Key Legislators Research Articles

Gender politics in Costa Rica: from descriptive to substantive representation

ABSTRACT Costa Rica is a democratic exemplar, having maintained a critical mass of female legislators over two decades and approached gender parity in political offices; thus, it is a useful context for examining theories of change for gender representation. We use process-tracing to track the evolution of descriptive representation and examine when and how critical actors affect the legislative process in Costa Rica. We evaluate the extent to which critical mass representation has advanced substantive gender representation—the adoption of legislation favorable to women’s interests—through case studies of the 2020 law on street sexual harassment, and the 2022 law on violence against women in politics. We find that greater descriptive representation provides a pivot point for substantive representation, although critical actors in the form of key legislators and women’s organizations provide the necessary agency for legislative successes. The case study contributes to both theories and methods for understanding how descriptive representation and substantive representation interact in the democratic legislative process.

Efficient floating offshore wind realization: A comparative legal analysis of France, Norway and the United Kingdom

Floating offshore wind (FOW) has the potential to play a key role in many states' decarbonization policies going forward. The reason is that the majority of the world's wind energy potential is located offshore at depths where deployment of conventional bottom-fixed offshore wind turbines is not economically profitable. To realize FOW's potential as a key decarbonization technology policy makers and legislators must design legal frameworks that properly address the three main barriers to efficient deployment: (a) spatial competition, (b) need for state financing and (c) allocation of grid connection responsibilities. This article analyses and compares Norway, France and the United Kingdom's regulation of the three main barriers to efficient FOW deployment with respect of their ability to ensure efficient realisation. The article concludes with best practices and recommendation to policy makers and legislators on how to regulate the three main barriers to accomplish efficient FOW deployment.

The Unlikely Heroes of Progressive Taxation: CEOs’ Support for Bill Clinton’s Tax Increase Package in 1993

AbstractOn August 10, 1993, President Bill Clinton signed the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993, one of the largest fiscal deficit-reduction packages in US fiscal history. This law raised the top individual income tax rate from 31% to 39.6%, which increased the average effective tax rate for high-income earners and shifted the federal fiscal balance from deficit to surplus by the end of the century. Given major business interest groups’ criticism of the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993’s heavy reliance on tax increases over spending cuts, how was the Democrat-controlled Congress able to pass this legislation? Drawing on archival evidence from the Clinton Presidential Library, this paper shows that the administration and Democratic committee chairs mobilized support from corporate CEOs, including Fortune 500 executives, asking them to lobby key legislators to support the bill. Thus, with business leaders’ support and lobbying efforts, the legislation was passed with a very slight majority.

Towards translational health policy: Findings from a state evaluation of programs targeting children with special health care needs.

Current evidence-based research suggests that early evaluation, comprehensive care plans, and appropriate referrals for childhood and adolescent behavioral and development needs is critical for successful family-centered outcomes. The overall purpose of this study was to conduct an assessment of a state public health program that offers diagnostic evaluation and coordination for children with behavioral and developmental disorders in the state of Virginia (Child Development Center programs, or CDC). A secondary purpose was to provide translational policy and advocacy targets based on key findings. The evaluation of the scope of services of the CDC programs was done using qualitative interviews with a focus group interview (n = 23), interviews from representatives from individual centers ( n = 5 centers), and descriptive quantitative data elements for the fiscal year 2015. After conducting the state public health evaluation, several translational health policy priorities emerged, including: (a) the need for integrated data standards, (b) Lack of developmental pediatric workforce, particularly in rural sectors of the state, and (c) Need for enhanced program support for care coordination. Academic nurse and public health partnerships can aid in translation from research to policy among vulnerable populations and assist in communication to key stakeholders and legislators for iterative action and reassessment.

Caretaking Democratization: The Military and Political Change in Myanmar

Caretaking Democratization: The Military and Political Change in Myanmar. By Renaud Egreteau. London: Hurst & Co, 2016. Hardcover: 193pp. In Caretaking Democratization French scholar Renaud Egreteau adds his voice to growing body of literature on Myanmar's recent political transition. Egreteau already has a considerable number of publications on Myanmar under his belt, not least on role of military in country's politics and role of national-level parliament since reforms were introduced in 2011. As such, it is not surprising that, like other academics, Egreteau sees endogenous rather than external factors as key to pacted transition he says we have witnessed in Myanmar (p. 15). The title of book clearly conveys thrust of Egreteau's argument: namely, that when compared to period of direct military rule that preceded it, period between and early 2016 is one in which military limited its interventionism in Myanmar politics to that of guardian army. The Tatmadaw, official name for armed forces, remains last resort decision-maker in post-SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) hybrid system. For Egreteau, Myanmar's transition from military rule is a sui generis case (p. 3). The book consists of six substantive chapters. In opening chapter, Egreteau contextualizes recent transition with reference to Myanmar's political history. His discussion shows that pacted transition, which is also described as a settlement (p. 32), was sought by military leadership, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and National League for Democracy as well as ethnic leaders who were willing to compromise to move politics forward. As Egreteau explains, transition was long planned by military and can be re-traced at very least to 2003 political roadmap to a discipline-flourishing democracy on which then military regime embarked in aftermath of renewed detention of Suu Kyi if not to early days of State Law and Order Restoration Council. The importance of role of wider social elites and political entrepreneurs as drivers of political transition has arguably been focus of more detailed work published elsewhere. Nevertheless, Egreteau similarly maintains that the 'Third Force' has participated in shaping of 'environmental conditions' necessary to bargaining of a loose 'pact' once SPDC was disbanded in 2011 (p. 36). Chapter two describes broadening of socio-political space under President U Thein Sein. Attention is given to 2010, 2012 and 2015 elections and expansion of civil society. However, Egreteau concentrates not only on positives, and hence does not fail to mention either disenfranchisement experienced by several groups or issue of religious extremism. Drawing strongly on his previous work, Egreteau then examines role of legislators in a revived parliamentary setting. Chapter three contains very interesting data and analysis on political parties and even key legislators. Egreteau notes that there has been some reliance on foreign funds for urgent parliamentary capacity building. Beyond noting external influences, he also outlines problem of internal divisions and splits experienced by political parties. Setting out current pattern of military intervention in Myanmar politics, Egreteau looks at political violence, political fragmentation and ethnic and communal conflicts. He also devotes particular attention to role of military in legislative affairs. …

Historical and Modern Meaning of the Political and Legal Terminology

Review. The proposed article raises the issue of the need for clear delineation in historical research of historical and contemporary meanings of the concepts. In this case, the terms in question are: autocracy, absolutism and theocracy. The term "autocracy" is of historical and contemporary significance. In XII-XVII centuries it was used to describe only independence and sovereignty of the State; the repository of supreme power, called autocrat, was perceived as a sovereign, independent from any other Lord, not paying tribute, i.e. sovereign Tsar. In that period the term "autocracy" was determined by the independence and sovereignty of the Tsar and his State, both in internal and especially external relations. Absolute monarchy ("absolutism") as a form of Government began to establish only in the second half of the 17th century, and obtaining its legal meaning in the first quarter of the 18th century. During that period the term "autocracy" changed its semantics, going from broad meaning - State sovereignty to a limited one, characterizing the supreme power in its internal functioning, designating it as the unrestricted monarchy ("absolutism"). Since then, the terms "autocracy" and "absolutism" have become synonymous. In such a meaning they are applied now, therefore, it appears that in order to provide adequate characteristics of stages of nation-building in Russia it is necessary to clearly distinguish between historical and contemporary significance of such key terms of medieval legislators and thinkers as the "autocracy" and "absolutism". Soviet and partly modern humanitarian science mainly treats the term "autocracy" only in its modern meaning - absolutism, without matching it with time of occurrence, determining the initial meaning, and subsequent evolution, which often causes researchers to proclaim the occurrence of absolutism in Russia already in the XV-XVI centuries, calling this form as an "autocratic despotism" (D.N. Alshits, Ya.S. Lurie and others), "unlimited autocracy" (in the meaning of "absolutism" - S.A. Orlov, V.A. Georgiev, etc.); "territorial autocracy" (A.Yu. Dvornichenko, Yu.V. Krivosheev); "Orthodox autocracy" (R.T. Muhaev, Yu.V. Puzdrach, I.Ya. Froyanov). Accordingly, the political doctrines of the period are characterized as "doctrines of Russian autocracy", "autocratical absolutism" (N.V. Asonov); "a developed doctrine of autocratic absolute rule" (A.V. Karavashkin, A.L. Yurganov). Such an analysis of medieval categories may only be explained by adherence to the traditions prevailing in the second half of XIX-beginning of XX centuries, amounting to the formula: "autocracy, orthodoxy, and nationality", acquired and copied during the Soviet period. Meanwhile, the view on the form of Government established in the second half of the XVI-XVII centuries, both at class representing monarchy, virtually shared by all historians, lawyers and laid open in all courses on "History of State and Law of Russia" and "History of Political and Legal Doctrines". The root of disagreements between researchers appears to have two main causes: the first is ignoring the historical content of the term "autocracy" and extrapolation onto the Middle Ages of its contemporary meaning of "absolutism"; the second is the substitution of the form States: form of government (the supreme power organization) by political regime (means of implementation techniques of supreme power in the State). In most of the above remarks both elements of the form of a State are combined: the form of government and political regime. The article alleges overdue need to develop a common methodology for the use of terms describing medieval statehood and the accompanying political and legal ideology, applying the terms of key legislators and thinkers of the medieval apparatus in their historical rather than contemporary significance.

Quantifying Legislative Uncertainty: A Case Study in Tax Policy

Whether a legislature will or will not enact law is often uncertain. This Article offers an empirical model for quantifying that uncertainty, and it develops this argument in the context of federal income tax rates. Specifically, we estimate a model of legislator preferences on tax rates and show that the political process can be well understood in terms of the preferences of key legislators. We use our statistical model to quantify the uncertainty of tax rates and forecast the direction of likely rate changes in the future. This argument has several implications for policymaking and the analysis of legislative uncertainty more generally. First, quantifying legislative uncertainty offers insight into the behavioral effects of the law. How people respond to the law depends on their perception of the law’s future trajectory. Second, our analysis allows us to explore the stability of major legislative reform. Our methodology allows us to demonstrate that reforms are sometimes predictably unstable. Such reforms can have the perverse result of increasing future legislative uncertainty.

Filtered Constitutional Review and the Reconfiguration of Inter-Judicial Relations

Filtered constitutional review is a restrictive form of concrete review allowing supreme court judges to filter constitutional referrals prior to their examination by the constitutional court. Though its introduction is unlikely, alone, to have much impact on power structures within the judiciary, “captured” legislative committees and legal scholars acting as a “highly specialised lobby” may be in position to amplify its effect on inter-judicial relations. Blending institutionalist-rationalist accounts of judicial behaviour with Mancur Olson’s logic of collective action, I show how the constitutional law professoriate and key legislators managed to influence the implementation and early application by French supreme courts of a new filtered review mechanism.

Filtered Constitutional Review and the Reconfiguration of Inter-Judicial Relations

Filtered constitutional review is a restrictive form of concrete review allowing supreme court judges to filter constitutional referrals prior to their examination by the constitutional court. Though its introduction is unlikely, alone, to have much impact on power structures within the judiciary, “captured” legislative committees and legal scholars acting as a “highly specialised lobby” may be in position to amplify its effect on inter-judicial relations. Blending institutionalist-rationalist accounts of judicial behaviour with Mancur Olson’s logic of collective action, I show how the constitutional law professoriate and key legislators managed to influence the implementation and early application by French supreme courts of a new filtered review mechanism.

Abstract LB-49: Surviving by empowerment

Abstract Men's Health Network (MHN) is a national non-profit organization whose mission is to reach men, boys, and their families where theylive, work, play, and pray with health prevention messages and tools, screening programs, educational materials, advocacy opportunities, and patient navigation. MHN was founded in 1992 by a group of men's activists, therapists, and writers interested in improving the health and well-being of men, boys and families. It is a nonprofit incorporated in the District of Columbia. MHN has also been designated as a tax exempt organization under Section 501(c)(3) of the U.S. Internal Revenue Service code. MHN has received the highest rating (4 stars) from Charity Navigator. Men's Health Network (MHN) is undertaking a series of free state symposia on the health of men and their families around the country. MHN is presenting these symposia as an effort to educate health professionals and the public-at-large about significant family health issues. The symposia create awareness of such issues with state policy leaders, elected officials, and healthcare leaders as they deal with the reality of rising health care costs. These state symposia also create opportunities for additional networking for community outreach organizations throughout the state, as well as encourage preventative health measures and physician and patient dialogue. Among those invited to participate are: local, regional, and state public health department officials, key legislators, advocacy groups, medical associations, patient advocacy organizations, churches/parishes, community health leaders, and healthcare providers. Citation Format: {Authors}. {Abstract title} [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 103rd Annual Meeting of the American Association for Cancer Research; 2012 Mar 31-Apr 4; Chicago, IL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2012;72(8 Suppl):Abstract nr LB-49. doi:1538-7445.AM2012-LB-49

Liberty, Equality and Taxation: Wine in the French Revolution

This article analyzes the debate surrounding indirect taxes on wine during the French Revolution. These taxes produced much revenue for the state, but were also the target of much popular fury. Once the Revolution began in July 1789 the places where they were collected became the focus of sustained attacks and social protest. The revolutionaries debated how to reform these taxes, but were finally pushed to abolish them by popular pressure in 1791. This process is analyzed and the complex nature of the revolutionary dynamic in which the state and popular classes interacted to shape the goals, direction and outcome(s) of the French Revolution is highlighted. By using the revolutionary rhetoric of liberty and equality, petitioners and key legislators called for the indirect taxes on wine to be abolished. By exploring the discourse around wine and taxes, it is apparent that issues of consumption, equity and the social role of alcohol played a part in the new government’s formation of fiscal policy. It is also clear that moderately priced wine was a tangible outcome of the French Revolution and symbolic of its ideals.

Assessment of Policies and Programs to Combat Human Trafficking

Little research has been conducted to evaluate recent anti-trafficking policy initiatives and programs. This is particularly problematic because policymakers, service providers, and activists across the United States are looking to recent research to help identify what efforts have been effective and what efforts have not or could be improved. Many states also are reevaluating their efforts and considering new approaches, but have even less knowledge and understanding of the problem.Massachusetts stands as one of only four states that currently lacks legislation specifying human trafficking as a crime. Although one bill introduced in 2009 passed the state Senate, it died in the House. Under the leadership of the Attorney General and key state legislators, new bills have been filed this year. Despite the apparent momentum for a landmark bill, it is not clear that the public or most members of the legislature and other policymakers view human trafficking as a problem here in Massachusetts.To address this void, a team of researchers from the Bentley University Service-Learning Center and University Honors Program offered to assist the Massachusetts Governor‘s Council to Address Sexual Assault and Domestic Violence in drawing together what is known on the topic and evaluating programs that exist within and outside of the state. The report seeks to answer the following research questions: 1. To what extent is human trafficking a problem in Massachusetts? 2. What explains the variation among the U.S. states in policymaking outcomes on combating human trafficking? 3. How well are current law enforcement and prosecution strategies and specific programs to combat human trafficking working in practice? 4. How well are current strategies and specific programs to protect victims of sex trafficking working in practice? 5. How well are current prevention strategies and programs working in practice? 6. How can effective strategies and programs to combat human trafficking be adapted to effectively address the problem in Massachusetts?

ACP to Congress: Health Care Reform Must Ensure Supply of Primary Care Physicians

A letter was sent by the American College of Physicians (ACP) in January 2010 to key legislators urging them to ensure that the final health care reform bill includes provisions to support the primary care workforce. “Recent studies show that the U.S. faces a shortage of more than 40,000 primary care physicians, even before taking into account increased demand for primary care associated with increased coverage,” said ACP President Dr Joseph W. Stubbs, MD, FACP, in the letter. The letter noted that any legislation must ensure that there would be enough primary care provisions to provide adequate access to care for the >30 million additional Americans who may soon have affordable coverage, as well as those who already have coverage. Specifically, the ACP requested that the final bill increase Medicaid and Medicare payments to primary care physicians. It noted studies showing that low levels of reimbursement for primary care, especially relative to other specialties, are a principal reason why physicians are not choosing to enter primary care. Under both bills, Medicaid will be expanded to cover millions more Americans, but many of them will not be able to find a primary care doctor if low reimbursement rates continue to make it impossible for primary care doctors to accept more Medicaid patients, the letter warned. The ACP urged support for a provision in the House bill to increase Medicaid payments to equal Medicare rates within four years. Both bills have provisions to increase Medicare primary care payments. The ACP recommended that the final agreement incorporate the Senate's 10% primary care bonus, but apply it more broadly to primary care services and physicians as proposed by the House, many of whom would be excluded under the Senate's more restrictive language. The letter also urged expansion of pilot testing and implementation of Patient-Centered Medical Homes. Both bills have provisions to expand testing and implementation of medical homes in both Medicare and Medicaid, but only the House has specific funding for 2 Medicare medical home pilots. Finally, the ACP recommended increased support for primary care training programs, including providing mandatory increased funding for the National Health Service Corps and Title VII primary care training programs.

Preventive Medicine and Public Health Residency Training

Preventive medicine physicians are uniquely trained in both clinical medicine and public health to understand and reduce the risks of disease, disability, and death in individuals and populations. The nation is facing a severe shortage of preventive medicine-trained physicians, which is largely due to unstable and inadequate residency program funding. Several policy options have been explored and evaluated to fund preventive medicine residency training programs as part of a multipronged approach to engage physicians in the policy-making process. The most adequate, sustainable, distributable, and politically feasible policy option was pursued, and a bill called the "Preventive Medicine and Public Health Training Act" was introduced into the House and the Senate. Opportunities to participate in the policy-making process and interact with key legislators and stakeholders exist in a variety of ways. Leadership at the federal level helps preventive medicine and public health physicians recognize their vital role in shaping public policy.

The Joint Admission Medical Program: A Statewide Approach to Expanding Medical Education and Career Opportunities for Disadvantaged Students

In 2003, Texas initiated an experiment to address enrollment disparities in its medical schools. With bipartisan support from key Texas legislators, funding was allocated in 2002 to establish the Joint Admission Medical Program (JAMP). Texas' then eight medical schools created, through JAMP, a partnership with the state's 31 public and 34 private undergraduate colleges and universities. Cognizant of legal prohibitions against reliance solely on race or ethnicity in promoting diversity, JAMP is designed to enhance opportunities for economically disadvantaged students from across the state, including those from (1) rural and remote areas of the state, and (2) institutions that have historically sent few students to medical school. Now in its seventh year of operation, JAMP is overseen by a council with representatives from all nine Texas medical schools. For the six years-2003 to 2008-for which data are available, indicators of JAMP performance can be seen in (1) the numbers of applicants to JAMP (1,230 applicants in the first six years), (2) levels of JAMP participation (480 participants), and (3) matriculation of JAMP participants into medical schools (164 of 288 of those accepted into the program in the years 2003-2006).The authors provide a brief history of JAMP, describe its structure and operation, summarize objective performance data, and identify some of the challenges still faced. These include increasing the participation of students from underrepresented minority groups within the legal structure for the program, and fostering substantive participation in JAMP by all of Texas' undergraduate institutions. A focused effort is under way to strengthen the evaluative aspects of JAMP so that more comprehensive data, including subjective evaluation data from participants, can be shared with colleagues in the future.

Healthcare Infections Associated with Care and Treatment of Humans and Animals

Healthcare Infections Associated with Care and Treatment of Humans and Animals

Industrial epidemics, public health advocacy and the alcohol industry: lessons from other fields

Industrial epidemics, public health advocacy and the alcohol industry: lessons from other fields

New Priorities for Climate Change Research

When Democrats gained control of the U.S. Congress, they made climate change one of their top priorities. But they quickly realized that putting into law caps on greenhouse gas emissions could take years of political wrangling—and possibly a new president. So while proposals for emissions controls have captured headlines (Science, 11 May, p. 813), key legislators have quietly focused on a more immediate goal: reordering priorities in climate change research to reflect the most pressing questions.

PAC Contributions Help APA Ensure Congress Hears Us

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article From the PresidentFull AccessPAC Contributions Help APA Ensure Congress Hears UsPedro Ruiz, M.D.Pedro RuizSearch for more papers by this author, M.D.Published Online:6 Oct 2006https://doi.org/10.1176/pn.41.19.0003 As you know, APA has a wide range of advocacy and educational activities and programs, and I would like to focus this column on one of them: APA's political action committee (PAC). Obviously, one of APA's major objectives is not only to continue but also to significantly increase our advocacy activities.While APA is committing substantial financial support to our district branches and state associations for state-level grass-roots advocacy priorities, our political action committee (designated as APAPAC) is also working at the national level to educate and lobby members of and candidates for Congress on psychiatry's interests. Some members believe that PAC contributions are distasteful, but an effective PAC is a vital part of our coordinated grass-roots and political strategy.While APAPAC is still in its infancy, it is already a success. Under the dedicated leadership of the PAC Board of Directors, contributions from APA members and staff continue to increase (see chart).APAPAC works hand in hand with the day-to-day lobbying of our dedicated Department of Government Relations (DGR) staff to advance APA's legislative priorities and to provide greater access to members of Congress than ever before.These are among the results of the collaborative efforts:In June Rep. John sullivan (R-Okla.) introduced the Healthcare Truth and Transparency act to promote patient safety by distinguishing between physicians and nonphysicians who foster confusion by cloaking themselves with the “medical” or “physician” label. APAPAC's efforts and coalition building played a central role in this legislation's introduction and gathering of bill cosponsors.Rep. Steve Buyer (R-Ind.) bucked his own party's committee chair to secure House passage of an important amendment that exempted antipsychotics and antidepressants from Medicaid's tiered pricing scheme.Reps. Ben Cardin (DMd.) and Jim Ramstad (R-Minn.) sponsored APA-proposed legislation to provide benzodiazepine coverage under Medicare Part D.APA became the first physician group to brief the Blue Dog coalition (a policy-oriented group of moderate and conservative Democrats in the House). As a direct result of this opportunity to educate members of Congress, APA picked up new cosponsors for a parity bill, a bill to end Medicare's 50 percent coinsurance for outpatient mental health services, and a bill to ensure benzodiazepine coverage under Medicare Part D. The briefing was made possible by APAPAC and DGR collaboration.Membership of the Congressional Mental Health Caucus is at an all-time high, as APAPAC continues to work to educate members of Congress on our issues and urge them to join the caucus and express their support.Congress passed legislation to lift the 30-patient limit on group practices treating outpatients for addictions to opiates.APAPAC has greatly facilitated DGR lobbyists' access to House leadership and committee chairs during the health information technology debate.APAPAC support has facilitated education of members of Congress and staff about Scientology propaganda.There is much more to accomplish—2006 is a landmark election year with control of Congress up for grabs. We need your support to help APA take full advantage of this opportunity to educate and work with key legislators as they debate these issues:improving reimbursement of psychiatrists and participating in the pay-for-performance discussion.Preventing arbitrary exclusion of the full range of psychotropic medications under Medicare Part D.Ending discrimination in insurance plans, including medicare, against people with mental illness.Stopping the erosion of medical records privacy.Opposing draconian cuts to Medicaid programs.Maintaining funding for research and VA health care.APAPAC is an absolutely essential part of our advocacy efforts; however, only 6 percent of the APA membership contributes to our PAC. The remaining 94 percent of us need to do our part. Because psychiatry has unique legislative issues, and APAPAC is the only political action committee exclusively dedicated to our medical specialty concerns, it is essential that APA members support it, particularly during this important election.To obtain more information about APAPACand to contribute, please go to the Members Corner section of APA's Web site at<www.psych.org/members/apapac/index.cfm>. Certain federal contractors may not be eligible to contribute.▪ ISSUES NewArchived

Clinicians Win Salary Boost in WV Schools

Clinicians Win Salary Boost in WV Schools