Japanese Consulate Research Articles

Understanding the Guanxi Culture in Chinese Art Market: Okada Kosho and Shanghai Art World in the Late-nineteenth Century

Shanghai art market had developed a strong international trade system since China was forced to have her gate ajar in the late-nineteenth century. In 1873, a Nagasaki doctor Okada Kosho (1821-1903) travelled to Shanghai and Suzhou. Thanks to the development of stochastic models for the analysis of social networks in contemporary statistics, the structure of Okada’s guanxi (social connections) in Shanghai and Suzhou in the late nineteenth century can be represented by the model, which illustrated that Okada was connected with a few “bridges”, including the Japanese artist Yasuda Rozan, Japanese Consulate Shinagawa Tadamichi, an official dispatched at the end of 1860s to Shanghai, Kumashiro Encho, and the prominent art collector of the Guoyun Chamber, and Gu Cheng, all of whom helped Okada Kosho to explore the Shanghai and Suzhou art world. Through the bridging ties spanned by these individuals, Okada interacted closely with a particular cluster of Chinese artists, art collectors and art dealers. This proved that the Chinese art community heavily relied on social connections of the “bridges” in advertising itself and spreading its reputation. This paper first outlines the Shanghai art market in the late nineteenth century based on Okada Kosho’ s Diaries of Shanghai and Suzhou (1890). It then argues for the opportunity and limitation of building guanxi in the context of the Chinese art market. Finally, it suggests research approaches based on viewing the late-nineteenth-century Shanghai art market in this new way.

Weltliteratur in der Shanghaier jüdischen Exilpresse (1939–1947) ed. by Ruoyu Zhang

Reviewed by: Weltliteratur in der Shanghaier jüdischen Exilpresse (1939–1947) ed. by Ruoyu Zhang Samuel Kessler Ruoyu Zhang, ed., Weltliteratur in der Shanghaier jüdischen Exilpresse (1939–1947). Munich: Iudicum Verlag, 2022. 282 pp. The coming-into-existence of the Jewish exile community in Shanghai was one of the most fascinating consequences of the rise of fascism in 1930s Germany and the subsequent dislocation (for those who would or could escape) of Jews from Central and Eastern Europe. Its creation is a story whose reality feels as fantastical as any movie, and its short-lived existence has lent its memory an air of magical realism: a world of German and East European Jewry arising whole cloth in the Far East, only to vanish entirely within a decade. Yet there it was, an island of European Judaism in an ancient Chinese city, complete with newspapers, yeshivas, and a Yiddish-speaking underworld. [End Page 125] How did this most peculiar of Ashkenazic cultures end up in Shanghai, and what did it feel like to live there? While most nations had officially closed their borders to Jewish immigration by the late 1930s (a policy made condescendingly clear at the now-notorious Evian Conference of July 1938), a handful—often because of the actions of just one or two diplomats or politicians, in this case, chief among them those of Chiune Sugihara, a Japanese consul in Lithuania—became unexpected destinations for Jews desperately seeking to leave Europe. One of these places was Shanghai, the Chinese port city at the mouth of the Yangtze River. Divided among various colonial trading concessions since the mid-nineteenth century, the city after 1932 was under partial, then full Japanese occupation. Yet throughout the war it remained home to an international community of Europeans, Russians, and Central and East Asians. And because in the 1930s Shanghai did not require entry visas, this wealthy, cosmopolitan, deeply contested city, occupied by an ally of Nazi Germany and located on the farthest coast of the Eurasian continent, became home to a quixotic Jewish community of, at its height, some twenty thousand souls, from urban former German and Austrian citizens—trained as physicians, artists, musicians, journalists, and engineers—to the four hundred rabbis and students of the Mir Yeshiva, one of the most famous in Eastern Europe. In Weltliteratur in der Shanghaier jüdischen Exilpresse (1939–1947), Ruoyu Zhang gives us a sense of just what those German-educated Jews living in exile in Shanghai were reading and thinking about. Culling extracts from the German-Jewish newspapers printed in the city, this anthology presents the wide variety of international journalism, speeches, and political documents published so that the community could stay abreast of world events and the opinions of important persons. Zhang includes writings by Jews and non-Jews living around the world, from the most famous—Thomas and Heinrich Mann, Sigrid Undset, Albert Einstein—to the less familiar though still widely respected—Max Eitingon, Max Nordau, Emil Ludwig. As Zhang writes, much of what appeared in these periodicals directly represented the experiences of the community in Shanghai: "Die […] Werke standen alle mehr oder weniger in Übereinstimmung mit den Anliegen, Exilerfahrungen, Erwartungen, dem seelischen Verlust und den sozialen Problemen der jüdischen Emigranten in Shanghai" (10). Yet this was by no means a parochial press, and while the content might have reflected the present situation (which is, of course, the primary purpose of journalism and popular periodicals), [End Page 126] the range of authorship and geography was perhaps surprising, suggesting a community that, though marooned far from home, was anything but disconnected from world events: "der vorliegende Band [ist] ein guter Beleg dafür, dass die jüdischen Exilperiodika in Shanghai im Zeitraum von 1939 bis 1949 keineswegs von der Außenwelt isoliert blieben, sondern stets in enger Verbindung mit den weltweiten Medien standen" (10). This book is the follow-up to Zhang's first edited volume, "Wir in Shanghai": Pressetexte deutscher und österreichischer Journalisten im Exil (1939–1949) (Iudicum 2021), which, together with this new work, contain the selection of the primary sources that formed the basis for Zhang's monograph on the subject, "Orient und Okzident/Sind nicht mehr zu...

A Holocaust Paragon of Virtue’s Rise to Fame

Abstract During the summer of 1940, Sugihara Chiune (1900–1986), the Japanese consul in Lithuania, issued transit visas to several thousand Polish-citizen refugees, mostly Jews. His willingness to do so was instrumental in their departure overseas shortly after the country was taken over by Soviet forces. Almost a year later, as Operation Barbarossa unfolded, the Jewish community in Lithuania, along with the remaining refugees, was brutally annihilated. Decades later, the Israeli state memorial Yad Vashem conferred the title of Righteous Among the Nations on Sugihara, thereby initiating his commemoration as a Holocaust rescuer. Today, Sugihara has become a national hero in Japan and is considered a paragon of virtue in a number of other countries too. This article examines the way Sugihara was transformed from a completely unknown figure into a world-famous symbol of Holocaust-era heroism. It focuses on the transnational mechanisms that facilitated this transformation as well as on the divergent but often also complementary motives in three of the countries most involved in the commemoration: Japan, Israel, and Lithuania. By so doing, this article seeks to uncover the theoretical underpinning of heroism and its memory and the way they are manipulated across cultures.

Securitisation behind persona non grata: Implications to the theory and the cases regarding the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022

Background: Diplomats or consuls can be declared persona non grata (PNG) by receiving states. In many cases, it is declared for security reasons, claiming that issues caused by sending states are matters of national security of receiving states. The extant literature focused on legal aspects of it regarding diplomatic immunities and privileges, but the declarations of PNG in international affairs require considerations from security studies. Methods: Security is a social construct, and the process of construction is explained by securitisation theory by the Copenhagen School and the Paris School. The paper conducted an overview of PNG by a general examination of the declarations of PNG with securitisation theory. Further examinations were done focusing on series of the declarations of PNG during the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Along with the overall examination of PNG during the crisis, the analysis of the declaration of PNG to a Japanese Consul in Vladivostok, Russia was conducted as a unique case. Results: Generally, declaration of PNG is a result of securitisation within normal politics as the Paris School theorised, not exceeding normal politics as the Copenhagen School theorised. Also, two implications to the theory were found: 1) the need to focus on the existential threat; and 2) the need to consider a sphere of gradation between normal and emergency politics. The massacre in Bucha, Ukraine triggered many declarations of PNG, indicating that the cause of the securitisation of PNG was the massacre as an existential threat. The case of Vladivostok was a deviation from normal politics with a possible illegal detention of the consul, but the declaration of PNG itself is within normal politics. Rather than seeing the case simply as in the realm of emergency politics, it is better interpreted as a mixture of normal and emergency politics.

Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive as a Source of Research on the Activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odessa in the Interwar Period

The purpose of the study is to clarify the source potential of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive for studying the specifics of the activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odesa in the interwar period. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, systematicity and general scientific and special scientific methods, in particular archival heuristics and source criticism. The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the reconstruction of the Ukrainian component of the source base of the activity of the Japanese consulate in Odesa in the interwar period. Conclusions: The main array of documents related to the activities of the Japanese consular institution in Odesa in the interwar period was not preserved in Ukrainian archives. At that time, Ukraine was part of the USSR, was deprived of the right to engage in foreign policy activities and interacted with foreign missions within the framework of all-Union instructions. Soviet special services also supervised foreign missions. The Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine holds a relevant documentary complex, which includes three thematic groups: reports on the results of supervising the heads of the Consulate of Japan in Odesa; reports on the results of supervising consulate staff; copies of intercepted consul reports on the economic and social policy of the USSR, the state of industry and agriculture. The source base for the study of the activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odesa is wider than the documents of the special services and is part of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive in the segment of Ukrainian-Japanese relations. Despite the fact that the activity of the consulate can be considered only as a diplomatic presence of Japan on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR, documentary information indicates direct contacts of Japanese diplomats with Ukrainian state bodies, plans to start trade relations with the Ukrainian SSR, etc. Documents on this topic are also in the Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities of Ukraine, state archives of Odesa and Mykolaiv regions. The creation of the Diplomatic e-archive will help expand access to documents about the activities of foreign missions in Ukraine and Ukrainian-Japanese relations

Діяльність консульства Японії в Одесі під керівництвом Шімади Шіґеру. Частина ІI

The history of the Japanese consulate in Odesa consists of two key periods: 1889–1910 and 1926–1937. Shimada Shigeru became the third head of the Soviet-era institution, working as a consul in Odesa from 1927 to 1930. The main content of Shimada’s work was writing reports. The source of information for writing reports was periodicals and personal experience of consular officers. To understand the affairs of the Soviet Union, they often went on various business trips. During the period of Shimada’s work in Odessa, he made about 200 reports. The main topics were economic reviews, analysis of the food crisis, international trade, ethnic picture of the region, the state of industrial development, strengthening the totalitarian system, the implementation of various cultural projects and more. The consul saw the low standard of living of the population. He predicted the future disaster in agriculture, namely Holodomor. The materials of the many consul’s reports were intercepted by Soviet counterintelligence agents. However, they did not manage to discover really secret materials. In addition, the consul monitored changes in the Soviet government. He evaluated results of its activity extremely negatively. During official meetings, Shimada always showed loyalty to the USSR, held restrained views in his reports, but openly criticized the Soviet reality in personal conversations.

Діяльність консульства Японії в Одесі під керівництвом Шімади Шіґеру. Частина І

In 1926 the work of the Japanese Imperial Consulate in Odesa was resumed. The second, Soviet, stage in the history of the institution lasted until 1937. The first consul of this time was Sasaki Seigo (1926), then the institution was temporarily headed by Kamimura Shinitsi (1926–1927). Shimada Shigeru became the third head of the institution, working as a consul in Odesa from 1927 to 1930. He was a qualified diplomat, participated in the Soviet-Japanese negotiations, became the first Japanese consul in Alexandrovsk (Sakhalin). Most of his assignments were geographically in the Russian Empire / Soviet Union. In Odesa, Shimada was under close surveillance by the Counterintelligence Department of the State Political Administration. In 1927, they finally managed to get secret agents among the consulate staff. These were cook Olena Shetske and courier-guard Mykhailo Tsybulko. In addition, state security officers were among the acquaintances of consular officers. A good acquaintance of consul, Volodymyr Fomenko, who even became a consultant to the Ukrainian language institution during Shimada’s time, provided the most information to the DPU. Consulate staff were well informed about the availability of agents. This is indicated by the security measures they had taken to prevent Soviet agents from intercepting valuable information. In the end, they managed to complete the task. The DPU received information about the personal views of the consul and the official actions of the institution. Other staff members of the consulate at this time were Camimura (vice-consul, recalled in February 1927), Goto (secretary, served from 1926 to 1928), and Noguchi (secretary, 1928–1930). In addition, in 1929 Mitani was sent to Kyiv for one year to study the Ukrainian language. At that time, internal conflicts between the consular officers were constantly erupting.

Радянські спецслужби vs японської дипломатії (на матеріалах японського консульства в Одесі в міжвоєнний період)

The article is devoted to the activities of the Japanese consulate in Odesa during 1926–1937, which since its opening has been under the “watchful eye” of the Soviet secret services. Throughout the period of the consulate’s existence in the city, it was closely monitored externally and internally, both for its work and for the contacts of consular staff in the city and abroad. The Odesa branch of the DPU established a network of internal agencies that worked directly at the consulate. The consulate was “served” by 11 secret staff, who provided daily relevant information on the activities of the consulate and its staff. The main reasons for such actions were the absence of Japanese citizens in Odesa and the lack of trade and economic relations through the port of Odesa. The Soviet secret services concluded that the opening of the consulate was aimed exclusively at espionage in the USSR. This inference was reinforced by the active study by Japanese employees of the political, economic, cultural, and military situation not only in the consular district but also in other cities of the USSR and the USSR in general, especially the Caucasus. This was facilitated by the constant travels of the Japanese consul in the cities of the USSR. Each employee of the Japanese consulate in Odesa was given a case-form, where the defendant received a nickname, intelligence materials about his activities, personal characteristics and a list of contacts with local citizens were collected, which then fell under the “development” of DPU special agents. The article reveals the process of recruiting “important” representatives of the consulate by Soviet special services. As a result, the translator S. Feldman, the courier-security guard of the Japanese consulate in Odesa M. Tsibulko, the technical secretary Livshits, the typist I. Zagorskaya and others were taken into “agency development”. Recruiters from the DPU’s counterintelligence department took a personal approach to each of them.

Камімура Шін’ічі: кохання чи кар’єра?

In 1889 a decision was made to establish a Japanese consulate in Odesa. The institution was opened in 1892. But in 1909 the institution temporarily closed its work. It was restored during the Soviet era in 1926. Sasaki Seigo became the first consul. The staff also included Vice-Consul Kamimura Shin’ichi and Secretary Goto Yasutsugu. When Sasaki was recalled, Kamimura became acting consul. He headed the institution from May 1926 to February 1927. Secretary Goto Yasutsugu remained with him. At that time, consular officers performed typical duties: researching local periodicals, traveling to and from the consular region, and compiling reports on the economic, social, and cultural life of Ukraine and the Soviet Union. From the first days of its activity, the consulate aroused passionate interest from the counterintelligence department of the State Political Administration. They tried to establish external surveillance of the Japanese and get their own agents among the consulate staff. The first task was completed without much hassle. But the counterintelligence did not succeed in the second task for the period of Kamimura’s stay in the city. Due to this, the Odesa department constantly received requests from Kharkiv and Moscow to recruit as a secret agent someone from the consulate or people especially close to the Japanese. As early as 1926, counterintelligence officers turned their attention to Iryna Zagorska, Kamimura Shin’ichi’s civilian wife. At the beginning of the summer of 1926, they had a child together. For the period from spring to summer of 1926, the State Political Administration was of the opinion that her recruitment was impossible. But constant quarrels between Shin’ichi and Iryna over the latter’s reckless lifestyle motivated Soviet special services to reconsider their position. At the end of 1926, they contacted Zagorska, who agreed to cooperate. But it did not bring the desired results for the State Political Administration. In early 1927, counterintelligence officers even came into direct contact with Kamimura, who refused to cooperate. Reconstruction of the period of Kamimura Shin’ichi’s work in Odesa, tracing the main directions of his activity and analysis of the nature of his interaction with the State Political Administration is the goal of our publication.

Архитектура консульств инженера Юлия Жданова

Статья посвящена творчеству русского инженера Ю.П. Жданова в Харбине. Выделены объекты, в которых располагались консульские учреждения: нидерландское консульство в особняке Чистякова, консульство Японии в здании Харбинского отделения Южно-Маньчжурской железной дороги и две постройки, по некоторым данным, его авторства – консульство Португалии в особняке Скидельского и резиденция генерального консула Японии. Представлен анализ объемно планировочных и стилистических особенностей этих зданий. Приводится краткий экскурс в историю развития консульских учреждений в Маньчжурии. Прослеживаются этапы присутствия России на Дальнем Востоке и ее влияние. Полученные результаты являются основой для дальнейшего исследования творчества русских архитекторов в городах Маньчжурии (Северо-Восточный Китай) в период первой половины XX века.

Research on the Development of Cities and Architecture in the Open Ports (International Settlements and Foreign Concessions) of East Asia

In the past, to get from one country to another, a long journey on a ship was required. Trade between countries was also done using ships, which transported cargo via shipping routes across the globe. Ports in specific countries accommodated trade, including in East Asia where many were opened as a result of unequal treaties with western powers. Treaty ports were often agreed after western powers such as the UK and nUS defeated military powers in China, Japan and Korea and terms favouring the successful nations were agreed. Foreigners would arrive into the treaty ports, and commodities such as restaurants, foreigners clubs, churches and racecourses were built for these new citizens. Ultimately, colonisation occurred, with areas in China, Japan and Korea being commandeered by Western ways of life. A team of researchers led by Professor An-Suk Son, Research Center for Non Written Cultural Materials, Kanagawa University, Japan, is looking at the open ports of East Asia, investigating the history and architecture of the Japanese consulate, banks, schools, hospitals and spinning companies. A key focus for the researchers is on buildings that were developed during the time of foreign settlement. Previous studies that have been done in this area have tended to focus on Shanghai in China, Yokohama in Japan and Incheon in Korea, and Son's research is innovative in that it uses new materials that have emerged in the years since, such as English newspapers, magazines, pictures, leaflets and photo books. The team also plants to build on previous studies to include places such as Qingdao and Guangzhou.

Curating Koreanness: Musical Activities of Elite Korean Women in Hawai'i during the Japanese Colonial Period, 1910–1945

Curating KoreannessMusical Activities of Elite Korean Women in Hawai'i during the Japanese Colonial Period, 1910–1945 Heeyoung Choi (bio) During the early twentieth century, residents of Honolulu regularly witnessed multiethnic groups dressed in traditional costumes presenting music and dance of their own culture onstage for tourists and residents. Koreans were among such performers. Beginning in the late 1920s, an increasing number of Korean cultural organizations in Hawai'i prompted a surge of cultural interaction among diverse ethnic groups, including those from Japan, China, and the Philippines. At such multicultural events, where immigrant communities shared their traditional culture, Koreans frequently performed traditional dance, folk songs, and new dramatic plays incorporating Korean folktales. Traditionally in Korea, the works of preserving, adapting, and presenting Korean performing arts had been performed by "professional" female entertainers called kisaeng. And as such, the growing popularity and sightings of Korean cultural presentations in Hawai'i raise questions about who took the role of Korea's professional entertainers in Hawai'i far away from their homeland. This study examines women's status and their evolving role in music in early twentieth-century Hawai'i, identifying factors that motivated and contributed to their musical activities. During this period, Korean Hawaiians were in a precarious position. Most first-generation Korean Hawaiian immigrants were legally considered Japanese nationals, as the Empire of Japan annexed Korea from 1910 to 1945. Furthermore, the Korean population in Hawai'i, although about five times as big (per capita) as that in the US mainland, was significantly less than that of other ethnic groups: Koreans comprised less than 5 percent of the Hawaiian population, while 40 percent of the total population was made up of those of Japanese descent.1 [End Page 110] There is no record indicating that professional entertainers were among Korean immigrants in early twentieth-century Hawai'i. Instead, Korean women living in Hawai'i were mostly "picture brides" who came to the United States through a matchmaking system using photographs to match women in Korea and Korean men who were already resident in Hawai'i.2 Korean picture brides were often given a recommendation from a Christian missionary or pastor, and many opted for a picture marriage in order to pursue the dream of a modern education in America.3 The picture brides came to Hawai'i with the hope of living a better life, knowing neither the living environment in plantation villages nor (in most cases) English. By 1905 approximately 7,400 Korean laborers had immigrated to Hawai'i as contracted laborers in Hawaiian sugarcane plantations; most were single men in their twenties and thirties.4 An estimated 900 Korean brides who arrived in Hawai'i After the Empire of Japan annexed Korea had to go through the immigration process via Japanese authorities, and Korean laborers sending spousal permission to their future wives had to obtain a new passport from the Japanese consulate in Honolulu.5 Still, during the first two decades the cohort of married Korean immigrants grew quickly.6 Even though the Korean immigrants were legally Japanese, they enjoyed their own ethnic culture as a separate ethnic group within Hawai'i's multiethnic community. At this time, over 80 percent of plantation workers in Hawai'i were Asians from China, Japan, Korea, and the Philippines. Hawaiian authorities, including Hawaiian elites and American sugar planters, encouraged residents of Asian descent to maintain their own culture, promoting multicultural environments and events. They emphasized such efforts in order to instill a feeling of satisfaction and pride at living in a "democratic" society where people of different ethnic backgrounds could live in harmony.7 [End Page 111] Using newspaper articles, interview resources, and archival documents, my research reveals that Korean Hawaiian women from the yangban class took the initiative to preserve traditional Korean performing arts.8 These women were highly educated prior to moving to Hawai'i; examples include Ha-soo Whang and Susan Chun Lee. Members of the younger generation, including Mary Lee and Sarah Lee Yang, presented performances incorporating Korean traditional music and dance as amateur performers. By covering these specific historical personages with a focus on their social and educational backgrounds, I argue that elite Korean women, despite...

Cholera epidemic and quarantine of open ports in Joseon in 1886.

In 1886, cholera was prevalent nationwide in Joseon. This year was not yet the time when the Joseon government officially overhauled quarantine rules to go into effect. Thus, quarantine efforts to prevent cholera varied depending on each of the three opening ports in the Joseon Dynasty. In Wonsan, officials of the three countries(Joseon, Japan and Qing) discussed ways to deal with cholera, and quarantine activities were carried out smoothly. On the other hand, Busan underwent friction and conflict between the parties over the implementation of quarantine rules within the region. When the Japanese consulate said that it would establish quarantine rules first and implement them, officials from various countries, including the Joseon Dynasty, strongly protested against the movement, saying that they did not reach prior consent. On top of that, economic interests were also affecting circumstances of port trade. In Incheon, there were differences between the home country and the local consulate over the urgent issue to be dealt with locally and the legal principles of applying the treaty. Since consular officials were not authorized to establish quarantine rules, the situation was settled into cancellation of the rules already issued there. The Japanese consul working at each port in the Joseon Dynasty suggested specific rules to develop quarantine activities. At this point, we can read Japan's intention to preempt the standard of future quarantine inspections. The enforcement of quarantine rules, however, was a matter that required consent from the Joseon official Gamri, the Acting Commissioner of the Joseon Maritime Customs and diplomats from each country. Furthermore, they had to go through the process of obtaining review and approval from their home countries if there were any problems in the operation of the treaty. The establishment and implementation of quarantine rules were complicated by interests of various players in each country concerning protection of their own citizens. Even though it was timely and the purpose of implementation was good, it could not follow through the quarantine rules as proposed by the Japanese consul at the opening port. The accumulation of quarantine experience and information at each port of Joseon in 1886 provided the foundation for the Joseon government to move toward to establish quarantine rules and implement them with the consent of each country in the following year.

갑오개혁 이전 조선정부의 검역규칙 제정과 개정문제의 대두— ｢朝鮮通商口防備瘟疫暫設章程｣을 중심으로 —

In this article, after the Joseon government enacted ‘Temporary Regulations for the Prevention of the Introduction of Infectious Diseases at the Corean Treaty ports in 1887’(朝鮮通商口防備瘟疫暫設章程), it reviewed the revised requirements that emerged in the process of operating the rules at the treaty ports. These ports were the primary gateways to manage and control the movement of people and materials using ships. The key issues were how to develop quarantine activities to prevent infectious disease, and how to cooperate with each country. In particular, the parties that had the greatest interests in quarantine issues were Joseon and Japan. The two countries ironed out their positions in establishing and operating quarantine regulations on several occasions. As time went by since the enforcement of the temporary quarantine regulations, the need to arrange operational suppplement arouse. The Japanese consuls in Wonsan and Busan presented their opinions on the matters that need to be improved in the future. These issues included the management of supervision between the Joseon Maritime Customs officer and the quarantine committee member of the local area, the expansion of the number of quarantine members, and how to deal with the expenses of moving patients from the ship to a Cholera hospital and treating them after entering the port. Konsuke Hayashi(林權助), the Japanese Consul residing in Incheon, said, “The quarantine inspections being carried out by the Joseon government are not very effective”, expressing discontent and distrust over the operation and insisting that the quarantine regulations should be newly enacted to suit Japan’s interests. To improve the problem, the Japanese minister resident Teisuke Kajiyama(梶山鼎介) collected opinions from the consuls and prepared a revised version of the quarantine regulations based on the suggestions. However, the revision of the regulation required consultations and consent of foreign diplomats, as well as officials of Joseon government. Therefore, the negotiations for the revision did not go as easily as Japan had intended.

滿洲事變 이전 中國 安東에서 日本의 領事館警察署 설치와 운영

본 연구는 만주사변 이전 안동에서 일본의 영사관경찰 개설과 그 운영 을 살펴보려 하였다. 압록강 하구에 위치한 안동은 교통의 요충지였다. 만주로 이주하는 한 인들과 독립운동가들은 안동을 경유하여 만주로 들어가거나 안동을 거 점으로 활동하였다. 안동은 상해의 대한민국 임시정부와 북만주의 독립 운동 세력을 연결하는 중간 지점이기도 하였다. 일본이 안동에서 이러한 한인들을 감시하기 위하여 설치된 것이 영사관경찰서였다. 안동에서 일본의 영사관경찰서는 1906년 5월 영사관 개설과 함께 설 치되었다. 일본은 1884년 9월 상해영사관에 처음으로 순사를 파견한 것을 시작으로 중국에서 ‘외무성 경찰관’신분의 영사관경찰을 계속 증원하 였다. 일본은 러일전쟁 이후 만주에서 영사관을 개설하면서 그에 부속된 다양한 명칭의 영사관 경찰기구―경찰서와 분서, 그리고 그에 직속하는 출장소 및 파출소ㆍ파견소 등―를 설치하였다. 남만주에서 일본의 영사관경찰서 조직과 운영의 가장 큰 특징은 겸임 경찰제 실시였다. 1908년부터 외무성과 관동도독부의 겸임경찰제가 실 시되면서 남만주에서 일본 영사관은 관동도독부 사무관까지 겸임하였다. 하지만 관동도독부가 만주에서 경찰권을 장악한 상황에서 1909년부 터 관동도독부 소속 안동경무서장이 영사관경찰서장을 겸임하였다. 그 리고 시간이 지날수록 안동경무서의 영사관경찰서에 대한 인원과 조직 의 우위가 현저해졌으며, 1925년부터 영사관경찰서는 외무성경찰 정원 에서도 제외되어 관동도독부 소속이 되었으며, 1920년대 영사관경찰서 인원은 관동도독부 소속 인원으로 충당되었다. 이러한 점에서 당시 안동에서 일본의 영사관경찰서는 안동경무서와 동일한 기구로 간주되었으며, 안동에는 소속을 달리하는 두 경찰기구가 ‘한 지붕 두 가족’같은 형태로 존재하였다. 여기에서 다시 1923년부터 조 선총독부와 안동경무서의 겸임경찰제 실시로 조선총독부 경찰들이 안동 경무서로 부임하였다. 그 결과 당시 안동을 포함한 압록강 연안에는 외무 성.관동도독부.조선총독부 소속 경찰들이 활동하는 지역이 되었다. 이미 1920년대가 되면 인원과 조직에서 안동경무서에 미치지 못하였 던 영사관경찰서가 유지되었던 것은 영사관의 특권인 치외법권 때문이 었다. 러일전쟁 이후 일본은 치외법권을 배경으로 안동영사관 관할구역 의 교통 요충지와 한인 거주지에서 다수의 주재소와 파출소를 설치하였 던 것이다. 이처럼 일본은 러일전쟁 이후부터 만주에서 겸임경찰제 실시를 통하여 경찰기구를 설치하고, 이를 통하여 안동-신의주를 중심으로 한 압록강 연안을 통제하고 나아가 남만주를 지배할 수 있었다.

Refugees between myth and reality

The number of memorial sites dedicated to Ch. Sugihara in Lithuania is growing every year. This figure is particularly well known in Kaunas and Vilnius (the main cities of Lithuania). The memorialization process of Ch. Sugihara takes place in Japan as well. Does this enhanced attention to Sugihara in both countries allow us to speak about memorialization links between Japan and Lithuania? Is there any opportunity to carry out studies in order to investigate activities dedicated to his remembrance? To this end, we have to research the actions taken in order to create Ch. Sugihara's image in the sources of historical, cultural and communicating memory. But first, we have to find out what was going on in 1940 and try to answer very important questions. During the first weeks of World War II, while the German-Polish front line was proceeding east, thousands of people were moving towards unoccupied regions. The refugees might be described as a large mixed mass, in which Polish and Jewish refugees represented the absolute majority. The civil refugees and internees came to Lithuania escaping from the war, and this decision was not based on free will, but on a natural survival instinct. The archival sources provide information that some of the Polish underground organizations had very closely connected with foreign embassies and consulates. The network of underground covered Warsaw, Berlin, Stockholm, Paris, London and Tokyo. However, after June 15, 1940, the situation changed drastically. When the Jewish refugees fell under the Soviet influence for the second time, they had an intention to leave Lithuania which was being annexed. The Jewish refugees began to seek for alternative ways of leaving Lithuania which was losing its independence. The Japanese diplomat, who served as Vice-Consul for the Empire of Japan in Lithuania, Ch. Sugihara was the rescuer who helped refugees leave Lithuania. Despite the fact that many years had passed since summer 1940, there are still too many unanswered questions. The circumstances of the connection between Polish underground and Japanese consulate are still unknown, as well as the role of links between the foreign embassies in Kaunas (Lithuania), the countries they were representing and the refugees who tried to escape in the summer 1940. The answers would be like material to produce bricks in order to create a palace of memory and enable us to speak about the memorialization links between Japan and Lithuania.

The memory of Sugihara and the ‘visas for life’ in Poland

This article examines the historical memory of the act of issuing over 2,000 visas to Polish Jews by the Japanese Consul in Lithuania, Sugihara Chiune. Sugihara’s “visas for life” are memorialised heavily in Japan, in the countries where the refugees ultimately settled (Israel, United States, Canada and Australia), and in Lithuania. However, in Poland the story is barely known, and it does not seem to form part of the national narrative of survival during WWII. Is it because the refugees were Polish Jews, and, as such, they do not belong to either the Polish or the Jewish historical memory? The study of Polish “places of memory” (Pierre de Nora’s lieux de memoire ) revealed that in Poland this topic attracts researchers primarily in the field of Japanese Studies, and not in Jewish Studies or WWII Studies. The presence of this story in the media and popular culture is scattered and fragmented. In terms of institutional memory and memorialisation of this act, Sugihara twice was granted (posthumously) high state awards by the Republic of Poland, but there are no monuments, no streets named after him, no museum exhibits dedicated to “visas for life” – in stark contrast to Lithuania. It is even more remarkable that stories of survival of an estimated 6,000 refugees – Polish citizens, do not attract public interest in Poland. The article concludes that a number of new “places of memory” are needed in Poland to properly commemorate Sugihara’s act of issuing visas, and the fate of thousands of Polish Jews who escaped the Holocaust.

The System Review and the Critical Study of the Chapter Korea of 『Tongsangwichan(通商彙纂)-The report of the Japanese consulate to South Korea(駐韓日本領事館報告)』

The System Review and the Critical Study of the Chapter Korea of 『Tongsangwichan(通商彙纂)-The report of the Japanese consulate to South Korea(駐韓日本領事館報告)』

근대 만주지역 일본영사관의 조선인경찰채용정책

In the process of aggression against China, Japan established many consulates according to the China-Japan treaty and makes full use of them. In Manchuria, Japan, using the excuse of protecting the name of the Japanese and Koreans, set up many illegal police agencies and equipped them with police. In order to earn the right to manage the Koreans, crack down on Korean anti-Japanese independent movements, and combat police charges, the police agency of the Japanese consulate in the Korean residential area hired many Koreans. According to instructions from the Japanese foreign ministry on local consulate cooperation with the Government-General of Korea, of most police officers from the Government-General of Korea, only a few were locally recruited. In Manchuria, the “inter-island” consulate and its five points had mostly Korean police. The Korean police is superior to the Japanese police in language and interpersonal relationships. They bear the task of translation, ask about the areas of residence, investigate anti-Japanese activities, destroy anti-Japanese base areas, and generally play a special role. That is, they are far more active than the Japanese police. Their purpose is not to set records or and gain promotion, but to obtain a wealthy lifestyle. Because of their extreme individualism, the Korean national anti-Japanese movement suffered a heavy blow. This means that the Japanese governments strategy of “controlling Koreans by using Koreans” was successful. In spite of this, the Japanese government maintains its ethnic discrimination policy. The salary and positions of the Korean police are far lower than that of the Japanese police. As a result, the Japanese began to believe that they were a master race and that other people were inferior.

DARI KYUUSHUU KE RAN’IN: KARAYUKI-SAN DAN PROSTITUSI JEPANG DI INDONESIA (1885-1920)

Karayuki-san is a term referring to Japanese women who worked as prostitutes abroad from the Meiji Period (1868-1912) to the World War II. This study investigates the various conditions that encourage Japanese women to be karayuki-san, to understand the kinds of exploitations that the karayuki-san experienced during their journey to Indonesia and worked as prostitutes in some cities in Indonesia. The main data sources for this research are some diplomatic records (confidential and disclosed) obtained from the Japanese Consulate in Singapore and Batavia from Meiji 28 (1895) to Taisho 4 (1915), Dutch Colonial Governments Regulations related to Japanese migrants, particularly those collected in the Missive Gouvernements Secretaris (Mgs), and dialog records between Yamazaki Tomoko and the ex-karayuki-san that were recorded in Sandakan Hachiban Shookan (Sandakan No.8 Brothel).