Julio-Claudian Emperors Research Articles

TORTURE, TRUTH AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN SENECA'S TROADES

AbstractThis article argues that the encounter between Andromache and Ulysses in Seneca's Troades engages with the genre of declamation to juxtapose two different discourses surrounding torture: one focussed on torture's connection to truth, the other on its connection to tyranny. It describes how the Greek general Ulysses, convinced of the danger of letting the Trojan prince Astyanax live, threatens his mother Andromache with physical torture in order to ascertain the truth of Astyanax's whereabouts. However, Ulysses is countered by Andromache's rhetoric, through which, the article shows, she depicts herself as the archetypal heroic victim of a tyrant. It discusses how Ulysses innovates with an effective psychological torture in response. The article sets the scenario within the broader rhetorical context and demonstrates how it reflects debate among the contemporary elite about the necessity of, and the risks from, the rising use of torture by the Julio-Claudian emperors, a debate which resonates in the modern era.

Insularity and Imperial Politics: Hadrian on the Greek Islands

Since its conquest by Rome in the 2nd century BCE, Roman notables were a constant presence in Greece. While various sites on the mainland served as battlegrounds for Roman civil wars during the 1st century BCE (e.g., Pharsalus, Actium, Philippi), the early imperial period was characterized by the use of various Greek islands as places of – often self-imposed – exile and/or isolation for such notables as M. Vipsanius Agrippa (Lesbos) and Tiberius (Rhodes). Other imperial Romans sojourned in the Aegean islands for different reasons. Augustus spent a winter on Samos after his victory at Actium, using it as a temporary powerbase for the refinement of his imperial plans, and he visited it and other islands again as emperor. While the first two Julio-Claudian emperors maintained close contacts with the Greek world, in the 2nd century CE Hadrian took this connection a step further and promoted Hellenism as a major part of his imperial policy. Naturally, the Greek islands played an important role in imperial politics during his reign, but only as components of the wider Hellenic world and not as isolated entities. Hadrian visited Rhodes and Paros to restore and venerate older Hellenic monuments – the Colossus and the tomb of the poet Archilochus respectively – and possibly Samothrace in order to be initiated into the Mysteries of the Great Gods. He also visited other islands in Greece, but his exact travel itinerary can only be speculative given our fragmentary literary and epigraphic evidence. In this paper, I focus on Hadrian’s presence on the Aegean islands and argue that during his reign they served mainly as sites that allowed for the implementation of his imperial plans by virtue of their easy access from the mainland Greek and Asian provinces. Accordingly, by promoting certain aspects of older Hellenic culture on specific islands, Hadrian conferred renewed prestige to these islands in the Roman Empire.

Remembering Julio-Claudian Emperors as Patrons of Literature

Abstract The Julio-Claudian period, beginning with the reign of Tiberius, is one of the more neglected, and even actively disparaged periods in ancient literary history. It tends to be defined exclusively in terms of Latin literature, and not of Greek, and to be considered less as a period than simply as an unstructured stretch of time between the Augustan and Neronian periods. The metaphors most often applied to it run from the relatively generous “fallow period” to the more pejorative “wasteland.” This common perception is badly in need of reconsideration. In this article, I will discuss some of the misconceptions that on which low opinions of the period have been based. I will also show that the efforts of Tiberius in particular, when properly understood, take on a much more favorable appearance. In particular, I will consider his sponsorship of major institutional and administrative projects to support literary activities, his promotion of literary scholarship, his role in continuing the management and development of the Greek literary canon, and his even-handed treatment of Latin and Greek writers and orators. When these factors are properly evaluated, a different picture of Imperial literature will emerge; and the Julio-Claudian period begins to look foundational, rather than as a kind of literary dead zone.

POISONS, POISONING AND THE DRUG TRADE IN ANCIENT ROME

The first recorded instance of poisoning in ancient Rome occurred in 331 BC when, during an epidemic, a large number of women were accused of concerted mass poisoning. Overreaction of the community in times of stress particularly, when scapegoats for unexplained phenomena are sought, might have played an important role in this and many subsequent incidents of suspected poisoning. Rome represented a culture steeped in superstition, fear and mythology with virtually no scientific means of retrospectively proving or disproving alleged poisoning. The drug trade in antiquity is briefly reviewed, from the Marsi and rootcutters who collected materials, and the intermediary herbalists and drug pedlars, to the physicians and other prescribers of drugs. There was a general lack of proper knowledge, which led to much abuse and death of patients. The distinction between these professional groups was often vague and physicians were generally not held in high regard. From authoritative writings of Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny and others it is evident that the Romans were aware of a very large number of toxic (and assumed toxic) substances, of plant, animal and mineral origin, but it is evident that the poisoners of ancient Rome almost exclusively made use of plant (and to lesser extent animal) products, and not mineral poisons. A brief overview of the recorded crimes by poison, and known poison dispensers of the time is given. Poisoning probably reached a maximum during the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, when the Julio-Claudian emperors in particular achieved great notoriety, and a wide variety of specific and “universal” antidotes came into vogue.

The Silver Coinage of Roman Syria Under the Julio-Claudian Emperors

Analyses of 71 Roman provincial silver coins of the Julio-Claudian emperors (27 BC–AD 68) minted at Caesarea in Cappadocia and Antioch and Tyre in Syria are discussed in this paper. The finenesses of the alloys are presented and it is proposed that there was a logical relationship between the standards used for Caesarea and Antioch. Trace element profiles and selected lead isotope analyses help to characterize the products of the different mints, and also demonstrate that one particular issue of coinage, normally attributed to a mint in Syria, was probably produced at Caesarea in Cappadocia. During this period minting of silver at Tyre was discontinued and trace elements suggest that some of the later Antiochene coinage may have been produced from recycled Tyrian silver.

Trajan, Optimus Princeps: A Life and Times (review)

Reviewed by: Trajan, Optimus Princeps: A Life and Times David L. Riggs Julian Bennet. Trajan, Optimus Princeps: A Life and Times. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii + 317. $39.50. “Forgive, O dear and almighty God, the errors of Trajan, because he always maintained right and justice.” Such, according to a popular Medieval legend, was the intercessory prayer of Gregory the Great after he had heard a moving account of the emperor’s compassion for a poor widow. Moreover, we are told that the prayer was immediately answered, though the Pope was divinely warned never to intercede again for anyone who had died in paganism. The high regard for Trajan’s memory evident in this legendary tale is representative of the enduring popularity this emperor has enjoyed among diverse admirers throughout history. It may seem surprising, therefore, that Bennett’s study is the first comprehensive biography of Trajan to appear in English. This fact owes much to the meagre and fragmentary state of the literary evidence, for unlike the Julio-Claudian emperors, the “Optimus Princeps” lacks a Suetonius or Tacitus from whose works modern historians might attempt to reconstruct the nature and character of his reign. Nevertheless, in a book aimed primarily at non-specialists, Bennett has endeavoured to fill this void by augmenting written sources with the “results of epigraphical prospection and archeological excavation,” while admitting that “conjecture” must remain his “primary tool.” Unfortunately, Bennett’s efforts are hindered by several ill-conceived judgements regarding the format, purpose and emphasis of his biographical study which undermine much of the book’s usefulness to its intended audience. I shall limit myself to a single example which has particular relevance to patristic scholars seeking a greater understanding of the social and political context of their subject. In his attempts to assess Trajan’s “personal ideology” as emperor, Bennett devotes the bulk of his attention to his relationships with the Roman upper classes and plebs. His evaluation of Trajan’s associations with provincial communities is restricted to an appraisal of the process of Romanization in the new provinces of Dacia and Arabia, along with a few brief and superficial observations at other points in his text. He fails to exploit fully those sources which could provide some enlightening insights into Trajan’s attitude towards the provinces and the impact of his policies on provincial life. If nothing else, it is inexcusable that Bennett offers no systematic assessment of the correspondence between Pliny (legatus in Pontus-Bithynia) and Trajan. And a methodical [End Page 675] analysis of the evidence for such phenomena as the revolts of Jewish communities in the East c. 115 (where the rebels even assaulted the provincial road system), the renewal of Greek oracular shrines during Trajan’s reign, and the emperor’s own conspicuous patronage of Apollo’s oracle at Didyma (to mention but a few possibilities), would have greatly enhanced the usefulness of Bennett’s study. David L. Riggs Christ Church, Oxford Copyright © 1998 The Johns Hopkins University Press

Striking New Images: Roman Imperial Coinage and the New Testament World

The eight chapters of this volume explore the contribution that numismatic studies can make to a serious investigation of the New Testament and its world. The first two chapters focus on themes connected with the reign of the Julio-Claudian emperors, the next three on aspects of Pauline letters that may be illuminated by specific issues of Roman coinage, and the final three concentrate on coinage minted during the reign of the Emperor Hadrian.

La propagande impériale par les monnaies de Claude à Domitien : quelques aspects d'une évolution

Data are as yet insufficient towards determining with accuracy the part played by the Domitian years within the framework of numismatic evolution : there lack for the coinage of too many emperors such monographies as that which I. Carradice devoted to Domitian's coinage. A comparison with Claudius' reign, which along with Domitian's stands out as an important stage in the constitution of an imperial coinage, shows that in the days of Domitian coiners had achieved with the concentration in Rome of the coinage of the West, a greater mastery in monetary production and the propagation of the imperial image. The iconography of Domitian draws its inspiration to a large extent from the themes of the Julio-Claudian emperors, although no single model of reference can be defined in preference to another. The originality of the Domitian years, in addition to the themes that are particular to the emperor viz. the Jovian cult and Minerva's protection associated with the imperial image, lies in the multiplication of the various treatment of the same theme rather that in the creation of new themes. Is this enough to make of Domitian's reign a turning point in the evolution of the imperial coinage ?

Athens under the Tyrants. By J. A. Smith; Greek Architecture. By. R. A. Tomlinson; Greek Tragedy: an Introduction. By Marion Baldock; Morals and Values in Ancient Greece. By John Ferguson; The Julio-Claudian Emperors. By Thomas Wiedemann. Bristol Classical Press, Bristol, 1989. Pp. viii + 93, with 12 figures; viii + 104, with 44 figures; vi + 112, with 11 figures;

<i>Athens under the Tyrants</i>. By J. A. Smith; <i>Greek Architecture</i>. By. R. A. Tomlinson; <i>Greek Tragedy: an Introduction</i>. By Marion Baldock; <i>Morals and Values in Ancient Greece</i>. By John Ferguson; The Julio-Claudian Emperors. By Thomas Wiedemann. Bristol Classical Press, Bristol, 1989. Pp. viii + 93, with 12 figures; viii + 104, with 44 figures; vi + 112, with 11 figures;

Simulacra Gentium: the Ethne from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias

Series of provinces and peoples were something new in Roman art. They were a distinctively Roman way of representing their empire visually, and reflect a distinctively Roman and imperial mode of thought. Such images are most familiar to us in sculpture from the reliefs that decorated the temple of Hadrian in Rome, and on coins from the ‘province’ series of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. We know, however, from various written sources that extensive groups of personified peoples were made at Rome under Augustus. Recently, the discovery of such a series in relief at Aphrodisias, there called ethne (peoples), allows us for the first time to see what an early imperial group of this kind looked like. The new reliefs were part of the elaborate decoration of a temple complex, probably called a Sebasteion, dedicated to Aphrodite Prometor and the Julio-Claudian emperors. I have already published in this journal the reliefs with imperial scenes, which portray the Roman emperor from a Greek perspective. This article publishes the ethne reliefs which, it will be argued, set out to reproduce or adapt in a much more direct manner an Augustan monument in Rome. The use of an Augustan-style ‘province’ series in Asia Minor is a telling illustration both of some of the mechanisms in the transmission of imperial art and of a Greek city's identification with the Roman government's view of its empire.

The Imperial Reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias

In 1979, during his continuing excavation of the city of Aphrodisias, Professor K. T. Erim discovered a large temple and sanctuary complex dedicated to Aphrodite and the Julio-Claudian emperors (theTheoi Sebastoi). It had a remarkable sculptural display of which much has survived—there are about eighty relief panels. The complex would probably have been called a Sebasteion: we know from an unrelated inscription that there was one at Aphrodisias. It is of great interest to both the historian and art-historian of the early empire, giving a rare combination of buildings, sculpture, and inscriptions from a unified excavated context and providing an unrivalled picture of the physical setting of the imperial cult in a Greek city. The sculptured reliefs give a great range and combination of iconography quite unexpected in such a context—mythological, allegorical, and imperial. The myth panels seem to offer a missing link between the iconographic repertoire of the Hellenistic world and that used under the Roman empire, while the allegorical and imperial panels give a detailed plcture of the emperor and Rome as seen from the Greek East that is not available elsewhere.

Philosophy, Cato, and Roman Suicide: I

When we imagine the world of the Julio-Claudian Emperors and their Flavian and Antonine successors, it is difficult to avoid thinking of suicide as the characteristic Roman way of death. That is because of the numerous acts of suicide which are celebrated by the greatest writers of the period, Seneca, Lucan, Tacitus, and Pliny, and which even invade the pages of a minor author such as Martial. There is no reason to think in terms of an epidemic, as Y. Grisé justly remarks in her recent book on Roman suicide. But we do seem to be dealing with a fashion, one curious enough to merit investigation.

Manpower Needs for the Public Works Programs of the Julio-Claudian Emperors

The paper quantifies the relative manpower costs of the public building programs of the Julio-Claudian emperors of Rome from 29 b.c. to a.d. 68. We used both literary and archaeological sources for obtaining our data. Upon charting the data we discovered that the manpower needs show two peaks, one between 12 b.c. and 3 b.c., the other from a.d. 38–51.

The Flamen of the Ara Pietatis

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Flamen of the Ara PietatisFred S. KleinerFred S. Kleiner Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Archaeology Volume 75, Number 4October 1971 The journal of the Archaeological Institute of America Views: 1Total views on this site Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/502970 Views: 1Total views on this site Copyright © 1971 by the Archaeological Institute of America. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Personality of the Mints under the Julio-Claudian Emperors

The Personality of the Mints under the Julio-Claudian Emperors

Sesquicentennial of Farmington, New York 1789-1939

FARMINGTON, NEW YORK37 for its acceptance. Yet it will be noted that to the end of his life Penn remained a Quaker. He must certainly have found the views of Friends broad and charitable enough to comprehend general and practical religion. Penn chose to resolve the ancient and difficult issue between church and state by the famous formula of Jesus. Though in actual practice he might have found the distinction of Caesar's concerns from those of God more difficult in the England of a Church established by law than the Judean Christians found it under the tolerant or indifferent pagan governors of the JulioClaudian emperors, Penn no doubt recognized that the epigram possessed the virtues of undeniable sanctity, authority, and apparent finality. It fitted excellently, moreover, into the contention most dear to him, that religion was not a matter of state concern at all but the most intimate object of the individual conscience. Erastianism he thoroughly and consistently detested. [To be concluded.] SESQUICENTENNIAL OF FARMINGTON, NEW YORK 1789-1939* By Alexander M. Stewart THE EPIC significance of Farmington in Ontario County, New York, is that Quaker farmers from the Friends' meeting in North Adams, Massachusetts, were the pioneers of all Quakerism in western New York, and also they were the first white men to bring their families into the vast forest of New York State west of Seneca Lake for the purpose of transforming the Sénecas' wilderness hunting ground into a white man's homeland. Jemima Wilkinson, the "universal Friend," a person of unusual religious qualities, but not a Quaker, who started the town of Jerusalem (region of Penn Yan, New York), arrived in the Seneca country about the same time, but did not purchase lands until later. There were others who arrived in the Seneca country in 1789, but the Quakers were the first to purchase land from * Part of a paper read at the New York Yearly Meeting at Keuka Park, New York, July 1, 1939. 38 BULLETIN OF FRIENDS' HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION the newly established Phelps and Gorham Land Office in Canandaigua. The Sénecas had had 170 years of experience with the French and English in 1789, when the Quakers appeared in the region of Farmington—a time of romantic exploration, a time of residence of many devout French missionaries, and a time of war and tragedy with regrettable events on all sides. During this early period the six million acres of western New York remained an unplowed wilderness, inhabited by less than six thousand Seneca Indians, and it was considered valuable only as it contributed to the fur trade. This wilderness covered not only all western New York but all of our now most populous States between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River. When, ISO years ago, a Quaker first planted wheat in the soil of Farmington, the most amazing movement of English-speaking humanity and one of the most profound causes of modern civilization was begun. In one generation after 1789 nearly all the lands of western New York were occupied and most of the cities and towns were founded, and in a few brief years over a million civilized inhabitants came to live where less than 6,000 Sénecas had lived before ; and the ancestors of scores of millions of people flooded into the lands adjoining the old Seneca country and into the broad regions westward. Nathan Comstock at Farmington gave the first magic touch which transmuted the wilderness into such wealth of future ages as no man can count. The said Nathan Comstock and his two sons Otis and Darius from North Adams, Massachusetts, and Robert Hathaway, came to what is now Farmington in the summer of 1789, in time to fit the land and plant fall wheat. Nathan Aldrich came by boat also in 1789 via the Mohawk River-Oneida Lake-Seneca River canoe route. Otis Comstock remained at Farmington through the winter. His father, his brother Darius, Robert Hathaway, and Nathan Aldrich went back to Massachusetts to bring their families and friends. On February 14, 1790 Nathan Comstock, Nathan Aldrich, Isaac Hathaway, and others, and on February 15, Nathan Herendeen, started with ox teams from Berkshire County...

I. The Tradition About Caligula

On the death of Tiberius, Gaius Caesar, the son of the popular Germanicus, and often known in history by his nickname ofCaligula, was acclaimed by the Senate as ruler of the Roman Empire, amid scenes of universal rejoicing, on 18 March in the year 37. On 24 January in the year 41 he lay dead, a tyrant murdered by Cassius Chaerea and his confederates, while the consuls convened a meeting of the Senate, not in the Curia Julia, for the name had now such hateful associations, but on the Capitol, to discuss the restoration of the Republic. In the space of a little less than four years the young man—he was under twenty-five when he became Emperor—had so alienated men's minds from the system of Augustus that Senators were ready to consider the abolition of the Principate and the condemnation of the memory of the Caesars. Ignominy and ridicule have fastened upon his name ever since: the common view held was (put briefly) that Gaius was mad and bad, and went from bad to worse. The nineteenth century witnessed the activity of scholars who questioned the traditional account of all the Julio-Claudian emperors, by using the new knowledge offered by inscriptions or by analysing and criticising closely the account in the literary authorities.