Key Political Leaders Research Articles

Design and Implementation of Brief Interventions to Address Noncommunicable Diseases in Uzbekistan.

In Uzbekistan, NCDs, including cardiovascular diseases, cancer, and diabetes, accounted for over 80% of mortality in 2019. In 2021, national stakeholders, in conjunction with the World Health Organization, identified brief interventions (BIs) to implement in primary health care settings to change unhealthy behaviors and reduce the burden of NCDs in the country. BIs consist of a validated set of questions to identify and measure NCD behavioral risk factors and a short conversation with patients/clients about their behavior, as well as the provision of a referral opportunity for further in-depth counseling or treatment if needed. We used a multimethod approach of document review, participatory workshops, and key informant interviews to describe how BIs were designed and implemented in Uzbekistan and generated a theory of change for its large-scale implementation. BIs in Uzbekistan targeted 4 risk factors (alcohol use, tobacco use, unhealthy diet, and physical inactivity) and entailed training clinicians on how to conduct behavioral change counseling using the 5As and 5Rs toolkit, conducting supportive supervision, and using feedback to improve service delivery. The program was collaboratively designed by multiple stakeholders across sectors, including the Ministries of Health, Higher Education, Science, and Innovations, with buy-in from key political leaders. The potential impact of the program (i.e., reducing the incidence of NCDs) was mediated by several intermediate and implementation outcomes at the individual, primary care, and community levels operating along multiple pathways. Significant health system challenges remain to the program, such as limited human resources, lack of incentives for clinicians, outdated systems and data collection processes for performance monitoring, and coordination among different relevant sectors. These and other challenges will need to be addressed to ensure the effective large-scale implementation of BIs in Uzbekistan and similar LMICs.

Commentary on “Toward a Dracula Urbanism”

The “Dracula urbanism” conception seeks to identify destructive transformation underway in cities under the guise of the “smart city” movement. According to the Wilson and Wyly assessment of trends in Flint, Michigan and Jakarta, Indonesia (but by implication occurring on a global scale), an exploitative “real estate state” is systematically rooting out all traces of decay (and by implication the poor) not only to purify the environment but also to reap enormous profits. The two cases assessed show, at different urban scales, that large scale developments are underway in concert with key political leaders. At the same, however, there are public plans and community advocacy groups representing alternative visions with the smart city movement, ensuring that parasitic practices do not go unchallenged. The Dracula urbanism metaphor fails to capture this side. Smart city governance in Jakarta (and other Indonesian cities) actually engenders greater governmental capacity to address general citizen needs. In Flint, some new development addresses previously unmet community needs. While useful to underscore the transformative role of real estate developers in shaping a new brand of urbanism, the Dracula urbanism model fails to capture the complexities of the modern city's response to the enduring challenges of serving all its citizens.

Levels of Participation of Men, Women and Youth in Alternative Livelihoods in Turkana County, Kenya

Purpose: In many ASALS areas in Kenya, the frequency and magnitude of droughts, floods and famine have increased significantly in the recent past. This has impacted negatively on communities especially women whose vulnerability is increased further by cattle raids that are prevalent in these areas. In Turkana County, women lack the capacity to participate in resource management due to lack of access to information and skills. The County government through gender department has a good will to minimize challenges women and youth are facing. However, political will should be enhanced for women and youth to participate in raising the community’s living standards. This study therefore sought to explore the levels of participation of men, women and youth in alternative livelihoods in Turkana County.
 Methodology: The study used cross sectional data gathered through questionnaires and administered on the men, women and youth including selected key informants. The study was conducted in Turkana west, Turkana East, Turkana North, and Turkana South of Turkana County, Kenya.
 Findings: Men, women and youth, are embracing alternative livelihoods to earn extra income. However, men exclusively control land and also makes most decisions concerning sale and purchase of livestock and their products. Access to information on livestock production is limited for both genders. The main challenges in transportation of livestock and their products, including farm produce are; long distance, bad roads, lack of security, high transportation cost and spoilage of products.
 Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study presumed that in order for women and youth to participate in alternative livelihoods, for instance, agribusiness, small businesses and crop farming, there is need for enhanced access to information, skills, and household empowerment, including good political will. The assumption was validated and ratified during visits to key political leaders, gender office and key community leaders. The county government and other development partners should support the community’s alternative livelihood by encouraging formation of groups in order to be assisted through capacity building to improve their business skills, value addition and marketing of their products. Capacity building should be conducted in their localities to enhance attendance hence, increase the living standard of the community.

Unorthodox public leadership: the case study of an atypical approach to crisis in Iceland

PurposeThis paper aims to present the case of Jón Gnarr's leadership as he served as a mayor of Reykjavík, the capital of Iceland. The authors’ view is that his leadership style illustrates a case study of how a “new” leadership style can emerge in times of crisis. Iceland was significantly affected by the financial crisis in 2008, which led to political and economic crises, which were fuelled by the public's anger and lack of trust. In 2010, Jón Gnarr and his new party, the Best Party, were unexpectedly elected. Before he became known as an unorthodox leader, he worked as a comedian. However, he influenced the discourse in politics in the country and raised trust in the system again while empowering the public managers and simplifying the system while downsizing it. This paper explores and sheds light on the leadership abilities that crises can birth.Design/methodology/approachThis research uses qualitative methods. Seven in-depth interviews were conducted, and the interviewees included Jón Gnarr, three key political leaders who were in office at that time and three executive-level leaders from the city administration.FindingsEvidence suggests that Jón Gnarr and his political party became a part of the political arena due to extreme social and economic factors, which might indicate the factors that can give rise to an unorthodox leader. At the same time, the research portrays the image of a leader that closely matches the theories of authentic leadership, and his leadership style at the time made a lasting impact. When Gnarr stepped into the role of mayor of Reykjavík, he used novel tactics. His political discourse was different; his manner with the public as well as within the system was different. When he became mayor, he demonstrated trust, respect and care as his underlying values. His unorthodox political behaviour appears to have empowered public officials. Thus, gradually, he inspired his followers to change their own communication style. He also addressed traditional political issues such as downsizing, mergers and financial undertakings.Research limitations/implicationsIts limitation is that it is difficult to generalize based on one case.Practical implicationsThe case can shed a light on how unorthodox leadership style can unlock the potential of empowering and trust in a traditional political system. Leaders who dare to be different can raise awareness of those who work within the system as well as the public.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the understanding of authentic and unconventional leadership as an efficient vehicle in unusual circumstances in a public leadership position.

Insults in political comments on GhanaWeb

Abstract This paper explores the practice of insults on GhanaWeb, a popular online platform on which some Ghanaians post comments and share opinions in reaction to various news reports. Among other things, the study entails understanding how the prevalence of harsh insults stands against the backdrop of traditional Ghanaian speech culture, which places high value on respect for the elderly and authority figures. Examining a sample of online comments directed at key political leaders in the build-up to the national elections in December 2016, the study identifies their characteristic textual and discursive features and interprets them in cultural and socio-political contexts. The study asserts that although the practice of using insults against political leaders in online commentary appears to be ‘normal’ in the online context, it is a transgression when one considers the Ghanaian sociocultural norms of communication.

Government transition in the time of the COVID-19 crisis: Slovak case

PurposeMost media evaluate Slovakia as the most successful European country in the fight against the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Such excellent results have been achieved in a really specific period – the change of the government overlapped the initial days of the outbreak of the pandemic in the country. The goal of this viewpoint paper is to investigate how individual public leaders (Prime Ministers) shaped the governance response, how these key political leaders have helped to make the transition to a new government so seamless in times of crisis.Design/methodology/approachQualitative approach is used to map the situation and to show how key political leaders shaped the governance response to the crisis. The official government COVID-19 web page and core national media were investigated to collect the necessary information for our research.FindingsThe most positive finding of this article is the fact that the departing Prime Minister Pellegrini did not decide to wait till the end of office in a passive or moderate way, but managed during last days of office of “his” government to realize a set of really comprehensive measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Slovakia. Politics has been set a bit aside; coalition and opposition parties prioritized the need to fight COVID-19 instead of the need for permanent political fights.Originality/valueThe article introduces the example of the political “takeover” during the crisis, which has been realized in such positive ways, especially thanks to the fact that Pellegrini behaved as a real national leader just a few days before leaving office.

Identity Discourse within a Geopolitical Crisis

The annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 dramatically changed routine practices and perceptions about Lithuania’s foreign policy agenda. The threat to this small state’s security marked a new era of active searching for self-definition and policy direction. The article aims to analyse the dominant tendencies of Lithuania’s identity in foreign and security policy after 2014. Lithuania is selected precisely because of its vocal reaction and concerns after the annexation of Crimea. This article analyses speeches, comments and statements made within contemporary political discourse by key political leaders in Lithuania’s foreign and security policy. It argues that – in light of potential military threat – political leaders advocate for increased self-responsibility and readiness to act as the relations with their respective partners remain both crucial and complicated.

The “home bias” of corporate subsidiary locations

Analyzing hand-collected data on the corporate subsidiary locations of all publicly listed firms in China, we find that “hometown firms,” firms headquartered in the hometown of the key political leaders of the province, set up more subsidiaries in their home provinces. This effect is stronger for hometown firms that are non-state owned or without political connections, and more prominent in a political turnover year and the previous year. After a hometown firm sets up more subsidiaries in a key political leader's home province, the firm will enjoy more preferential government policies such as those related to subsidies and taxes. We find evidence consistent with the positive externalities of these subsidiaries for other firms in the cities where they reside, i.e., local firms. The number of these subsidiaries is also positively associated with the local employment rate. Various causality tests and robustness checks confirm the validity of our results. Our results provide some of the first evidence on the importance of corporate subsidiary locations, showing political geography significantly influences corporate geography.

Called to Serve, Shunned as Citizens: How the Australian Women’s Land Army Was Recruited and Abandoned by the Labor Government

The establishment and contribution of the Australian Women’s Land Army (AWLA) during World War II was welcomed by farmers. At that time prime ministers and premiers, along with a range of politicians, labelled their work as a vital war service, applauding their efforts as enabling Australia’s victory. However, in 1945, and following the war, key political leaders turned their back on this appreciation, denying the AWLA access to post-war benefits and services. This paper documents the reasons for the work of the AWLA from 1942 to 1945 and traces how the Labor Government in 1945 dismissed their contribution. It argues that to a large extent, this responsibility for denying the women the recognition and benefits that had been promised was a betrayal of the women they had called in to service.

Politički vođe u dnevnim novinama: analiza hrvatskih parlamentarnih izbora 2016.

This paper analyses the daily newspaper reporting on key political leaders of the 2016 parliamentary elections, the first early parliamentary elections in Croatia directly caused by a breakup of the ruling coalition. The introduction to these surprise and short-notice elections, at which preferential voting was practiced for only the second time, was a short election campaign and a change in leadership of the biggest party (HDZ), which triggered the extensive use of personalisation in campaigns run by the biggest parties and their coalitions. This study examines how five leaders of the most prominent political parties were presented in the six most relevant Croatian daily newspapers during the official election campaign. The findings reveal that the leaders of the two biggest parties dominated media coverage, but also that the only new leader, HDZ's Andrej Plenkovic, had a very favourable treatment in all of the analysed daily newspapers. Results also showed political programmes and private lives of the leaders to be marginal topics within the analysed leaders' media coverage.

Corporate Subsidiary Locations, Politics, and Firm Value

Analyzing hand-collected data on the corporate subsidiary locations of all publicly listed firms in China, we find that “hometown firms,” firms headquartered in the hometown of the key political leaders of the province, set up more subsidiaries in their home provinces. This effect is stronger for hometown firms that are non-state owned or without political connections, and more prominent in a political turnover year and the previous year. After a hometown firm sets up more subsidiaries in a key political leader’s home province, the firm will enjoy more preferential government policies such as those related to subsidies and taxes. We find evidence consistent with the positive externalities of these subsidiaries for other firms in the cities where they reside, i.e., local firms. The number of these subsidiaries is also positively associated with the local employment rate. Various causality tests and robustness checks confirm the validity of our results. Our results provide some of the first evidence on the importance of corporate subsidiary locations, showing political geography significantly influences corporate geography.

Nudging by Government: Progress, Impact, & Lessons Learned

“Nudge units” within governments, most notably in the United Kingdom and the United States, seek to encourage people to behave a certain way by using insights gained from behavioral science. The aim is to influence people's choices through policies that offer the right incentive or hurdle so that people choose the more economically beneficial options. Getting people to save for retirement, eat more healthful foods, and pay their taxes on time are some examples of institutionally desirable activities The 10-fold rise in “nudge” projects undertaken since 2010—more than 20 countries have deployed or expressed interest in them—have revealed many lessons for policymakers. Chief among these lessons: the necessity of obtaining buy-in from key political leaders and other stakeholders, and the benefits of testing multiple intervention strategies at once. Although detailed cost-benefit analyses are not yet available, we estimate that behaviorally inspired interventions can help government agencies save hundreds of millions of dollars per year.

Nudging by government: Progress, impact, & lessons learned

“Nudge units” within governments, most notably in the United Kingdom and the United States, seek to encourage people to behave a certain way by using insights gained from behavioral science. The aim is to influence people’s choices through policies that offer the right incentive or hurdle so that people choose the more economically beneficial options. Getting people to save for retirement, eat more healthful foods, and pay their taxes on time are some examples of institutionally desirable activities. The 10-fold rise in “nudge” projects undertaken since 2010—more than 20 countries have deployed or expressed interest in them—have revealed many lessons for policymakers. Chief among these lessons: the necessity of obtaining buy-in from key political leaders and other stakeholders, and the benefits of testing multiple intervention strategies at once. Although detailed cost–benefit analyses are not yet available, we estimate that behaviorally inspired interventions can help government agencies save hundreds of millions of dollars per year.

Bangladesh in 2008: Déjà Vu Again or a Return to Democracy?

Bangladesh stepped into 2008 under emergency rule, suspended political activity, and a military-supported caretaker government (CG), after a 16-year interlude of a two-party dominated democratic system. After a long two years, the CG has started releasing key political leaders as a step toward holding elections in December. The Bangladeshi people are waiting to see whether this interruption of democracy will remain only temporary.

A Bad Argument for a Reasonable Position

PHILOSOPHER Daniel Dennett once remarked, There's nothing I like less than bad arguments for a view that I hold dear. After reading Kevin St. Jarre's article, Reinventing Social Studies, I know exactly how Dennett felt. As an experienced and, I like to think, reform-minded high school social studies teacher, (1) I looked forward to reading and responding to Mr. St. Jarre's plan to improve the field. However, I was disappointed. Rather than reinventing social studies, this article reflects the field's major problems. It recycles stereotypical views of history teachers, confuses chronology with history, and offers a one-dimensional, single-cause explanation for how social studies got into its present sorry state. Ironically, in calling for more social science in our schools, Mr. St. Jarre does not employ any of the conceptual or methodological tools of the social science disciplines. Rather, he offers an argument based on personal anecdotes and undocumented and, on occasion, incorrect assertions of fact. In short, his argument undermines his position. I write as a lifelong social studies educator who is sympathetic to Mr. St. Jarre's call for teachers to use the disciplines to shape instruction but disappointed and distressed by the quality of argument he created to support this stance. Essentially, Mr. St. Jarre makes four points in his article. First, like many critics of the social studies, he argues that our students are unable to remember important facts, recognize key political leaders, identify crucial places on maps, or engage in critical thinking. Second, he asserts that students' ignorance is the byproduct of 90 years of running students like lemmings through a three-year succession of history survey courses, characterized by poor teaching and a systematic wading through facts, figures, and dates. For Mr. St. Jarre, pure history, without any of the other social sciences, is a laundry list, a phone directory, a time line. Consequently, on its own, history cannot offer much of value to future citizens in our democracy. In his third point, Mr. St. Jarre offers a historical explanation for how this situation developed. He claims that a 1916 National Education Association (NEA) Committee essentially gave history control of the curriculum and thus encouraged schools to hire band[s] of historians to teach social History's hegemonic domination of the social studies these past 90 years has prevented other, more relevant social sciences from entering the curriculum, while denying teachers trained in other fields the chance to teach in their areas of expertise. The solution, and Mr. St. Jarre's fourth point, requires us to decrease history's influence in the schools while increasing the social sciences, including civics, economics, and international studies. Let me say from the outset that I share the vision Mr. St. Jarre's article offers of the value of the disciplines for improving the social studies. However, beyond this vision, there is little in this article that recommends it as a case for social studies reform. Further, as a student of social studies teaching, I found little in it that could guide practicing teachers to transform their instruction. In my criticism, I focus on three areas that troubled me most: 1) the absence of evidence to support the claims, 2) the narrow, stereotypical view of history, and 3) the mono-causal explanation offered for the current state of social studies education. Finally, I will briefly try to build on our areas of agreement to offer a clearer picture of how discipline-based teaching might help genuinely reinvent social studies. (2) Absence of evidence. One of the most disconcerting features of an article calling upon teachers to increase the use of the social sciences in their teaching was the total absence of social scientific processes, concepts, or evidence in making its case. Mr. St. Jarre, for example, offered only undocumented assertions to demonstrate that social studies education is failing our students. …

Turgut Özal and his Economic Legacy: Turkish Neo-Liberalism in Critical Perspective

Turgut Ozal was a critical figure in Turkey's transition to a neo-liberal development model in the 1980s. Arguably, he was also the most influential political leader in Turkey since the time of Kem...

Partisan stability and short‐term change in the 1987 federal election: Evidence from the NSSS panel survey

Abstract This article brings new evidence to bear on two old questions and two new ones. First, we analyse cross‐sectional voting patterns in the five federal elections between 1977 and 1987. We find that the effects of class and party remain remarkably stable over this decade, which suggests that the much touted decline of class from World War II into the 1970s may have bottomed out by the 1980s. Second, we show that individual voting patterns are also remarkably stable, if anything more stable than in the 1960s; there is no sign of the increase in electoral volatility found in other English speaking countries. Third, we analyse changes over the last parliament, between‐the 1984 and 1987 elections. We find that changes in voters’ views in this period are influenced mainly by changes in their opinion of the key political leaders, not by their class, ideology, or opinions on the issues of the day. Finally, we investigate what would have happened if the opposition's leaders had been as popular as Labor's. O...

The Smolensk Scandal and the End of NEP

The events of the last years of NEP—the New Economic Policy—confront historians with two complex and still controversial issues: the effect of these “new” policies on the Russian economy, on society, and on methods of Communist rule in the country and the political conflict dividing the party leadership in the late 1920s. The first issue raises the question of the extent to which NEP was evolving in a direction compatible with the Communists' dream of a socialist society, with the short-term political needs of the Soviet state, and with the priorities of economic development. The second issue focuses on the political instability generated by the controversy over domestic policy and methods of rule, as well as by the personal antagonism between the two key political leaders, Nikolai Bukharin and Stalin. The debate on these questions, answers to which are crucial to our understanding of the origins of Stalinism, has for the most part relied on evidence drawn from central party and state activities, giving the discussion a panoramic view of the history of those years.