Janitorial Work Research Articles

Policy and Kidney Community Engagement to Advance toward Greener Kidney Care.

Policy and Kidney Community Engagement to Advance toward Greener Kidney Care.

Environmental Management Strategy In Schools: A Case Study At SMA Negeri 1 Bekasi, West Java

This paper aims to find out about school environmental management strategies in West Java secondary schools. To guide the study, three research questions were formulated. This is achieved by administering a structured questionnaire in a random sample school of 100 students. The findings show regular lawn cleaning, school complex sweeping and painting, landscaping and flower planting, good drainage and garbage disposal are strategies adopted for managing school environments. While the lack of gardeners to keep the school complex clean, erosion, students and teachers are not responsive to environmental problems, difficulties in instilling students' environmental values due to different care of homes, lack of funds for procurement of work tools/equipment and challenges of waste disposal are some of the challenges. Identified in the management of the school environment. For a better and better school environment for good academic practice, school environmental management team, plans for drainage and waste disposal, consideration of school locations for new schools, janitorial work, terminal orientation programs, development of curricula on environmental management, inspections and school competitions and awards are recommended

Someday We Will Fly by Rachel DeWoskin

Reviewed by: Someday We Will Fly by Rachel DeWoskin Elizabeth Bush DeWoskin, Rachel Someday We Will Fly. Viking, 2019 [368p] Trade ed. ISBN 978-0-670-01496-5 $17.99 E-book ed. ISBN 978-1-101-61788-5 $10.99 Reviewed from galleys R Gr. 7-10 A raid in 1940 Warsaw separates Lillia and her father and baby sister from Mama, so the trio must make their planned flight to Shanghai without her. Arriving with little money and no readily marketable skills, the family stays at a Jewish shelter in the poor Hongkou neighborhood, living on scanty rations and growing increasingly doubtful that Mama will find a way to join them—or that she’s even alive. Fifteen-year-old Lillia would rather work than go to school, but her father and neighbors insist, and her friendship with a Chinese teen who does janitorial work at the school eases her grief over her mother. Relationships even within the Jewish community, however, can be as complex and fraught as those with Chinese hosts and their Japanese occupiers. As the family fortunes slide from bad to worse, Lillia is as likely to push people away as to call upon their aid to keep her father and developmentally delayed sister alive through disease, semi-starvation, and despair for Mama. Mama does reappear, bent but not entirely broken from her own horrifying trials, and their reunion in a Shanghai now under full Japanese control only underscores the complexity of what constitutes lucky or unlucky in time of war. Lillia’s anger and jealousies are palpable, and many of her decisions are ethically ambiguous, making this a provocative exploration of what resilience means when you’re pushed to the edge. An author’s note and bibliography are included. Copyright © 2019 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Do Computers Follow Rules Once Followed by Workers?

Do Computers Follow Rules Once Followed by Workers? Bjorn Westergard (bio) In his 2014 paper “Polanyi’s Paradox and the Shape of Employment Growth,” economist David Autor puts forward a very general historical thesis (emphasis added): When a computer processes a company’s payroll, alphabetizes a list of names, or tabulates the age distribution of residents in each U.S. Census enumeration district, it is “simulating” a work process that would, in a previous era, have been done by humans using nearly identical procedures. The principle of computer simulation of workplace tasks has not fundamentally changed since the dawn of the computer era. But its cost has. … This remarkable cost decline creates strong economic incentives for firms to substitute ever-cheaper computing power for relatively expensive human labor, with attendant effects on employers’ demand for employees. How could a historian of computing adjudicate this claim? How can we determine whether the procedures used by humans and computers are similar, let alone “nearly identical”? Part and parcel with this framing of the issue is Autor’s assertion that the inability of workers to articulate the rules they follow when carrying out a task constitutes an impediment to writing software to automate it and his suggestion that this impediment might be overcome with machine learning techniques, which putatively infer these “tacit rules” from a wealth of examples. Underwriting this view is a theory—henceforth, “the ALM theory”—first laid out by Autor, Levy, and Murnane in The Skill Content Content of Recent Technological Change (2003) and The New Division of Labor (2004), which builds upon Michael Polanyi’s epistemology and attendant conceptions of rule following. The ALM theory was developed in response to an economic literature that argued that adoption of computer technology—at the level of the industry, firm, or worksite—increases demand for the labor of those with a postsecondary education at the expense of those without. It was thought that in the race between education (supplying computer-complementary skills) and technology (creating demand for them), technology had and would prevail, driving up the wage premia of more educated workers.1 This “canonical model” of “skills-biased technical change” employed a binary classification scheme of “more-and less-skilled workers, often operationalized as college-and non-college-educated workers.” As the 1990s wore on economists found slowing growth in the college wage premium and nonmonotonic inequality growth difficult to account for in this framework. Subtler distinctions needed to be drawn.2 For these, economists pursuing the “task approach” looked to databases of job descriptions, such as the Department of Labor’s Dictionary of Occupational Titles and its successor O*NET, to “[measure] the tasks performed in jobs rather than the educational credentials of workers performing those jobs.”3 They would conclude, contrary to the existing skill-biased technical change literature, that beginning in the late 1970s, computerization had issued in “job polarization” or “the simultaneous growth of high-education, high-wage and low-education, low-wages jobs.”4 The task approach drops the assumption that educational attainment determines work activity in favor of two production functions: one characterizing how labor and computer capital inputs combine to perform tasks, another characterizing how task performances combine to produce outputs (i.e., goods, services). The firm is taken to be a locus of task assignment and execution in which managers play a key role in “organizing tasks into jobs.”5 The heart of the ALM theory, which is meant to provide an interpretation of the data collected using the “task approach,” is the “ALM hypothesis”:6 (1) that computer capital substitutes for workers in carrying out a limited and well-defined set of cognitive and manual activities, those that can be accomplished by following explicit rules (what we term “routine tasks”); and (2) that computer capital complements workers in carrying out problem-solving and complex communication activities (“nonroutine tasks”). [End Page 5] In addition to being “routine” or “nonroutine,” tasks are also either “manual” or “cognitive.” Example classifications include record keeping, calculation, repetitive customer service (routine cognitive), medical diagnosis, legal writing, managing others (nonroutine cognitive), picking/sorting, repetitive assembly (routine manual), janitorial work, truck driving, and removing paper clips from documents7 (nonroutine...

Employment in Adults with Down Syndrome in the United States: Results from a National Survey.

There is no current data about employment/unemployment of adults with Down syndrome in the United States. The data that exists includes adults with Down syndrome as part of the larger group of people with disabilities or people with intellectual disability. This study used a survey to investigate paid and volunteer employment, unemployment, types of jobs, job training, job settings, job schedules and job satisfaction in adults with Down syndrome. There were 511 survey responses received. Findings were that there is high unemployment for adults with Down syndrome and that current employment is in a limited number of fields, primarily in the areas of food, janitorial work, landscaping, and office work. A small percentage of respondents have full time paid employment. A combination of part time paid employment and unpaid volunteer work is typical. Implications for educators, counselors, legislators and employers are discussed.

Data Wrangling: Making data useful again

Data analysis has become an everyday business and advancements of data management routines open up new opportunities. Nevertheless, transforming and assembling newly acquired data into a suitable form remains tedious. It is often stated, that data cleaning is a critical part of the overall process, but also consumes sublime amounts of time and resources. Data Wrangling is not only about transforming and cleaning procedures. Many other aspects like data quality, merging of different sources, reproducible processes, and managing data provenance have to be considered. Although various tools designed for specific tasks are available, software solutions accompanying the whole process are still rare.In this paper, some aspects of this first phase of most data driven projects, also known as data wrangling, data munging or janitorial work are described. Beginning with an overview on the topic and current problems, concrete common tasks as well as selected software solutions and techniques are discussed.

Inmate Governance in Brazilian Prisons

AbstractPrisons in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro are run not so much by prison guards as by inmates. In circumstances of severe overcrowding and acute staff shortage, prisoners are recruited or organise themselves, not only to perform clerical and janitorial work, but also to provide for welfare, discipline and security. Such inmate governance is as much a defining feature of Brazilian prison life as are inhumane living conditions. In recent years the roles played by inmates in managing the day‐to‐day running of Brazilian prisons have been largely subsumed by prison gangs. However, staff‐inmate relations remain characterised less by conflict and power as by accommodation and reciprocity.

‘Dirty Work?’ Gender, Race and the Union in Industrial Cleaning

The study uses an eclectic framework and through an intersectional analysis and use of narratives explores the meaning of janitorial work, the gender division of labour (GDL), the unions and organizing for janitors engaged in industrial cleaning for a big cleaning company, Pluto, in Toronto. Pluto was organized by the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) in 2006. The study is based on the organizing drive for Pluto and uses participant observation and interview methods. Intersectional analysis is useful in understanding the worker's perceptions of the racialized, gendered and classed constitution of cleaning work as ‘dirty’ and their resistance to these constructs. We explore GDL in industrial cleaning and the construction of women's work as ‘light duty’ and men's work as ‘heavy duty’. We conclude that union membership is important not only for material benefits of the janitors but also for their alternative identity construction. However, there is a persistence of GDL and gender pay equity is not addressed seriously in the organizing drive or upon organizing.

Malamud's “Subject Matter”:

Malamud's “Subject Matter”:

Memories of Cas Jeekel, friend, colleague, and role model

Memories of Cas Jeekel, friend, colleague, and role model

Sharp injuries and their determinants among health care workers at first-level care facilities in Sindh Province, Pakistan

To assess the rate and determinants of sharp injuries during the previous 6 months among health care workers at first-level care facilities in two districts of Pakistan. Cross-sectional survey at public, general practitioners and non-licensed private practitioners selected through stratified random sampling. At each facility, we interviewed a prescriber and a dispenser/injection provider about knowledge of bloodborne pathogens transmission and preventive practices, risk perception, and use of precautions and sharp injuries received during the previous 6 months. Multivariable Poisson regression was used to assess the factors associated with the number of sharp injuries. Fifty-four percentage of the 233 workers had at least one injury during the previous 6 months. The overall rate of sharp injuries per person per year was 3.7; among non-physician prescribers (9%), it was 4.3; among dispensers (69%), it was 3.7, and among physicians (18%), it was 2.1. In the multivariable model, work experience, risk perception and type of health care worker were significantly associated with receiving sharp injuries during the previous 6 months. In the model including dispensers only, a higher knowledge score was associated with fewer sharp injuries, while perceived severity of disease and lack of professional qualification were associated with more. Sharp injuries are common in Pakistan. Better knowledge about modes of bloodborne pathogen transmission and professional qualification may reduce their incidence.

Coming of Age in Yak Country

Moraru continuedfrom previous page Kierkegaard—pace Friedrich Nietzsche), but genuine "production," originating performance. It is a brisk linguistic dance—ultimately a story woven—around the untellable and the unnamable. This is the charged silence of the silenced, of absented presences and otherwise maimed, obliterated life, not the peaceful quiet of pastoral scenery, and it is quite telling (in all senses) that Federman brings it back to life with raucous vocality. This accusing glossolalia just cannot sound—cannot be—other than what it is: a capacious signifier of life, the index of a thorough autobiographic reanimation. It is the voice or the voices rather that speak the "gamin" Federman back into life, a linguistic cosmopolitanism flagging a cosmopolitan identity as exemplary as contested by its environs. "The somewhat incoherent cadence of my voice," Federman also discloses in My Body in Nine Parts, "certainly corresponds to the cadence of my life, since my voice speaks my life. And to make it worse, I often speak myself in two languages at the same time without making any distinction between the two." Retrieving the unspeakable past is then this exceedingly vociferous proposition. The present in which "Federman" and "Erica" — the real couple and the copula between the fictional and real realms no less— is thus step by step, kilometer after kilometer, and "péage" after "péage" sucked into a past of complications, complexities, and perplexities. This past, Federman's, speaks in tongues. It bears witness to a richness of being the brutal farm treatment threatened to pare down to an "abrutie" machine. The journey does not lead back to an idyllic "dolce far niente" in postcard-perfect French countryside but to its absolute opposite: hard labor dehumanizing the young boy and by the same token pushing him closer and closer to the other "brutes" (animals) and into their scatological world. The Lauzy farm is a fecal inferno. Its story is (what else?) "une histoire de merde" in more senses than one. Rejected by the outside world, brutally "refused" by it, the Jewish boy is here further assaulted by refuse and dejection. "Ui ferine" is quite literally steeped in refuse. The beasts, the cows in particular, overproduce it. Nature mimics them when "¡il] pleut comme une vache qui pisse." as the farm owner waxes lyrical. The field, too. feels like a ubiquitous outhouse with plowing and janitorial work irreversibly mixed up. And the politics of the time is full of it too. "The Retain fascist propaganda was founded on this sordid condition that stank ofcow shit." Federman concludes. The farmer even cogitates that "Manure is the essence of life, ...and each time he would hurl a pitchfork full of manure in my face." The philosophy of refuse and the literal refusal-cumhumiliation of the other converge eloquently in this conspicuously political gesture, a moment, in fact, as political as any on the farm, where, Federman recalls. "Everything made mc angry. Everything that was free, or that had the freedom to do nothing but eat and shit all day." Remembrance ofthings past mounts then a serious olfactory challenge, for this abject Proustianism brings back a whole phenomenology of excretion, as well as a "manural" politics, suffused as it is with the stench of decay, decrepitude, and servitude. It must happen in writing, of course, and, with another paradox, if this writing is effective, it must capture that which it is about even if it combines fiction and recollection, or perhaps especially if it does that. After all, good writing emulates its subject matter, is like it formally, and the manure story is no exception because "the journey in search of the farm" and the "journey in search of the book" turn out to be one. Past travail and its present writing are analogous ifnot equivalent. The former is fecal by condition, which the latter must willy-nilly assume. Both are hard work in their own ways; both require getting your hands dirty, messing with dirt and soiling yourself in the process. And both can end up a mess. There is no point butpoints, no meaning but meanings, no story but stories. As far as writing goes, this mess may consist in a different sort of...

Shanghai Sojourn

BVMW Duchamp continuedfrom previous page provisatory style." But rather than writing a literary analog to a cadenza, which would presumably entail a "brilliantissimo./WgAr offancy," Cohen chooses to conflate musical performance with the literary. And so the novel opens with Laster, a violinist presumably performing a violin concerto by his friend and mentor, Schneidermann, at Carnegie Hall with the New York Philharmonic Orchestra in December 2002, addressing the audience in a shapeless 380page monologue instead ofperforming the expected cadenza on his violin. Or at least that's what Laster says he's doing. If Laster is to be believed, as he continues speaking the conductor walks off, and, then, one by one, members of the orchestra pack up and leave, followed by some (though by no means all) of the audience (which includes many of his ex-wives, children, grandchildren, therapists, and other personal acquaintances). Although Laster does not lose his voice after hours of talking, he does piss in his pants twice, and the venue's management as well as police, firefighters, and the media show up. In short, the concerto is upstaged and silenced by the soloist. Laster, though, claims his "cadenza" is a "PR stunt" for the concerto. Men, Laster says, are his "rivals," women his "object." Of Schneidermann, Laster declares: he prevented me from becoming a creator ..., Schneidermann he had frustrated my own composing, my own compositions ..., indeed any output and above all any input I had and offered whatsoever about his own art was what Schneidermann he frustrated, nullified and so that Schneidermann, that he forced me into becoming an interpreter.... Cohen chooses to conflate musical performance with the literary. The tension between interpretation and creativity thrums through the novel. Schneidermann is the composer and creator, Laster the interpreter and (as he repeatedly says) hack. "I'm full of rage, true," Laster says. "I'm genius and worthless, true. I'm an interpreter as much as a memorizer, true." His position as soloist—he boasts of refusing to play "ensemble" music— makes him a star who rides in limos, wears handmade alligator shoes, lives at the Grand (where Schneidermann apparently had a piano-bar gig for awhile), and enjoys sex with countless women (students, especially). Schneidermann , by contrast, dresses in rags and is dismissed as unsuitable for janitorial work when he shows up to apply for a teaching position at "the Conservatory of Conservatories" (where Laster was fired for raping a student). Since a dominant theme of the novel is the destruction of high culture in Western civilization—"no one knows what's good and what's not anymore"—when Laster claims that "the most debilitating institution in the history ofall art" is "the trend Viotti birthed"—virtuosi touring—he is effectively blaming the institution of which he, a touring virtuoso, had until that evening been a member in good standing. Laster's monologue purports to be a eulogy for Schneidermann. Repeatedly (and repetitiously), he prods the wound of Schneidermann's disappearance from the cinema where he and Laster were watching a matinee showing of Steven Spielberg's Schindler 's List (1993), which Schneidermann, who performed for Schindler and later survivedAuschwitz, despises. The story of their last matinee date sounds plausible at first, but the more often Laster recounts it and the longer he rants, the more his anecdotes and assertions pile up contradiction on contradiction. Consider, for instance, Laster's most extravagant and entertaining tale, narrating Schneidermann's discovery of masturbation and the awakening of his creativity while lying under a rubber tree in the home of his "nine musical aunts," practicing violin fingerings on its trunk. Laster tells the tale in the first person until, without warning, he shifts to third person mid-tale. (The longer he talks, the more often he oscillates between first and third person when relating Schneidermann's experiences.) Schneidermann as an adult, Laster elsewhere notes, practices piano fingerings (as at Auschwitz, on the arm of a fellow inmate); it is Laster himself who is most likely to practice violin fingerings. Laster claims that Schneidermann was "10, or 1 1 , or 12 years old" at the time and that it happened during the last Passover his family spent together...

Horticultural Therapy Improves Vocational Skills, Self-esteem, and Environmental Awareness of Criminal Offenders in a Community Corrections Setting

At the Lamar County Adult Probation Program in Paris, Texas, a three-year study (Spring 2001-Fall 2003) involving 376 probationers was conducted to investigate the rehabilitative effects on probationers of a horticulture vocational training program. Data were collected on 189 adults who were randomly assigned to a horticulture group doing greenhouse plant production and vegetable gardening activities. The horticulture group was compared with 187 adults who were in a non-horticulture community service group doing trash clean-up and janitorial work. Within the horticulture group, significant improvement occurred in horticultural knowledge (KSU General and Specific Horticulture Exams), self-esteem (Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale), and environmental awareness (Environmental Response Inventory). These changes did not occur within the non-horticulture community service group. Future research will examine recidivism rates and vocational placements of probationers from both groups.

Gender and citizenship in the restructuring of janitorial work in Los Angeles

The author examines intersections of gender and citizenship with a study of building services janitors in Los Angeles County. Changes in the industry using 1970, 1980, and 1990 censuses, union reports, and field work are analyzed. The author finds that restructuring facilitated the entrance of Latinas into janitorial work. In Los Angeles County in the 1980s, building managers switched from employing union janitors to contracted, nonunion janitors. The contractors hired Latina/o immigrants to do the lower-paid, restructured work. The share of Mexican and Salvadoran women increased during the 1980s. In addition, Mexican and Salvadoran women moved into janitorial work at higher rates than men. Furthermore, Latinas who arrived during the 1980s entered janitorial work at higher rates than the 1970s arrivals.

Hardly The End Of Science

recently heard a popular lecture by John Hor- in the traditional sense. Whether these are sciI gan, senior editor of Scientzfic American and au- ence, mathematics, or engineering is splitting thor of the book The End ofscience (Addison-Wes- hairs. These are subjects with objective realities, ley, 1996). Horgan’s thesis is that we should testable hypotheses, and reproducible results. expect a major slowdown in the rate of major sci- Viewed in th~s larger sense, science is extremely entific discovery. Part of the problem is healthy and is contributing to society economithe enormous difficulty and expense of probing the natural world at both the subatomic and astronomical scales. This limits our ability to collect new data to test hypotheses. Moreover, Horgan argues that the major conceptual breakthroughs such as relativity, quantum mechanics, and DNA do a superb job of describing the world so most of modern science is devoted to derivative, almost janitorial work that merely plays out the consequences. Before saymg any more, I have to confess that I didn’t read Horgan’s book, only heard him lecture. That’s like seeing the movie instead of reading the novel, I know, but the points I want to make are somewhat tangential to Horgan’s thesis anyway.

PRIVATIZATION IN EASTERN EUROPE: A FIELD REPORT

“Privatization” as a process is easily understood but the location of the privatization affects how complicated this process may be (see e.g. Hartley and Minor, 1995; Culpan & Kumar, 1995; Frydman & Rapaczynski, 1994; Jackson & Bilsen, 1994; Rondinelli, 1994; Welfens & Jasinski, 1994). For example, in the United States contracting with private firms to provide public services is already widespread. Many cities have recently transferred the collection and disposal of the waste generated by the businesses and people of the city to private firms. In most cases, public employees were competent, but savings were possible by having a private firm perform the work. Janitorial work in public schools is another area where private enterprises have been active. Considerable interest has also been shown in privatizing penal systems, and in privatizing Amtrak, the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the U.S. Postal Service, among others.

A comparative analysis of general case simulation instruction and naturalistic instruction

Effects of naturalistic instruction and simulation instruction for the acquisition, generalization, and maintenance of housekeeping and janitorial work skills in young adults with moderate and severe mental retardation were assessed. The performance of the four participants (under the two methods of instruction for two job task sequences) was assessed using a multiple probe design across behaviors. Both the naturalistic and simulation instructional methods involved noninstructional probes, instruction sessions, generalization probes, and withdrawal of instruction. Results of noninstructional probes parallel to simulation instruction sessions indicated only a minimal improvement over initial (baseline) noninstructional probes. By contrast, noninstructional probes parallel to naturalistic instruction showed a marked improvement for all four participants with correct responding reaching or exceeding the 90% level. Naturalistic instruction was an effective means of producing skill acquisition, while generalization of the learned skill was marginal.

The influence of a preventive educational programme on trunk flexion in janitors

The influence of a preventive educational back care programme on the movement patterns of the spine during work was assessed objectively and subjectively in six janitors. Trunk flexion was measured in the subjects using a flexion analyser before they attended a preventive educational back care programme and twice afterwards. The results show that the subjects increased the amount of time spent in an upright position by about a third after the educational programme and maintained this change two and a half to three months later. They also decreased the time spent in moderate and deep forward flexion (37–72°) by about half and also maintained this decrease at three months. These changes are consistent with a decrease of the mechanical load on the spine. The study emphasises that it is possible to alter movement patterns of the spine, and thereby decrease the load during janitorial work, by a suitably designed educational programme.

Paths of Proletarianization: Organization of Production, Sexual Division of Labor, and Women's Collective Action

Previous articleNext article No AccessSexual Division of Labor and Industrial CapitalismPaths of Proletarianization: Organization of Production, Sexual Division of Labor, and Women's Collective ActionLouise A. TillyLouise A. Tilly Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Signs Volume 7, Number 2Winter, 1981Development and the Sexual Division of Labor Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/493888 Views: 18Total views on this site Citations: 21Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1981 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Samuel Hayat Conceptualisations of Labour and the Making of the French Working Class in the 1830s, Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 25, no.11 (Aug 2022): 5–26.https://doi.org/10.33134/rds.378Laura Levine Frader Gender and Labor in World History, (Nov 2020): 27–42.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781119535812.ch2Eloisa Betti Historicizing Precarious Work: Forty Years of Research in the Social Sciences and Humanities, International Review of Social History 63, no.22 (Sep 2018): 273–319.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859018000329Louise A. Tilly Les chemins de la prolétarisation : organisation de la production, division sexuelle du travail et action collective des femmes, (Jan 2017): 267–276.https://doi.org/10.4000/books.iheid.7064Eloisa Betti Gender and Precarious Labor in a Historical Perspective: Italian Women and Precarious Work between Fordism and Post-Fordism, International Labor and Working-Class History 89 (Apr 2016): 64–83.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0147547915000356Roger Sanjek Urban History, Culture and Urban Ethnography, City <html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii="&"/> Society 12, no.22 (Jul 2000): 105–113.https://doi.org/10.1525/city.2000.12.2.105Cynthia Cranford Gender and citizenship in the restructuring of janitorial work in Los Angeles, Gender Issues 16, no.44 (Sep 1998): 25–51.https://doi.org/10.1007/s12147-998-0009-xLinda M. Lobao Women in Revolutionary Movements: Changing Patterns of Latin American Guerrilla Struggle, (Jan 1998): 255–290.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9072-3_13Julia Adams Working-Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Toulouse, France: Paths of Proletarianization Revisited, Social Science History 17, no.22 (Jan 2016): 195–225.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200016825Katrina Honeyman, Jordan Goodman Women's Work, Gender Conflict, and Labour Markets in Europe, 1500-1900, The Economic History Review 44, no.44 (Nov 1991): 608.https://doi.org/10.2307/2597804Robert Fiala, Susan Tiano The world views of export processing workers in Northern Mexico: A study of women, consciousness, and the new international division of labor, Studies In Comparative International Development 26, no.33 (Sep 1991): 3–27.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02687173JOHANNA BRENNER, BARBARA LASLETT GENDER, SOCIAL REPRODUCTION, AND WOMEN'S SELF-ORGANIZATION:, Gender & Society 5, no.33 (Sep 1991): 311–333.https://doi.org/10.1177/089124391005003004Sharon Stichter Women, Employment and the Family: Current Debates, (Jan 1990): 11–71.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20514-1_2KAREN BRODKIN SACKS Toward a unified theory of class, race, and gender, American Ethnologist 16, no.33 (Oct 2009): 534–550.https://doi.org/10.1525/ae.1989.16.3.02a00080Berenice A Carroll “Women take action!” Women's direct action and social change, Women's Studies International Forum 12, no.11 (Jan 1989): 3–24.https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(89)90074-5Jean H. Quataert The Politics of Rural Industrialization: Class, Gender, and Collective Protest in the Saxon Oberlausitz of the Late Nineteenth Century, Central European History 20, no.22 (Dec 2008): 91–124.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938900012565Louise A. Tilly Women's History and Family History: Fruitful Collaboration or Missed Connection?, Journal of Family History 12, no.1-31-3 (Mar 1987): 303–315.https://doi.org/10.1177/036319908701200117Roxann Prazniak Weavers and Sorceresses of Chuansha, Modern China 12, no.22 (Aug 2016): 202–229.https://doi.org/10.1177/009770048601200203Heidi Gottfried Book Reviews: Organizing Women Office Workers: Dissatisfaction, Consciousness, and Action, Review of Radical Political Economics 17, no.44 (Aug 2016): 131–134.https://doi.org/10.1177/048661348501700410Jane Rendall Politics, Philanthropy and the Public Sphere, (Jan 1985): 231–275.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17733-2_8Carole Turbin Reconceptualizing Family, Work and Labor Organizing: Working Women in Troy, 1869-1890, Review of Radical Political Economics 16, no.11 (Aug 2016): 1–16.https://doi.org/10.1177/048661348401600103