John Hyrcanus Research Articles

The Level V City Wall at Lachish

ABSTRACT In a recent article published in this journal (Finkelstein 2020, PEQ 152, 85–93), newly published data on Level V at Tel Lachish was criticized. This new data indicates that Level V was a fortified city and that radiometric dating places its construction in the last quarter of the 10th century bce. This date is in accordance with the biblical tradition describing the fortification of Lachish during the reign of King Rehoboam of the Kingdom of Judah in the last quarter of the 10th century bce (2 Chr 11:5–12). In the past, various scholars have proposed dating the list of Rehoboam’s fortification to the reigns of later kings: Hezekiah, Josiah or even John Hyrcanus I. It is thus not surprising that Israel Finkelstein, an advocate of a later date, attempts to refute this new archaeological data.

Food in a colonial setting: The faunal assemblage of a short-lived Seleucid-founded site in the Near East

In this paper we present the analysis of faunal ecofacts retrieved from well-secured features during recent excavation work carried out in 2019 and 2020 by the German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project in the Seleucid-founded town of Nysa-Scythopolis. Founded under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 BCE) and destroyed by the Hasmonaeans in the later years of John Hyrcanus (in 107 BCE). The site offers a unique opportunity for observing the dietary habits of its Foreign Hellenistic settlers: the well-secured Seleucid assemblages, together with their varied provenance, offer new information on the Hellenistic southern Levant via a unique case-study employing high-resolution systematic analysis. The faunal assemblage from Tell Iẓṭabba (Nysa) provides a clearer picture of dietary practices in Hellenistic Palestine, focusing on the settlers at the site. By presenting the consumption patterns, based on animal bones and mollusks unearthed from the site’s layer of Hellenistic occupation, we offer a comprehensive overview of the meat sources of food at the site and present a distinct cultural practice which is markable different from regional Levantine dietary customs.

History & Geography

History & Geography Christopher T. Begg, Thomas Hieke, Victor H. Matthews, and Brian J. Meldrum Christopher T. Begg Catholic University of America Thomas Hieke Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz Victor H. Matthews Missouri State University Brian J. Meldrum Catholic University of America 1271. [Susiana in the 4th Millennium b.c.] Abbas Alizadeh, "Susiana in the 4th Millennium bc: Who Was in Charge?" Uruk, 1-25 [see #1690]. In this article, I seek, contra the current scholarly consensus, to show that the societal order in Susiana, situated in today's southwestern Iran, in the late 4th millennium was neither dominated by southern Mesopotamia nor collaborated with it. On the contrary, the changes in the settlement system were the result of an indigenous process, which began at the start of the 5th millennium b.c. and continued down to the emergence of the historically well-known Elamite dynasties. This thesis cannot, however, be based only on data from the 4th millennium b.c. nor ought it be limited to deep levels, given that the developments in question were part of a lengthy inter-regional process, which I present in this essay. [Translated and adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 463] Google Scholar 1272. [Elamite War Chariots and Military Equipment at Kabnak] Javier Álvarez-Mon and Yasmina Wicks, "Elamite War Chariots and Military Equipment at Ancient Kabnak (ca. 1400 bce)," JCS 73 (2021) 121-34. After having entered the 2nd millennium b.c.e. as a military superpower, Elam faded into historical obscurity upon its withdrawal from the broader ANE political scene in 1763 b.c.e. and only re-emerged much later as a major military player with a series of incursions into Mesopotamia in the 13th cent. culminating with the overthrow of the Kassites in 1155 b.c.e. During the intervening centuries between these periods of Elamite international activity, neither written nor archaeological sources offer clear indications that Elamite territory had come under the rule of any foreign power. Here we note that a reexamination of the evidence from the ancient settlement of Kabnak (modern Haft-Tepe), located some 17 km. southeast of the Elamite lowland capital of Susa, brought to light a mid-15 to mid-14th cent. b.c.e. state-controlled arsenal of war chariots and weaponry that may hold the key to understanding Elam's apparent continued resistance to outside forces during this period and its re-emergence as a military superpower in the 13th cent. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] Google Scholar 1273. [Current State of Samaritan Studies] Silvio Barbaglia, "Lo stato attuale degli studi: tendenze metodologiche e nodi da sciogliere," RSB 33 (1, 2021) 11-46. My article seeks to summarize the essential features of current scholarship on the "Samaritanism" phenomenon in its genetic relationship to Judaism in the Second Temple period in particular. In addition, the article also examines two elements of relevance for the current discussion, i.e., terminological questions concerning designations for the Samaritans, both by themselves and by others, with special attention to the phrase "Sidoni of Shechem" and the dating of the defining moment at some point during the reign of John Hyrcanus I, of the process of "Judaization" in the former territory of the kingdom of Israel. See also ##1030, 1274, 1279, 1305, 1624, 1624, 1635. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] Google Scholar 1274. [Material Culture and Sources concerning Samaria in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods] Francesco Bianchi, "Cultura materiale e fonte scritte nella Samaria achemendide ed ellenistica (539–110 a.C.)," RSB 33 (1, 2021) 47-89. This paper surveys the material culture of Samaria in the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods. The extant archaeological evidence for the former period gives evidence of an increase in population and the development of a more specialized agriculture involving the cultivation of olive trees and vineyards. The Aramaic Samaria papyri dating to the years 400–353 b.c. witness to an elaborate administrative network and a slave trade conducted in accordance with Neo-Babylonian law. The most interesting feature of this period is the existence of a large numismatic corpus with its echoes of the...

Sacred Texts and Disparate Interpretations: Qumran Manuscripts Seventy Years Later; Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, 24–26 October 2017 ed. by Henryk Drawnel

Reviewed by: Sacred Texts and Disparate Interpretations: Qumran Manuscripts Seventy Years Later; Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, 24–26 October 2017 ed. by Henryk Drawnel Michael DeVries henryk drawnel (ed.), Sacred Texts and Disparate Interpretations: Qumran Manuscripts Seventy Years Later; Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, 24–26 October 2017 (STDJ 133; Leiden: Brill, 2020). Pp. xiii + 478. €132/$159. This volume consists of a collection of conference papers delivered at the John Paul II Catholic University in Lublin, Poland, in honor of the seventieth anniversary of the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Broad in scope, these contributions explore an array of themes within Qumran scholarship and are divided into five main thematic groupings: the text critical intersection between the Hebrew Bible and Qumran manuscripts (part 1), Qumran literature against the historical backdrop of the Second Temple period (part 2), issues of philology and paleography (part 3), wisdom and religious poetry (part 4), and studies addressing a singular issue within particular texts (part 5). Part 1 begins with two contributions from Adrian Schenker. The first, "Are There Mastercopies for Genealogically Related Biblical Texts in Qumran? The Question of Archetypes and Lineages of Biblical Text Witnesses," argues for the presence of unifying efforts within circles charged with the transmission of those texts that would later constitute the Hebrew Bible in the direction of a textual forerunner of the MT. The second, "Room for Further Investigation Opened by BHQ: Three Examples (Genesis 33:18, 20 and 35:7)," suggests understanding the differing OG readings as representing an earlier reading of the text in relation to the MT, which shows evidence of theologically driven corrections. Finally, Emanuel Tov, in "The Background and Origin of the Qumran Corpus of Scripture Texts," proposes that only one-third of the "biblical" texts at Qumran were copied locally while the remainder originated from outside Khirbet Qumran, further suggesting that texts with an affinity to either the MT, LXX, or SP derive from outside Khirbet Qumran. Opening part 2, Bartosz Adamczewski ("Are the Dead Sea Scrolls Pharisaic?") examines evidence for a possible connection between the Qumran and Pharisaic movements, if not a potential Pharisaic origin of at least some of the manuscripts at Qumran. Kenneth Atkinson ("The Changing Views of the Hasmoneans in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Examining Seventy Years of Research") surveys the scholarly debate regarding the relationship between the scrolls and the Hasmoneans, particularly with reference to paleography, archaeology, and history. In "The Wicked Priest, the Righteous Teacher, and the Yahad," Vasile Babota revisits the relationship of the "Teacher of Righteousness," the "Wicked Priest," and the emergence of the yahad. Claude Cohen-Matlofsky ("Women at Qumran? Reconsidering the Textual and Archaeological Data") reassesses the available evidence regarding the [End Page 155] presence of women at Qumran, concluding that the paucity of gendered material at Qumran, in line with other sites in the region, should not discount the potential presence of women at the Qumran site. Lastly, John J. Collins, ("The Historical Context of the Teacher and His Movement") suggests a date post-Alexander Jannaeus for the conflict between the Teacher and the Wicked Priest and thus a late second century b.c.e. date for the origin of the Qumran movement, which, according to Collins, lies within the growing sectarian disputes regarding Torah interpretation in the Hasmonean period, starting with the reign of John Hyrcanus. In part 3, Jeff S. Anderson ("Assembled Israel: Performativity in Rewritten Bible at Qumran") proposes that the performativity of the rewritten speeches of Moses constructs a shared communal identity as the fulfillment of the Mosaic covenant in the present age. Donald W. Parry ("Late Hebrew Forms in 1QIsaa") identifies thirty categories of linguistic elements in which Late Biblical Hebrew, Qumran Hebrew, or Mishnaic Hebrew is reflected in 1QIsaa, which, according to Parry, reveal the milieu and linguistic environment of the scribe at or near the time of the copying of the text (ca. 125-100 b.c.e.). Surveying past studies and suggesting areas of future engagement, Femke Siebesma-Mannens ("Qumran Hebrew from the Perspective of Verbal Valence Patterns...

Pomegranate or Poppy

The Hasmonaean rulers struck coins, exclusively in bronze, beginning with John Hyrcanus I (135–104 BCE; Hendin 2020). Their most common denomination was a coin with a diameter averaging 15 mm and c...

Food in a colonial setting: the flora assemblage of a short-lived Seleucid-founded site in the Near East

In this paper we present the analysis of archaeobotanical material retrieved by means of flotation from well-secured features during recent excavation work carried out in 2019 and 2020 by the German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project in the Seleucid-founded town of Nysa-Scythopolis. Founded under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 bce) and destroyed by the Hasmonaeans in the later years of John Hyrcanus (in 108/07 bce), the site offers a unique opportunity for observing the dietary habits of its settlers. The large sample size, namely the largest well-secured Seleucid assemblage ever analyzed in the southern Levant, together with its versatile provenance exhibit previously unknown information for the Hellenistic southern Levant vis-à-vis a unique case-study of high resolution systematic archaeobotanical analysis. The botanical assemblage from Tell Iẓṭabba gives a clearer picture of botanical dietary practices in Hellenistic Palestine. By presenting the archaeobotanical data of the published Hellenistic assemblages from the southern Levant, we offer a comprehensive overview of the agrarian resources cultivated and consumed as food at the time and period.

החרבת בית מקדש שומרוני בידי מלך יהודה: בין יאשיהו ליוחנן הורקנוס הראשון

In the complicated history between the Jews and the Samaritans in antiquity, it is possible to identify several foundational events that influenced the relationship between the two groups. Two of these events concern the destruction of a Israeli/ Samaritan temple by the ruler of Judah. The first is the destruction of the Israeli/ Samaritan temple in Beit El by King Josiah at the turn of the seventh century BCE. The second is the destruction of the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim by John Hyrcanus at the end of the second century BCE. Although more than 500 years elapsed between the two events, the two nonetheless show many similarities. In both cases, the period in question is the first period of independence in Judea after many years of foreign rule; in both cases, the ruler of Judah had carried out significant religious reforms in the Land of Israel; in both cases, this was a Jewish ruler who had expanded the borders of his kingdom; in both periods, a national awakening had taken place. The resemblance between these two events associated with the destruction of a Samaritan temple is even more pronounced in the view of the "long dimension," which examines processes in history over centuries. Along with the many similarities, however, we found that the events' consequences were completely different: While Josiah's goal was probably to bring the Samaritan population closer to Judah, John Hyrcanus treated the Samaritans as rivals. The destruction of the Temple at Beit El appears to have brought some of the Samaritan population closer to the Kingdom of Judah and the Temple in Jerusalem, thus apparently fulfilling the goals of King Josiah. By contrast, the destruction of the Samaritan Temple on Mount Gerizim and the transformation of the complex, holy to the Samaritans, into a heap of ruins was probably a breaking point in the relationship between the Jews and the Samaritans. From that point on, the relationship began to deteriorate severely, culminating in actual physical injury on the eve of the destruction of the Second Temple.

History & Geography

History & Geography Christopher T. Begg, Andrew W. Litke, Victor H. Matthews, Randy C. Payne, William J. Urbrock, and Fred W. Guyette ________ 288. [Cyprus] M. G. Amadasi and J. A. Zamora, “The Phoenician Name of Cyprus: New Evidence from Early Hellenistic Times,” JSS 63 (2018) 77–97. The Phoenician name of Cyprus was not known with certainty until now. From the beginning of the Iron Age until the Hellenistic period, the island was divided into independent kingdoms, each of which took its name from that of its capital city. For this reason, only the names of towns or regions—not that of the entire island—appear in local inscriptions of the period in question with the result that the island’s name in Phoenician has been unknown. In our paper, we review all relevant evidence concerning the question, from the second and first millennia b.c., both internal and external, and present a new document, which definitively settles the question of the Phoenician name for Cyprus. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 289. [Scribes; Libraries] Sidnie White Crawford, “Scribes and Libraries in Ancient Israel,” Scribes and Scrolls at Qumran, 49–111 [see #828]. In the previous chapter (see #48), I surveyed evidence for scribes and libraries in the ANE and the Hellenistic and Roman worlds. In this chapter, I narrow the focus to biblical Israel, beginning with the Iron Age kingdoms of Israel and Judah until the Babylonian destruction in 587 b.c.e., continuing through the Persian and early Hellenistic periods, and concluding with the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome (135 b.c.e.). I exclude the Qumran evidence (with the exception of a few pertinent texts), which I deal with in chap. 4 (see #703). In the first section of the chapter, I survey the epigraphic and literary evidence for scribes and writing, while in the second section I look at the archaeological evidence for book collections, archives, and libraries. The essay concludes with an appendix entitled “Scribes in the Synoptic Gospels.” [p. 49, adapted—C.T.B.] 290. Shimon Dar, “Archaeological Evidence for the Settlement Enterprises of the Hasmonean House in the Districts of Ofaraiam, Lod and Ramataim,” LASBF 68 (2018) 227–46. D.’s paper surveys a dozen archaeological sites that have been excavated in the ancient districts cited in his title in recent years. These districts were ceded to the Hasmonean rulers of Judea by King Demetrius II (reigned 145–140 b.c.e.), a Seleucid ruler who had a troubled reign. Prior to the excavations, only written sources were available to scholars for the reconstruction of the actual process referred to in 1 Macc 11:32–34. The excavations revealed the existence of many small villages and farmsteads established by [End Page 86] the Hasmonean rulers, particularly under John Hyrcanus I (134–104 b.c.e.) and his successors. This process of settlement continued until the Herodian period. At the excavated sites, many agricultural installations were unearthed, as were mikvaot, stone vessels, coins of the Hasmonean rulers, and synagogues in the larger settlements. During the two revolts against Rome, many of the settlements were destroyed and abandoned, especially after the Bar Kokhba war (132–136 c.e.). Several generations later, they were resettled by non-Jewish populations. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 291. [Siloam Tunnel] Philip R. Davies, “The Siloam Tunnel Revisited,” Finding Myth and History, 30–50 [see #789]. In this essay, D. revisits an article that he and J. Rogerson published in 1996 in Biblical Archaeologist. In it they argued that the so-called Siloam Tunnel was built by a Hasmonean king in the second century b.c.e. rather than by Hezekiah. D. provides an updated discussion of the relevant issues in archaeology, history, biblical tradition, geology, and paleography regarding the tunnel. He concludes that while it may never be known who built the tunnel, “Hezekiah is a poor candidate.”—A.W.L. 292. [Nebuchadnezzar II] Alexander Fantalkin, “In Defense of Nebuchadnezzar II the Warrior,” Altorientalische Forschungen 44 (2017) 201–8. Recent scholarship tends to downplay the military achievements of Nabû-kudurrīuṣur II (Nebuchadnezzar II...

Minor Prophets

Minor Prophets Christopher T. Begg and Andrew W. Litke ________ 653. [Twelve Prophets; Priesthood] Renate Klein, “‘Die Sünde meines Volkes essen sie . . ’ (Hos 4,8A): Priesterkritik im Dodekapropheton,” SScr 16 (2018) 198–228. Against the reality of corruption in all spheres of contemporary society, K.’s article focuses on the abuse of priestly authority as portrayed in texts of the Twelve Prophets. In these texts, priests may be depicted as involved in power struggles. They are accused of seeking their own profit, rather than promoting knowledge of God, and of taking payment for the instruction they impart. Their teaching is merely a matter of form, lacking the content it should have. They fail to oppose foreign influences in Israel’s life. Priests likewise [End Page 203] fail to offer sacrifices in accordance with the prescribed ritual requirements. Abuses of authority surface whenever priests act for the sake of their own interests rather than on the basis of their role as mediators between God and the people. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 654. [Hos 2:2] Giovanni Deiana, “Hosea 2:2 and the Dating of the Book of Hosea,” Finding Myth and History, 51–60 [see #783]. This essay is a historical analysis Hos 2:2, with the intention of highlighting the context of the verse and the larger pericope of which it is a part. D. suggests that the phrase “the number of the children of Israel” in 2:1 is not a reference to the Northern Kingdom ruled by Jeroboam II; rather, it has in view a new kingdom that exhibits significant demographic growth which was understood to be a fulfillment of God’s promise to the patriarchs. Such a kingdom could have been envisioned in the first half of the second cent. b.c.e. This proposal is based on the increased population numbers in Jerusalem in the Hellenistic period, as well as on the supposition that the united “Judah” and “Israel” referred to in 2:2 is an allusion to the Samaritans and Jews. Though distinct, the two populations shared the Pentateuch and were not in conflict until the destruction of the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim by John Hyrcanus.—A.W.L. 655. [Joel 2:23; DSS] Michael A. Rydelnik, “The Teacher of Righteousness: A Messianic Interpretation of Joel 2:23,” BS 176 (2019) 164–73. The title of the Qumran leader, the Teacher of Righteousness, seems to be derived from a biblical text, but which specific text that might be has been disputed. The most likely source for the title, R. argues, is Joel 2:23. The Qumran community was correct in its understanding of this text, but incorrect in identifying their founder as the referent. Instead, Joel 2:23 predicts the coming of the Messiah to Israel and his ushering in a reign of prosperity and abundance. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 656. [Joel 2:28] Michael McBride, “Prophesy or Perish,” Review and Expositor 114 (2017) 436–44. In this brief article, M. exhorts his audience to take seriously the pouring out of the Spirit on all flesh as described in Joel 2:28. If the Spirit is in the world, working through humanity, then we need to tap into it to fight the powers of evil that hold us hostage to prejudice and racism. M., a pastor and activist, calls every Christian to prophesy or perish. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 657. [Amos 7:10–17] Alessandra Casagrande, “‘A little drama’ (G. M. Tucker). Zur literarischen Form von Am 7,10–17,” BZ 63 (N.S., 2019) 193–219. The use of a narrative imperfect in Amos 7:10–17 after 7:1–9 and the abrupt shift that occurs in 8:1 frequently generates discussion about the literary form of Amos 7:10–17, with suggestions proposed by diachronic scholars including “third-party report” and “ apophthegma.” By contrast, synchronic studies highlight the contextual integration of Amos 7:10–17 and concentrate on the narrative analysis of the passage. In this approach, Amos 7:10–17 is often referred to as a “drama”; the...

Invention of a Bathing Tradition in Hasmonean Palestine

AbstractWhile scholars have known about the earliest ritual immersion pool in the Buried Palace at Jericho for more than thirty years, they have yet to produce a clear understanding of why the Hasmoneans began building ritual immersion pools when they did. Further, scholars have also failed to acknowledge the innovative nature of these spaces. I argue that we can best resolve these shortcomings by understanding the construction of the earliest known purpose-built ritual immersion pool (PBRIP) by John Hyrcanus I as an innovation driven by the political and social disruptions of the late second century BCE, and that once he had pioneered the idea of a PBRIP that it rapidly gained popularity. This article contextualizes the PRBIPs within the framework of Hellenistic palatial architecture and Second Temple literature rather than rabbinic literature.

Katell Berthelot. In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy. Translated by Margaret Rigaud. Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements 24. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. 494 pp.

Reviewed by: In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy by Katell Berthelot Robert Doran Katell Berthelot. In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy. Translated by Margaret Rigaud. Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements 24. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. 494 pp. doi:10.1017/S036400941900014X Katell Bertholet investigates the bases for the claim by many twentieth-century scholars that the Hasmoneans had intended to reclaim the land promised by God to Israel or to reinstate the kingdom of David and Solomon. In her introductory chapter, Berthelot provides a succinct overview of historical scholarship on the Hasmonean period from 1850 to 1950, which supported the view that the Hasmoneans had set out to reclaim the Promised Land of Israel. She notes the dissident voices that have downplayed the biblical models for Hasmonean [End Page 206] action and preferred a more "secular" model for the dynasty's aims. The author points to problems in seeking biblical models to explain the Hasmonean policies: (a) there are several borders given in the Bible for the Promised Land; (b) it was not clear how long the commandment to conquer the Promised Land was to endure; (c) there is no biblical precedent for the forced conversion of non-Jews. She emphasizes that one must be cautious in speaking of the Hasmoneans as a whole, and that each ruler must be studied separately. After this introductory chapter, the work is divided into three parts. Part 1 concentrates on the account of the actions of Judas, Jonathan, and Simon in 1 Maccabees. The author first provides an analysis of 1 Maccabees, and looks at 2 Maccabees and the parallel accounts in Josephus's War and Antiquities. She finds that: "1) the author of 1 Maccabees could have made the land (even if only the Judean territory) into a much more explicit motivation for the Maccabean revolt, but he did not do so; 2) the reconquest of the promised land is not listed among the objectives of the revolt in either 2 Maccabees or the writings of Josephus" (91). She further concludes that "the conquest of parcels of land within and outside Judea did however constitute a major economic, demographic, political and military incentive for the Hasmoneans" (93). As for biblical models, she finds that Joshua and the war against the nations of Canaan do not play a major role in 1 Maccabees, but rather that the primary biblical touchstones are royal figures—David, Solomon—who provide legitimation for the rule of the Hasmoneans. She finds no mention of the purification of the land as a goal. Her analysis of the response of Simon to the threat of Antiochus VII at 1 Maccabees 15:33—"We have neither taken foreign land nor seized foreign property, but only the inheritance of our ancestors, which at one time had been unjustly taken by our enemies"—shows how Simon here does not base his answer on the notion that the land had been given to Israel as a divine gift, but grounds it on the juridical category of ancestral ownership, an argument found in other territorial disputes in the Hellenistic world. In part 2, Berthelot examines the Judean territorial expansion from John Hyrcanus to Aristobulus II. She shows by her analysis of the sources that the territorial expansion from Simon on was made possible by a specific set of historical and political circumstances: the Seleucid Empire was becoming weaker, and the Romans did not interfere until the reigns of Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II. "Besides these historical circumstances and geopolitical factors, the sources suggest that the Hasmonean wars were motivated by questions of strategy and national security, as well as by political and economic concerns. Demographic issues may also have played a role" (282). She discusses the role of "forced conversions" (283–324) and sees this policy as a means not only to exclude idolatrous practices but also to consolidate Hasmonean power through the fiscal demands of the temple in Jerusalem. These "conversions," therefore, were linked to the political and economic interests of the Hasmoneans and considerably enriched Judea. As for the use of mercenaries, "their presence...

Intertestamental, Apocrypha, NT Use: Qumran

Intertestamental, Apocrypha, NT UseQumran William J. Urbrock, Christopher T. Begg, Eric F. Mason, John Thomas Willis, Isaac M. Alderman, and Rory K. Pitstick 1953. [DSS] Martin Abegg jr., “He Who Freed the Dead Sea Scrolls,” BARev 44 (2018) 24–28. A. reviews the pivotal role played by the then BARev editor Hershel Shanks in 1990–1991 in making the Dead Sea Scrolls available to the wider scholarly community for publication and ongoing research. Photo-illustrated.—W.J.U. 1954. [4Q386] Kenneth Atkinson, “Interpreting the Assassination of Pompey the Great in Light of Biblical Prophecy: The Use of Jeremiah 46, Ezekiel 30, and Hosea 9 in 4QPseudo-Ezekielb (4Q386),” QC 23 (2015) 81–100. The DSS show that the Jews of the Hasmonean period commonly interpreted political and historical events of their time as fulfillments of biblical prophecy. Although the Scrolls’ statements in this regard should be treated with caution for purposes of historical reconstruction, it should be recognized that the Scrolls’ fulfillment notices are no less accurate than their extant classical parallels. For the author of 4Q386, prophecy was not something pertaining solely to the distant past. This manuscript’s contemporized interpretation of the prophecies of Jeremiah 46; Ezekiel 30; and Hosea 9 shows that Jews of the Second Temple period read Scripture as a living text whose predictions were being realized in their own lifetimes. For them, Pompey’s murder was both the fulfillment and verification of Scripture. The messages of Hosea, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel brought some measure of comfort to the readers of 4Q386, since these prophets had predicted that justice would be realized in this world. 4Q386’s warning to its Jewish readers—and to Pompey’s successors—was that God is in control of world events and continues to intervene in history to punish sinners. Because the writer of 4Q386 1 4 predicts that the children of Pompey will also perish, the text should be dated either sometime before Caesar’s Spanish campaign that extended from the autumn of 46 b.c.e. to the spring of 45 b.c.e. in which he defeated the last of the Pompeians led by Pompey’s sons Gnaeus and Sextus, or, alternatively, prior to 35 b.c.e., when the latter was killed. These dates match the paleographical dating of 4Q386 and suggest that it was composed shortly before Pompey’s assassination. If so, 4Q386 should be seen as the earliest extant document to mention this momentous historical event. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1955. [4Q175] Kenneth Atkinson, “John Hyrcanus as a Prophetic Messiah in 4QTestimonia (4Q175),” QC 24 (2016) 9–27. The Qumran document of A.’s title shows that prophetic messianism played a major—and hitherto unappreciated—role in Hasmonean history by providing the family [End Page 679] with a divine sanction to hold both religious and secular power. When read in light of all the available evidence, 4Q175 suggests that Hyrcanus claimed to be the “true prophet” with the sole right to do as he wished in religious as well as secular matters. His family continued to govern as hereditary monarchs until the Romans terminated the Hasmonean state. What made the Hasmoneans unique was their use of prophetic messianism and the tradition of the “true prophet” to bypass their lack of a Davidic pedigree and to enable them to transform their kingdom into a Hellenistic state that their ancestor Mattathias would hardly have recognized. Despite the best intentions of Simon to follow in his father Mattathais’s footsteps, the state he created was in many respects a Hellenistic kingdom like those of the surrounding nations, the one difference being that it emerged only a century after the neighboring kingdoms were formed. The family’s use of prophetic messianism was similar to the Davidic messianism in its combination of divinely sanctioned political and religious authority with the use of violence. It was the Hasmoneans’ astute use of religion and politics and their appeal to prophetic messianism that ultimately enabled them to transform their kingdom into a true state led by a monarch who, like those of the neighboring kingdoms, claimed divine sanction to rule. [Adapted from...

Noble Death and Dynasty: A Popular Tradition from the Hasmonean Period in Josephus

The First Book of Maccabees ends its historical narrative with the murder of Simon at the hands of his son-in-law, Ptolemy. Flavius Josephus offers a more elaborate narrative of the same event. According to his account, Ptolemy took Simon’s wife and two of his sons as hostages and tormented them when John Hyrcanus besieged him in the fortress of Doq. Josephus praises Simon’s wife for taking a heroic stance and stresses her willingness to die for the dynasty. A close analysis of the story suggests that Josephus drew on a popular tradition that emerged shortly after the historical events and adopted stylistic and narratological elements commonly associated with martyrdom stories. The story thus offers insights into dynastic representation in the early Hasmonean period and indicates that the wife of Simon played a prominent role in the propaganda and self-fashioning of the new ruling house.

The Destruction of the Samaritan Temple by John Hyrcanus: A Reconsideration

The destruction of the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim by John Hyrcanus (ca. 112/111 BCE) is often regarded as the decisive cause of the final breach between Jews and Samaritans. This action is usually interpreted as one of hatred and contempt directed against the Samaritan community as a whole; it has even been maintained that Hyrcanus’s real intention was to exclude the Samaritans from Judaism. Yet comparative analysis of John Hyrcanus’s treatment of the people he subdued may lead to the opposite conclusion. I propose that John Hyrcanus’s policy toward the Samaritans was aimed at forcing their integration into the Hasmonean state, which would lead to their exclusive dedication to the Jerusalem temple and its high priest.

The Destruction of the Samaritan Temple by John Hyrcanus: A Reconsideration

The Destruction of the Samaritan Temple by John Hyrcanus: A Reconsideration

THE STAMPED AMPHORA HANDLES FROM TEL JEZREEL

The eighteen stamped amphora handles found at Tel Jezreel include sixteen of the Rhodian class, one of the Knidian class, and one unclassified. They are valuable as evidence for the Hellenistic occupation at the site. Their half-century span roughly corresponds to the profile of the 310 stamps from nearby Tel Iṣṭabbah (Hellenistic Nysa-Scythopolis), and suggests a similar chronological terminus related to the campaign of John Hyrcanus I through the region.

Hillel: If Not Now, When? (review)

Reviewed by: Hillel: If Not Now, When? Miriyam Glazer Hillel: If Not Now, When?, by Joseph Telushkin. New York: Nextbook (Schocken), 2010. 243 pp. $24.00. It is not easy to be a scholar who, rather than write solely for other scholars, masters the art of writing gracefully and wisely for a general audience—a "popularizer" who yet honors the nuanced complexity of his or her subject. Of our many gifted Jewish writers and scholars today, perhaps the one who fulfills the task with the greatest ease and elegance is Joseph Telushkin. His books are all learned, highly readable, and respectful of the intelligence of his reader. In addition to his books on Jewish humor and Jewish "Wisdom," Telushkin's previous books, including the National Jewish Book Award winner Code of Jewish Ethics (2006), reveal his clear passion for the ethical dimensions of Judaism, among them The Book of Jewish Values: A Day to Day Guide to Ethical Living (2000); The Ten Commandments of Character: Essential Advice for Living an Honorable, Ethical, Honest Life (2004). His newest, Hillel: If Not Now, When? not surprisingly, therefore, not only focuses on the ethical legacy of [End Page 194] that foundational rabbinic scholar, but also seeks to encourage contemporary readers to re-evaluate trends in contemporary Jewish life in accord with Hillel's teachings. The book is divided into four parts. The first, "The Unique Teachings of Hillel," offers a brief historical background—the coincidence of Hillel's leadership (30 BCE to 10 CE) with Herod's kingship (37 to 4 CE), the point of which seems to be the disastrous legacy of forced conversion, in this case not of the Jews but by the Jews. As Telushkin suggests, the "vile" Herod would never have become king had not the Hasmonean King John Hyrcanus forcibly converted the grandfather of Herod, Antipas, who became governor of Idumea. Perhaps, Telushkin suggests, the terrible legacy of Herod is one of the reasons the whole conversion issue traditionally stirred up (and continues to stir up) Jewish "anxieties" about conversion: "the fear that the conversion of any Gentiles, forcible or peaceful, is a perilous undertaking" (p. 10). Much of this book, therefore, is concerned with allaying those anxieties—even more: dispelling them altogether, by drawing on the willingness and openness of Hillel to the conversion of gentiles. In fact, chapters within Part I—including the famous story of "While Standing on One Foot" (based on BT Shabbat 31a), "Hillel and the Three Converts," and "On Hillel, Chiya, and the Jews of Today"—as well as a final section, "For Those Who Oppose Converting People Without a Prior Commitment to Full Observance of Jewish Law"—are an argument for a more open, liberal, welcoming policy toward future converts. Indeed, says Telushkin, The stories of Hillel and the three converts challenge three common and widely held assumptions of Jewish life: that Judaism is not interested in non-Jews converting; that if a non-Jew comes to convert, the rabbi's first obligation is to discourage him from doing so; and that a conversion should be valid only if the proselyte formally undertakes to fully observe Jewish laws. (p. 35) It is not only in the area of conversions that Telushkin sees Hillel—with the exception of his rulings about women—as the forerunner of a liberal Judaism. In Part I's sections, "Repairing the World" and "Five Traits," and Part II's "Hillel versus Shammai: The Talmud's Most Famous Adversaries," as well as Part IV's "Lessons from the First Century for the Twenty-first Century—and Beyond," Telushkin emphasizes the "passionate moderation" of Hillel. That moderation emerges from his stance as an "interpreter," rather than as a "literalist." As an example, Telushkin offers one of my own personal favorites from the Talmud (BT Ketubot 16b-17a): Our rabbis taught: How does one dance . . . before a bride? The School of Shammai says, "The bride [is described] as she is." The School of Hillel says, "[Every bride is described as] a beautiful and graceful bride." (quoted p. 92) [End Page 195] (Hillel, thank goodness, wins this one. Telushkin cites the Shulchan Arukh in support of Hillel's position: "It is...

The Title Ethnarch in Second Temple Period Judea

AbstractThe title Ethnarch appears in Second Temple sources in reference to four Judean rulers: Simon the Hasmonean, John Hyrcanus, Hyrcanus II, and Archelaus, son of Herod. This evidence is usually taken for granted. However, a meticulous analysis of the sources shows that we should not rely on the evidence pertaining to the early Hasmoneans (Simon and John Hyrcanus), and it rather seems that the title was first employed only by the Romans (probably Julius Caesar) for Hyrcanus II. The paper further asserts that this title exemplifies a unique perception of the Jewish people by the Romans. Additionally, the paper notes some ramifications that this understanding of the title Ethnarch and the view which it exemplifies may have on certain issues of the Second Temple period.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN0">*</xref>

Les lecteurs anciens de laLettre d'Aristée

The Letter of Aristeas has been read by a great number of theologians since Philo of Alexandria. Its ancient readers give an interesting interpretation which has not been suspected by the modem commentators since Joseph Juste Scaliger. The Letter is neither an historical account of the translation of the Jewish law under King Ptolemy II Philadelphus nor an apology. It's a political pamphlet denouncing the tyrannical institutions devised by John Hyrcanus, High Priest in Jerusalem at the end of the 2nd century B.C.E. and head of a Jewish independent State emancipated from the Seleucid domination. It cannot be taken into account to prove that the Torah was translated into Greek at the beginning of the Hellenistic era.

Dating the Teacher of Righteousness and the Floruit of His Movement

JBL 122/1 (2003) 53-87 (ProQuest Information and Learning: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Shortly after first fruits of discovery later known as Dead Sea Scrolls left hands of Bedouin, scholars began trying to explain ultimate origin of deposits. Eliezer Sukenik was first to propose their origin with ancient Jewish sect known as Essenes.1 This view immediately attracted other proponents, and by middle of 1950s, theory known as was regnant in new discipline of Dead Sea Scrolls scholarship. Nor was it long before Essene Hypothesis took its most recognizable modern form.2 Supported today by broad consensus, this form of theory holds that Khirbet Qumran is place where, in reign of either Jonathan or Simon Maccabee (i.e., in period 161-135 B.C.E.), dissident group of Jews took up monastic lifestyle. These Essenes had departed from Jerusalem in protest of current high priest. Leading them was man their own texts later styled ..., conventionally translated the Teacher of Righteousness. The group then lived out their lives in this sere setting overlooking Salt Sea. Six or seven generations followed them and did likewise, until Roman army destroyed Khirbet Qumran in 68 C.E.3 The scrolls represent library of Teacher's followers, hidden in caves to forestall destruction at hands of enemy. Thus consensus locates Teacher of Righteousness and beginnings of his movement in early to mid second century B.C.E. Advocates of this chronology have defined its parameters by appeal to three types of evidence: (1) archaeology of Khirbet Qumran site; (2) paleography of writings produced by Teacher and his followers; and (3) certain statements in manuscripts. In 1950s, these approaches seemed to lend themselves to easy combination. Like three intertwining cords of strong rope, they appeared mutually supportive. But it may now be seen that strength was perhaps more apparent than real. Today we know substantially more about each of these elements than was known when consensus chronology first took shape; new information has tended to render that chronology less secure rather than more. In pages that follow I want to suggest that totality of evidence now available offers at best only ambiguous support for chronological framework of traditional form of Essene Hypothesis. Another synthesis is at least equally viable, one that places Teacher late in second century B.C.E. and early in first, fifty or sixty years later than consensus view.4 As centerpiece of this reformulation, I propose to focus on method of dating that is, in certain respects at least, more precise than any other we have. Scholars have employed it but little because until recent years they lacked much of relevant material. Before I take up that method, however, it is important to consider very briefly why none of three conventional dating techniques necessarily supports consensus chronology-why, therefore, none stands in way of first-century dating. I. Earlier Methods of Dating Recent studies of archaeology of Khirbet Qumran argue that original investigator, Roland de Vaux, was mistaken in some of his dating for site's habitation phases. He concluded that after an Israelite-period settlement, site was reinhabited and expanded during reign of Simon Maccabee or John Hyrcanus I.5 In reaching latter conclusion French archaeologist had placed more weight on numismatics than sparse findings for earliest period could bear. As Magen Broshi has observed, a coin of John Hyrcanus cannot be used as proof that site was settled during his reign-coins can only be used as terminus quo but not as terminus ad quem.6 The detailed, recent reassessment by Jodi Magness, in particular, argues that proper for refurbishing of Khirbet Qumran, foundation date for Stratum I of Second Temple period, is somewhere between 100 B. …