Japanese Politics Research Articles

Shigeru Ishiba, The New Prime Minister of Japan: The Gap Between Ideals and Reality

After three years under Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Japan selected Mr. Shigeru Ishiba as its new Prime Minister on September 27, 2024. This decision followed a runoff election between Shigeru Ishiba, the former defense minister, and Sanae Takaichi, the economic security minister, as none of the nine candidates in the first round secured a majority. This paper draws on various sources, including internet media, television programs, newspapers, and insights from respected journalists, advisors, and scholars, to examine the Japanese political landscape with a focus on the 2024 prime ministerial election. The objective is to explore the claims made by Shigeru Ishiba, Japan's newly elected Prime Minister, as well as the positions held by his political opponent, Sanae Takaichi. Additionally, it analyzes the reactions and commentary from media outlets and experts. What emerges from this exploration is that while many politicians speak confidently about their visions for the future, there appears to be a gap between their ideals and the realities they face. This study aims to shed light on the actual state of Japanese politics, primarily through coverage by the media, television, and experts. How, then, is the balance between ideals and reality being managed? Finally, when viewed from a sociolinguistic perspective, what insights can be gained? With these points in mind, the discussion will aim to bring these issues into sharper focus.

Family, State, Family-state

Maruyama Masao (1914–1996) became a leading figure of post-war Japanese democratization with the publication of his essay “Theory and Psychology of Ultra-Nationalism” (1946). The idea of kokutai was central to his interpretation of ultra-nationalism as a concept that connected ‘nationalistic’ ideas of the late Tokugawa period with the imperialist propaganda of the 1930s. This concept was linked with the millennia-old Chinese notion of the ruler as the ‘father’ of the people in a land that is an extension of the family (jia). In Japan, however, the connection between the family (kazoku) and the nation(state) (kokka) was based on the imperial linage that upheld the blood-relation between the tennō and the deities. In the present paper, I will examine Maruyama’s interpretation of the role of the family in Japanese ultra-nationalism on the basis of his studies “The Ideology and Dynamics of Japanese Fascism” (1948) and “Nationalism in Japan: Its Theoretical Background and Prospects” (1951) (in Thought and Behavior in Modern Japanese Politics, 1956; in English, 1963), linking these essays with Maruyama’s war-time studies on the Tokugawa era. I will show that the elements on which Maruyama focused his analysis of the ‘family-state’ (kazokukokka) are those features of Japanese nationalism that he had already detected in his war-year studies; that is, features in which he saw the preservation of the Tokugawa social structure of hōkensei. I will argue that this social structure was understood by Maruyama as a power structure in which the ‘transfer of oppression’ is possible due to the decentralized, i.e., family-like character of social relationships.

재일조선인의 대규모 북한 이주와 촉진 요인: 북한·조총련의 선전과 일본 내의 호응을 중심으로

After the end of the World War II, almost 1.4 million Koreans lived in Japan went back to Korea but there still were around 600 thousands ethnic Koreans living in Japan. From December 1959 to July 1984, about 93,000 Korean (including Japanese wives) repatriated to North Korea, while most of them originally came from southern part of South Korea. Studies of the ethnic Korean repatriation from Japan emphasize that economic, political and diplomatic benefits motivated North Korea to decide the repatriation, and underline active roles of the Japanese government, the Japanese Red Cross Society and International Committee of the Red Cross. Including these factors, propaganda of North Korean government and promotion by the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryon ) made ethnic Koreans in Japan decide to immigrate to North Korea. In addition, Japanese political parties, politicians, intellectuals, and mass media strongly affected ethnic Korean’s decision to repatriation to North Korea from Japan. This study explores contents of propaganda by North Korea and Chongryon , and news and images on North Korea delivered and created by Japanese politicians and media.

Barking up the wrong tree? Voter bias and female underrepresentation in Japanese politics

Abstract Previous studies on gender bias in the evaluation of politicians by voters have reported mixed results. We seek to understand these mixed findings by focusing on Japan, where female political representation is the lowest among advanced democracies and gender stereotypes are prevalent. We consider that gender stereotypes and the dearth of women in politics affect the evaluation of politicians via two distinct mechanisms: biased beliefs and weak priors. The two mechanisms are assumed to run counter to each other, thus leading to the null or mixed findings for gendered evaluation reported by previous studies. To test our argument, we conduct a series of survey experiments in Japan. Our findings conform to neither of the two mechanisms. Even in a society with low female political representation, we find no evidence of the gendered evaluation of candidates by voters. We suggest that rather than biasing voters’ evaluation of candidates, gender stereotypes dissuade women from aspiring to a political career and elite electoral gatekeepers from selecting female candidates.

Production of Culture in the Vernacular Communities: Confucian Beliefs and the Culture of Shame in Japan

Confucianism has been systematized in Japan since the Tokugawa or Edo period. Since then, Confucianism has contributed to culture in Japan. In fact, influence of the teachings of Confucianism on contemporary Japanese culture is noteworthy. This research therefore examines the influence of Confucianism on the contemporary Japanese society. It employs descriptive-qualitative research methods. All the data was collected through literature. Findings show that Confucianism has influenced contemporary Japanese politics primarily through the Samurai code of ethics or Bushido. Bushido values and morals are applied not only by the Samurai but has become a national code of ethics. The teachings that became national moral values have gradually transformed Japan into a politically stable country. As a result, Confucius' lessons on shame have also influenced the political culture of Japan. Confucius emphasized the importance of leading and governing individuals through morality and decency, which would instill shame in them and cause them to resign if found corrupt. Confucianism is so ingrained in the Japanese culture that its teachings are taken for granted. Many aspects of the Japanese society, including politics, have been influenced by this integration.

К вопросу о приоритетах государственного развития Японии в начальный период эпохи Мэйдзи. Кидо Такаёси (1833–1877) о силе государства и его ответственности

Kido Takayoshi (1833–1877) was one of the leaders and main political figures of the Meiji Restoration (1868), as well key figures in Japanese politics in the post-restoration period. Thanks to his ideas and efforts in the end of the 1860s the leadership of the country began preparing and then implementing a program to reunite all the lands of the state under the rule of a single ruler – the emperor, which in practice meant the abolition of feudal principalities clans and the establishment of new state administrative entities – prefectures. In 1871 a new administrative system came into effect. It is noteworthy that shortly after the implementation of the above-mentioned reform, Kido Takayoshi's ideas about what the basic principles of the state system should be underwent serious changes. The presented research is an attempt to understand the reasons for these changes through the analysis of his diaries, personal letters and official documents.

The Impact of Domestic Japanese Politics on the English East India Company in Japan, 1613–1623

Abstract The English East India Company’s (EIC) enterprise in Japan (1613–1623) is widely recognized as a failure. Scholars of the English-speaking world have emphasized the lack of vendible commodities, the EIC traders’ mismanagement, and Japanese hostility towards Christianity. Nevertheless, these narratives often overlook the political and strategic interests of Japan, in the era of political uncertainty after the long warring-states period. This paper re-examines the EIC traders’ records against recent studies on Japanese politics. The careful observations of political movements surrounding the Siege of Osaka (1614–1615) reveal how the EIC traders were involved in the dynamics of Japanese history. Within the framework of mercantile connections supported by “mutual benefits,” the present study demonstrates how the EIC gradually faced difficulties as the Japanese interests shifted, thus arguing that not only European overseas activity but also the active endeavor of the Asian counterparts significantly influenced global interactions of the early seventeenth century.

Gender- and Age-related Constraints in Japanese Politeness Marking: A Statistical Analysis of the Tokyo Story Characters’ Usage of Keigo

Gender- and Age-related Constraints in Japanese Politeness Marking: A Statistical Analysis of the Tokyo Story Characters’ Usage of Keigo

Campaign communication and legislative leadership

Abstract Do policy priorities that candidates emphasize during election campaigns predict their subsequent legislative activities? We study this question by assembling novel data on legislative leadership posts held by Japanese politicians and using a fine-tuned transformer-based machine learning model to classify policy areas in over 46,900 statements from 1270 candidate manifestos across five elections. We find that a higher emphasis on a policy issue increases the probability of securing a legislative post in the same area. This relationship remains consistent across multiple elections and persists even when accounting for candidates' previous legislative leadership roles. We also discover greater congruence in distributive policy areas. Our findings indicate that campaigns provide meaningful signals of policy priorities.

Probing Socio-Pragmatic Skills of L2 Learners of Indonesian on Japanese Politeness

This study explores how learners of Japanese as a foreign language in Indonesia comprehend and use Japanese politeness. Many linguists mentioned that socio-pragmatic skills can be developed in a classroom. This skill is essential for L2 learners to master communication in L2, such as how to build and express turn-taking, eye contact and give attention to the interlocutors. Therefore, this study aims to prove whether Indonesian learners of Japanese could use appropriate socio-pragmatic skills, focusing on Japanese politeness in a conversation setting. The subjects are 120 students from two universities whose level of Japanese skills is on the A2-B1 CERF level. We use the role-play method and set a one-on-one conversation/interview setting. Our findings demonstrate that most Indonesian students had difficulty comprehending the concept of ‘Tachiba’, meaning the place where one stands in a Japanese conversation. Most student participants could not yet grasp the social and interaction level. However, in some cases, Japanese politeness in context meaning is found.

Japanese politeness revisited: from the perspective of attentiveness on Twitter

Abstract Previous research has shown that attentiveness (kikubari) is a significant aspect of politeness in Japanese. The aim of this paper is to expand on earlier research on attentiveness by using Twitter data and examine how Japanese lay people understand and/or evaluate attentiveness and how attentiveness manifests politeness. The data for this study were 600 Japanese tweets which contain attentiveness. They were coded based on analysis of the content and analysed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The results show that Japanese lay people evaluate attentiveness positively and that they think attentiveness is important in most cases. These results reflect a commonly held belief in Japanese culture, namely that attentiveness is a virtue. In some posts, the demonstrators of attentiveness appeared to infer the needs of the potential recipients and made pre-emptive offers, as they had known the situations of the potential recipients. Attentiveness in such posts coincides with the definition of attentiveness in previous research. In some other posts, attentiveness is used in the sense of consideration, which was included in the conceptualisation of politeness in Japanese. These results confirmed earlier findings and further our understanding of them through concrete examples from Twitter.

The US–Japan alliance and the role of the US Marines on Okinawa in extended deterrence

Abstract The relocation of the controversial Marine base at Futenma on Okinawa to Henoko in the north of the same island has been framed by Japanese politicians, officials, and analysts as crucial to deterrence. Critics respond that deterrence is merely a pretext, and the relocation is a politically convenient solution that perpetuates discrimination against Okinawa by the central government in Tokyo. This article draws on deterrence theory to evaluate the deterrence claims made by relocation proponents. It finds little evidence to support them: the Marines’ capabilities pale against the massive US forward deployment, including the Seventh Fleet and the Fifth Air Force. As for the local balance of forces, the Marines are unlikely to participate immediately in a local conflict, and their geographical location leaves them vulnerable; current US strategy is to down-scale and disperse Marine units. If one were focusing on defence rather than political convenience, the Marines would be relocated off Okinawa. In terms of credibility, the article finds that other US bases in Japan play a much more important ‘tripwire’ role, and ultimately, given inter alia the security treaty, joint exercises, and deep interoperability, US extended deterrence to Japan is as credible as possible under the circumstances.

Missionary Activity of A. G. Ibragimov (1857–1944) in Japan

The paper describes missionary work of A. G. Ibragimov in Japan and his relations with various strata of Japanese society during that period. The main works in Japanese are those of Japanese Turkologists: Misawa Nobuo, Komatsu Hisao and others, including those whose research work focuses on the history of the Ottoman Empire. Ibragimov visited Japan three times. Very little information is available about the first and the second visits; however, the third visit is described in considerable detail in his own diaries, among other things. His communication with the Japanese (who were traditionally considered ardent nationalists) aroused as much interest as his communication with representatives of the ruling class, which, as many researchers believe, could have influenced Japanese politics in 1930s. Ibragimov’s social circle included: Ohara Bunkei, the founder of the Ajia Gikai and the first Japanese Muslim; Toyama Mitsuru, the founder of the Gen’yosha and the leader of the Japanese right-wing movement; Nakano Jotaro (Tenshin), a Japanese thinker and one of the ideologists of the Ajia Gikai; Kono Hironaka, a member of the lower house of the Japanese parliament and the Minister of Agriculture and Trade 1915–1916; Inukai Tsuyoshi, the Minister of Internal Affairs and the Minister of Education as well as the Prime Minister of Japan during the last years of his life; many other representatives of the upper class, including close associates and members of the imperial family. Ibragimov’s activities lead to the emergence of the first Muslim societies in Japan; many representatives of the Japanese nobility and ordinary people converted to Islam and even performed Hajj. Tokyo saw the construction of one of the largest mosques in Japan. It may be argued that the Japanese society witnessed a spark of interest in Islam; moreover, Japan established ties with Muslim countries in the Middle East. He contributed to the establishment of Pan-Asian societies, which functioned until the end of World War II. He was engaged in public awareness campaign as well as teaching: one of his students was Izutsu Toshihiko, the greatest Japanese specialist in Islamic studies, a polyglot and professor of the University of Tokyo.

JAPONYA'DAKİ UYGUR TOPLULUĞU İÇİN ÖNCÜ TEMSİL VE SAVUNUCULUK: ARFİYA ERİ'NİN SEÇİLMESİ VE SONUÇLARI ÜZERİNE BİR VAKA ÇALIŞMASI

This academic study delves into the political trajectory of Arfiya Eri, a 34-year-old Uyghur-Japanese politician, examining her groundbreaking role in representing and advocating for the Uyghur community in Japan. By undertaking a comprehensive analysis of her background, election campaign, and subsequent actions in the Japanese Parliament, this study aims to explore the profound significance of her election. Furthermore, it delves into its potential implications for the Uyghur diaspora community and international efforts to address human rights abuses in Xinjiang. Additionally, the study investigates the prospective impact of Eri's election on fostering diversity and inclusivity in Japanese politics.
 The methodology for this research is qualitative and entails the analysis of primary and secondary sources to discern China's motives. Primary sources encompass official documents, while secondary sources include news reports, scholarly articles, and think tank reports. This analysis was conducted through a comprehensive literature review of these sources. The literature was then scrutinized to deduce China's motives for this expansion.

The Influence of Sino-Japanese Zen Communication on Five Mountain Poetry: A Case Study of Zekkai Chuushin

Five Mountain culture, a unique Sino-Japanese exchange, shaped Japan's development via Zen monks. These monks in China and Japan infused Zen's allure into Japan, initially captivating aristocrats and later the masses. As Five Mountain culture spread, it met the ruling party's needs, blending Chinese culture with local roots to form a distinct Japanese culture. Zen monks, especially Zekkai Chuushin, who studied in China, played pivotal roles. Zekkai Chuushin's Zen mastery, appreciation of Chinese customs, and study of Ming Dynasty calligraphy and poetry influenced the spread of Chinese culture. His masterpiece, "Jiao Jian Gao," epitomizes Chinese poetry in Five Mountain, encompassing nostalgia for China, yearning for homeland, and critiques of Japanese politics. Zekkai Chuushin's works reflect a deep exchange between Chinese and Japanese Zen literature, illustrating China's profound impact on Japanese Zen during the Muromachi period. This study explores how Japanese Zen monks, especially Zekkai Chuushin, drew inspiration from Chinese poetry. Through analysis of his poems, the authors examine the influence and adaptation of Chinese poetry in Japanese Zen literature. The comparative analysis highlights similarities and differences with native Chinese poets, shedding light on Japan's reception of Chinese culture in the Five Mountain period. Zekkai Chuushin creatively embraced Chinese poetry, leaving a profound mark on Japanese literature, skillfully merging tradition with originality and enriching Japanese literary culture while preserving Chinese poetic heritage, showcasing Japan's connection to Chinese culture through the Han language.

The Abe Assassination and Japan’s Nexus of Religion and Politics

The shocking murder of Japan’s former Prime Minister of Japan Shinzō Abe by a gunman motivated by anger at the politician’s ties to the controversial Unification Church sparked a massive outcry that amplified long-standing anxieties about religion in Japan. This article surveys reasons for persistent tensions between a Japanese public that tends to reject self-identifying as religious and the influence of religion-affiliated organizations on Japanese politics. It also identifies Abe’s assassination in July 2022 and local-level elections in April 2023 as potential beginning and end points of the latest moral panic about religion in Japan’s public sphere.

Explaining important public contests in Japan: Rhetorical strategies, causality, and populism

ABSTRACT This article studies two of the most important public contests in contemporary Japanese politics, Prime Minister (PM) Koizumi’s postal privatization and PM Abe’s introduction of collective self-defense. I investigate the rhetorical dynamics of these public contests, and find that the initiations and the yearlong continued efforts by the prime ministers and their cabinets narrowed down the options for resistance in Japanese political networks, as manifested in coercion, compromises, and policy swaps by the main political parties involved. I make three theoretical and conceptual contributions. First, I map the rhetorical process of the political actors involved by combining existing research on rhetorical contestation and the findings from the two contests. Second, I sketch causal models for the two contests, and argue that the public contests and rhetorical strategies that were initiated functioned as a social mechanism in the case of PM Koizumi and as a social mediator in the case of PM Abe. Third, I intervene in an ongoing discussion about the presence of populism in Japanese politics, and conclude that PM Koizumi represented a quintessential populist neoliberal, while PM Abe’s re-interpretation efforts did not exhibit populist features.

The Other Japan: Back to Japan’s Religious Roots for a New Japanese Nationalism?

The purpose of this article is first to elucidate the nature and worldview of theideology of pre–World War II Japan that inspired the Japanese elite to embark on global conquest and that mobilized the Japanese masses to fight to the death even after the dropping of the atomic bombs. Second, the aim is to examine how this ideology first emerged in the Meiji period and how it came to dominate Japanese politics until the end of the war. Third, it will illustrate not only what has survived of this form of ultranationalism in the postwar period, identifying the ideas of core thinkers and organizations, but it will also examine the emergence of different, or perhaps more moderate, forms of Japanese nationalism, pinpointing their key ideas and describing their visions for a future Japan. Finally, I will attempt to shed light on the historical forces and scenarios that might return Japanese ultranationalists to the center of political influence and power in the Japanese state and overturn Japan’s postwar pacifist constitution and noninterventionist military foreign policy.

Wedge Issue Politics in Japan: Why Not Revising the Constitution is Helping the Pro-Revision Ruling Party

AbstractThe Liberal Democratic Party maintains a dominant position in Japanese politics while the opposition side is fragmented into many parties. Small opposition parties, namely the Communists, are still surviving even though it has been almost three decades since the 1994 electoral law reform, which made it difficult for such parties to exist. Fragmentation of the opposition is giving an electoral advantage to the ruling party. How can small opposition parties survive? An empirical analysis of voter survey data supports the argument that the controversy over a constitutional revision is playing a role in preventing anti-government voters from unifying under a single party.

Rearmament in the Name of Peace

At the end of the Second World War, Japan’s newly written has created a unique constitutional pacifism in the country. Ever since, this has remained controversial with the nation’s politicians, citizens, and its international allies and rivals. After 70 years of an awkward albeit stable status quo, Japanese politicians are again attempting to redefine the state’s relationship with pacifism. In this essay I will examine this process, and the role of America and China in causing this geopolitical shift. Specifically, I will examine both the history of Japanese pacificsm, and how Japan is reorienting its strategy to counter China's expanding influence through bases in the South China Sea and the Belt and Road Initiative. This will be followed by an analysis of both Japanese-American cooperation, and how recent events in American politics have convinced Japanese leadership to pursue a more self-sufficient diplomatic strategy.