proposition; it is a concrete and categorical imperative of future action. Therefore, when Rasknolnikov hears somebody in the courtyard shouting: It's soon seven o'clock, he suddenly recalls the fact that at this particular hour the old woman must be home, all alone; like lightning, the thought flashes that this is the opportune moment for immediate action; his will, weakened as the result of the protracted psycho-pathological condition, is instantly galvanized, in great haste he leaves his house, and one hour later the double-murder is already a dreadful reality. 14 The egocentric antisocial tendency is the psychological foundation of the habitual crime; external circumstances of course, must be favorable, facilitating its perpetration. But here their part is of secondary importance, the propelling factor in the realization of the criminal idea being the antisocial instinct itself, whether of atavistic 14 0n the juridical significance of Dostoievsky's Crime and Punishment, see A. F. Koni's speech delivered on February 2, 1881, before the Law Society of the St. Petersburg University. The full text of the speech is published in Vol. IV, pp. 238-258 of Konis memoirs in Na Jiznennom Puti (Along the Path of Life), Berlin, 1923. FOUNDATIONS OF CRIMINOLOGY or acquired origin. This instinct is of a complex nature, and its manifestations are manifold. However, at least three mental principles seem to be invariably associated with it: (a) defiance of the existing social order, (b) following the line of least moral resistance, (c) absence of any remorse which, indeed, is rather a negative symptom than a firmly established concept. It should be clearly understood that habitual crimes show many varieties; every variety bears its own professional traits. Within the specific profession we find certain customs which tend to evolve peculiar ethics, sometimes quite different from those encountered among instinctive criminals belonging to other professions. Thus the psychology of a forger has very little in common with that of the sexual murderer or the burglar. Equally, the disregard of the social order among the different classes of habitual criminals does not always express itself in one and the same form. It often happens that the antisocial instinct is directed against some particular phase of the social order without coming in conflict with its other ramifications. For instance, a pickpocket might strongly resent crimes committed by means of violence. On the contrary, a habitual murderer often speaks with contempt about the pickpocket practice. Nevertheless, in every category of habitual crimes the antisocial impulse, in one form or another, can be detected. The habitual criminal hates government authority, and more particularly the judge and the police officer because in them he finds the personification of the state with its enforcement of the existing social order. On the other hand, his dislike of the prison is limited to the measure of personal discomfort inevitably connected with compulsory detention. Personal experience teaches the habitual criminal that much can be learned in prison which might be of great use in his future criminal work; this he renews automatically after the term has been served. For it is in prison, where the delinquent population is artificially kept together, the beginners receive their final training. Every inmate comes to the penitentiary with a vast experience of his own which he conveys to his comrades, increasing in this nianner the individual knowledge of criminal technique possessed by every member of the underworld. While the occasional crime, as a rule, is largely the result of external circumstances, the habitual crime is the outcome of a preconceived plan in which external obstacles are being carefully removed by the criminal in order to bring the undertaking to a successful end.
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