Japanese In Korea Research Articles

:Bibliophobia: The End and the Beginning of the Book

:<i>Bibliophobia: The End and the Beginning of the Book</i>

신궁봉경회의 활동과 제신 논리의 변용

This study is about Shingungbonggyeonghoe, an organization whose goal was to build a shrine in Korea for the sake of amity between Korea and Japan and enlightenment of Koreans. Specifically, by comparing the purposes of enshrinement of Dakahashi Hisashi and Lee Junyong, the difference between the perception of the shrine of the two was examined, and despite the fundamental difference, this study revealed what led them to cooperate. The purpose of the enshrinement of Dakahashi and Lee was different. Dakahashi was eager to build a shrine enshrining the Japanese national god, Amaterasu Omikami in Korea, in order to ‘civilize’ Koreas in a religious way. Meanwhile, Lee focused on the idea of enshrining national founders, Dangun and Taejo, and tried to use Anam Shrine and Shingungbonggyeonghoe as his political background. Despite this difference, two created Anam Shrine, a hybrid religious space of Japanese Shinto and Korean modern Dangun belief through Shingungbonggyeonghoe. This combination was made through promoting spiritual amity by enshrining national ancestors, which has distinctive ‘modern’ features. Shinto embodied Japanese nationalism by enshrining the Japanese national god, Amaterasu Omikami. As Japan expands its influence on Korea, it transformed into a means of spiritual ‘civilization’ of Koreans. Meanwhile, confronting the national crisis, Dangun belief also transformed into a religion of national ancestor symbolizing the union of nations. Furthermore, the hybrid space was possible for the sake of two people, Dakahashi and Lee, and the circumstances they had to overcome. As a Japanese in Korea, Dakahashi had to elicit Koreans’ cooperation to achieve his goal. Meanwhile, Lee witnessed the power gap between Korea and Japan during his asylum, and was desperate to regain political power. The form of ‘modernity’ of the two people was different, but the circumstances they had to overcome made them cooperate despite the distortion and compromise.

The changes and meanings of the host of memorial servece for victims of the Great Kanto Earthquake in Korea through newspaper reports

In September, the memorial service for the victims of The Great Kanto Earthquake in Korea began with Koreans and Japanese mourning both the flood victims and the earthquake victims. In November and December, youth associations from all over the country held a memorial service for the victims of the region and other Koreans, and they were able to hear the experiences of survivors. On the 1st anniversary, the 1924 memorial service was conducted as part of the anniversary struggle, with various social movement groups such as youth associations, labor, farmers, and socialist groups participating in the memorial. In this way, a memorial service for Koreans was held with a small but meaningful crack in the control and oppression of the Japanese imperialism, which mobilized overwhelming physical force. However, since 1925, the host organization of domestic memorial service has been converted to the Japanese, and the target has been converted to the entire victim. As the Japanese in Korea became the host, the way of mourning in Korea was strongly influenced by Japan. Based on the emperor’s edict, Social indoctrination projects are carried out, The earthquake’s disaster was recognized as the opportunity of a fortune, and Korean victims as a promoter of reconcillation between Korean and Japanese. In such a situation, the Veterans Association, which was the perpetrator of the massacre, participated in memorial services, held a memorial service at Bakmunsa Temple to honor Ito Hirobumi, and Koreans could no longer be the host or target of memorial service. From the mid-30s, the phase of emphasizing the spirit of ‘銃後’ for the war of aggression has been revealed explicitly. Comparing to the “revival” after the earthquake, the war of invasion in Asia was justified, the victims of the earthquake and the war dead were enshrined on the same line, and they prayed for the “武運長久 of the Imperial Army.” September 1st was only one of the countless anniversaries of turning a chance of 心機一轉 for victory in the war of aggression, and even Japanese victims, let alone Koreans, cannot be mourned. After 1945 liberation, the memories of the Korean massacre were revived. However, after a memorial service hosted by the Seoul Committee of Choryeon and the Anti-Japanese Movement Salvation Association on September 2, 1946, the Great Kanto Earthquake and the massacre of Koreans were not publicized in Korean society until a memorial service and lecture were held in Seoul in 1982. Two years before the 100th anniversary, shouldn’t we properly regain the memories of the host, object, and massacre of memorial services that have been taken or neglected for a long time since 1925. By doing so, it is believed that the small cracks of 100 years ago will be expanded, giving historical legitimacy to the people who protest against violent domination that continues somewhere.

The Study on the Repatriation of Japanese in Korea and the Response of United States Army Military Government in Korea(USAMGIK) from 1945 to 1946.

This article examines how the US army military government in Korea(USAMGIK) responded to the process of returning to Japan from 1945 to 1946. The repatriation of the Japanese in Korea or the Koreans in Japan was a huge social phenomenon in terms of the termination and liberation of colonial period and massive movement of millions of people. In the course of filling up the vacancies of these movements and clearing up the remnants in the past colonial period, a prototype of later history of each society was embodied. Especially, this article makes an effort to focus on how the situation of the return of the Japanese influenced the response of the USAMGIK as the subject of ‘execution’ of repatriation. First, USAMGIK had insufficient proper manuals or capability with which implement repatriation. There had been communication problems with Seoul and the provinces of USAMGIK itself as well as with GHQ/SCAP. This point caused a confusion in the process of repatriation. Second, USAMGIK was the subordinate body of the GHQ/SCAP, which are in charge of oversees repatriations in East Asia, and at the same time was the subject of occupation administration under the jurisdiction of Korea. Even the same command system could have different interests depending on which of the direct jurisdictions were different, and this difference in opinion was mainly revealed by the problem of transportation of returnees.

The Process of Introduction and Transition of Ideological Converting Policy of Japanese in Korea

The Process of Introduction and Transition of Ideological Converting Policy of Japanese in Korea

Anti-Tuberculosis Policy of the Government General of Korea during Japanese-Colonial Period (1910-1945): From Simple Restriction to Active Enlightenment

In this paper, I tried to examine the characteristic of anti-tuberculosis policy in colonial Korea and find out internal constraint of hygienic administration by Japanese government during Japanese-Colonial Period. Despite of high prevalence of tuberculosis among Japanese in Korea, the Japanese Government General of Korea had done almost nothing until 1936. Japan's hygienic administration was highly dependent upon hygienic police, and mainly with compulsory isolation and disinfection. It was inefficient in tuberculosis problem. In 1918, Japanese Government General enacted 'Ordinance of Prevention of Tuberculosis', solely based upon naive tuberculosis etiology in sputum; consisted of simple crackdown and isolation and had no effect due to the limit of anti-tuberculosis and health budget. Also the ordinance actually set limitation upon the tuberculosis facilities, only a few health care facilities could be affordable for tuberculosis patients. Since 1936, the Japanese Government General of Korea began tuberculosis prevention measures in earnest. Due to the Second Sino- Japanese War and World War II, there was urgent need to make Korean society and population as "safe, and healthy rear area". The Government organized 'Chosen Anti-tuberculosis Association' and highly pursued enlightment campaign. It was almost temporary measures of enlightenment and publicity. Also various types of health screening and tuberculosis prevalence research were introduced to Korean people. But it was not so effective to identify tuberculosis problem in Korea. Mass tuberculin test and X-ray test was introduced, but it was not well organized and scientifically designed. Besides, tuberculosis treatment facility was extremely rare because of strict isolation and high standard policy. Japanese Governemtn set numerous tuberculosis-counseling centers and mobilized public doctor for consulting tuberculosis, but the accessibility of centers was very low. Moreover, there was no source to establish facilities like sanatorium. The Japanese Government General of Korea was constantly suffered from limit of budget and a lot of Japanese in Korea had no inherent motive for installing sanatorium and anti-tuberculosis measures. As the result, the effort made by Japanese Government General of Korea to diminish tuberculosis in Korea failed during the wartime.

‘Chosun Education Decree’ and Japanese in Korea Education System

‘Chosun Education Decree’ was the main decree for education system in the colonial Chosun by Japan. The education systems for Koreans and Japanese in Korea were organized under different legal items until 1922. This period was used to introduce and repair the Japanese education system after the conquering of Chosun. Japan integrated the Korean and Japanese education systems underthe same legal and systematic frames with the second education decree. By expanding the application to both groups of people, the Chosun Education Decree became the law that targeted the entire colonial Chosun. From then on, the entity of Chosun education was the Japanese people in Korea and the Chosun education system started to change into the Japanese education system. At the same time, the schooling system of the Chosun people and the Japanese people started here. The “transformation” and “Non-Segregated Education” systems from the second education decree were completed with the third education decree. The basic policy for Japanese education in Korea was to not differentiate it from the education in mainland Japan even from the early colonization period. By combining the Japanese education systems for Korea and Japan with the second education decree, Japan allowed the Japanese people to be able to receive the same education as in the mainland.

Translated Chosun: Literature of Chosun Translated in Chosunshiron Published by the Japanese in Korea during the Colonial Period

Translated Chosun: Literature of Chosun Translated in Chosunshiron Published by the Japanese in Korea during the Colonial Period

Real Condition of War Support of Japanese in Korea and its characteristic

Real Condition of War Support of Japanese in Korea and its characteristic

KyungSung(京城) in the 1910s shown in the periodical 『Joseon and Manchuria』

KyungSung was a city with a population of 170 thousand Japanese inhabitants in the year of 1910 under the rule of Japan. As you can see in the number, many Japanese lived in KyungSung at that time with Korean. The study about the lives in the city is the theme in the spotlight these days, but that of using documents left by Japanese is not that active.<BR> In this situation, I would like to direct our notice to the Japanese magazine『 Joseon and Manchuria』. That periodical was founded in 1908 by Shakuo Ikuo(釋尾旭邦). a Japanese who had been living in Korea, and had been published until January in 1941. In total, 398 volumes had been published. Considering the duration, though it was written from the point of Japanese, it is a noticeable and essential material to understand the process of the changes of living conditions and peoples’ values, and daily lives under the rule of Japanese.<BR> As the first step in the study of 『Joseon and Manchurian』, I have researched what the scene of KyungSung was like and the lives of Korean and Japanese in KyungSung, focusing on the articles of the magazine in the 1910s. The result is as follows.<BR> By contrasting the uncivilizedness of Korea and the prosperity of the Japanese settlements, the record of travel written by a Japanese, an article of the magazine in those days, took pride in Japan being a civilized imperialist power which colonized Korea.<BR> What is noticeable from the point of the periodical is continuously bringing up the inequality between the classes, that of the ruling class against the general citizens. In this context the magazine gave a full account of the lives of the lower-class Japanese living in KyungSung in the 1910s It introduced the lives of unemployed vegabonds, Joseon Nyoubo(Japanese women who had relations with Japanese man, while staying in Joseon), singing and dancing girls, licensed prostitutes, taking pity upon them. On the other hand the periodical criticized the privileges of Japanese government officials, Japanese millionaires, and their vanity with luxurious habits.<BR> 『Joseon and Manchuria』charged, first of all, evil practices and misconducts of the nobility of Joseon. Besides that the magazine called Korean ‘Yobo’ meaning slyness, laziness, cold-heartedness, arrogance, self-interest, lack of public spirit. The word included all the uncivilizedness. It showed one side of the period with biased imperialistic views. Thirdly the magazine tried to suggest blueprints of ‘assimilation’, by introducing the examples of marriages by the peoples from the two countries, and showing the exchange of popculture and mixed use of the two languages.<BR> Thus 『Joseon and Manchuria』shows that KyungSung in the 1910s appeared to be modern, but had a growing conflicts by the two peoples and classes. It means that Japan was discharging its contradictions at KyungSung in those days. Though the Japanese officials thought ‘the principle of assimilation’ impossible at that time, Shakuo’s belief in western civilization and his hope for making Korean Japanese shows one side of the utopia which Japanese in Korea dreamed in modern times.

日本(1868-1915)との比較からみた韓国(1876-1910)における「体育」の概念の形成過程に関する研究

I studied the development of the concept of physical education in Korea (1876-1910) in comparison with Japan (1868-1915). During these periods, many people became aware of the need for physical health, and exercise for relaxation and hygiene. This led to the concept of physical education, and after a few years, the term "Physica1 Education" was coined. The process by which the concept of physical education developed in Korea (1876-1910) in comparison with Japan (1868-1915) was as follows: 1) "Yojo(養生)", which means physical education, appeared in Japan in 1873, while "Yang Sung(養生)" was first advocated by Park Younghyo, who had come to Japan as a political refugee in 1888. 2) "Shintai Kyoiku(身体教育)", which simply expresses the concept of physical education, appeared in 1875. This was followed in 1873 by "Karada no oshie(体の教)", which represents "Education for the Body", and then by "Shinkyo(身教)" in 1875. Later," Karada no kyoiku(体の教育)" appeared in 1878, and "Ikutai(育体)" in 1878. However there was no shortening process of "Physica1 Education" in Korea. Instead the term "Supsang(摂生)", which expresses the concept of physical education, and "Cheyang(体養)", which expresses three forms of training ideology, i.e. training for morality, body and wisdom, appeared in Korea in 1895 and 1905, respectively. 3) Fina11y the term "Physical Education", shortened from "The Education Physical" appeared in Japan in 1876, and the term was popularized after the foundation of the "taiso denshusho(体操伝習所)" gymnasium. The term "Physical Education" was first introduced by the Japanese in Korea in 1895. In addition, in Japan physical education by means of exercise first appeared in 1879, while in Korea physical education was introduced in 1897 by people who had been studying in Japan. Physical education by means of exercise was introduced by Korea in 1900. In this way, the first concept of physical education in Korea was considered to be education for physical training through exercise. Meanwhile, the concept of physical education, meaning education for the body and spirit through exercise, appeared in Japan in 1884, whereas it did not appear in Korea until 1906. There after, physical education meaning sports or exercise itself appeared in Japan in 1892, but not unti1 1906 in Korea. 4) In Japan "The Education for Physical(身体教育)", emphasizing physical education, appeared in 1881 and 1886, while in Korea this was introduced by a Korean studying in Japan in Korean studying in Japan in Korea in 1908. As mentioned above, the development of the concept of "Physical Education" in Korea (1876-1910) did not show any shortening process from "The Education for Physical". In addition, the periods of emergence of "Physical Education" were different from each other because "Physical Education" in Korea was initially imported by Japanese, and even "The Education for Physical" was introduced by people studying in Japan. Accordingly the concept of "Physical Education" meaning "The Education for Physical" through exercise and sanitation, meaning education of the body and spirit through exercise, and sports or exercise itself, appeared in Korea 28 years later than in Japan. Also in Korea "The Education for Physical" appeared after "Physical Education" had been founded. Thus the process was opposite to that in Japan. In conclusion, although the process showed a different order, the development of "Physical Education" in Korea (1876-1910) was influenced by that in Japan (1868-1915).