보 치안정책을 추진하였다. 특히 노동분야를 학원 등 다른 체제도전 세력과 마찬가지로 정치적 도전 세력으로 간주하여 공안기구를 동원하여 가혹하게 탄압하였다. 제6공화국 치안총수의 정책지향점은 연장된 군사정권 체제를 유지하기 위해서 국가안보 치안정책, 시국정보 치안정책, 민생치안 치안정책 등을 추진하였다. 노동분야의 민주화 열망에 따른 시위를 진압하고 급증하는 민생범죄 발생을 억제하는 것이 최우선 과제였다. 특히 ‘공안 정국’을 조성하여 학원과 노동분야를 탄압하였다. 김영삼 정부 치안총수의 정책지향점은 3당 합당에 따른 권위주의 체제를 유지하기 위해서 국가안보 치안정책, 시국정보 치안정책 등을 추진하였다. 특히 학원과 노동계를 통제하기 위해서 ‘신공안정국’을 만들면서 공안통제를 강화하였다. 김대중 정부 치안총수의 정책지향점은 경찰의 정치적 중립과 노동계의 국정파트너 인정으로 인한 민생안정 치안정책과 경찰지원 치안정책이었다. 특히 자치경찰제를 추진하고, 대여성 관련 부서와 사이버분야의 경찰기구를 정비하였다. 노무현 정부 치안총수의 정책지향점은 경찰의 수사권 독립과 자치경찰제의 도입에 따른 경찰지원 치안정책의 추진이었다. 특히 자치경찰제를 도입하고, 경찰의 인권정책을 새롭게 강조하였다. 이명박 정부 치안총수의 정책지향점은 법질서 확립과 실무적 경찰능력 강화를 위한 시국정보 치안정책과 민생안정 치안정책의 강조였다. 특히 법치질서의 확립과 정부의 권위회복을 강조하면서 시민사회 영역과 갈등을 겪었다.Police polices in Korea have been established according to the direction and necessity of the regime rather than establishing policing policies by police’s own crime analysis. According to the characteristics of the centralized administrative system with the president as the peak, the police were more influenced by the national policy than any other administrative organization. In this study, ‘Police Policy Analysis Model’ was presented to analyze the security policy of the previous government. Commissioner General in Korea presented by the past police officers were classified into ① National Security Police Policy, ② Public Security Police Policy, ③ Police Information Security Policy and ④ Police Support Police Policy. The policy of the First Republic’s Police Commissioner General was to strengthen the anti-communist line and to push for a national security and security policy that would strengthen President Lee seung-man dictatorship. The policy of the Police Commissioner General of the Second Republic was to promote a policy of stable public security that relieved political turmoil and stably managed the explosive needs of various social classes. The policy of the Third Republic and the Yushin Government’s Police Commissioner General strengthened the National Security Police Policy in response to North Korea and other enemies that threatened the nation’s existence and prosperity. The policy point of the 5th Republic Police Commissioner General promoted national security and national security policies that suppressed the proliferation of democracy aspirations and suppressed the systemic challenges of civil society. In order to maintain the extended military regime, the policy head of the 6th Republic of Korea Police Headquarters promoted the National Security Police Policy, the City Information Security Policy, and the Public Security Police Policy In Kim Young-sam Administration, the head of the government’s policemen, pursued national security and policing policies in order to maintain the authoritarian regime in accordance with the three-party system. In particular, in order to control the academy and the labor system, it strengthened the control of public security by creating a “New Public Security Stage.” The policy of the Kim Dae-jung government’s Commissioner General was policing policy of the police and policing of the police. In particular, it promoted the autonomous police system and improved the police department in the cyber field and the department related to women. The policy of the Roh Moo-hyun government’s Commissioner General was to promote police policing policy based on independence of police investigation rights and introduction of autonomous police system. In particular, the autonomous police system was introduced and the police’s human rights policy was newly emphasized. The Lee Myung-bak administration’s policy intention was to emphasize the police information security policy and the public security policing policy for establishing the legal system and strengthening the practical police capability. Especially, it stressed the establishment of the order of the rule of law and the restoration of the authority of the government.