Israeli Press Research Articles

When Yesterday’s Enemy Becomes Today’s Friend: A Corpus-assisted Critical Discourse Analysis of the Representation of Arabs in the Israeli ‘Jerusalem Post’

Media is considered a reflection of society and at the same time, it uses language as a power. The present study investigates the representation of Arabs in the Israeli newspaper, ‘The Jerusalem Post’, which is published in English. In other words, this study seeks to show how the Israeli press represents Arabs to the world, especially the West. Accordingly, we chose the Jerusalem Post since it is one of the most popular Israeli newspapers. Moreover, this study focuses on the articles that contain the word ‘Arab*’ and its variants from January 2017 to December 2021; this period represents the time span before and after the recent official normalization of relations between some Arab governments and Israel in order to shed light on the change of Israeli representation of Arabs during this period, if any. We draw upon a corpus of over 22 million words to conduct this study. Both corpus linguistic and critical discourse analysis are used to achieve the study goal. The analysis has shown that Arabs are negatively represented in pre-normalization period, and although the second period (2020-2021) witnessed the official normalization of relations between some Arab governments and Israel, Arabs are still represented negatively in the newspaper.

Ethnicity, Violence and Binary oppositions: Frames of the Wadi Salib Events in the Israeli Press from a Postcolonial Perspective

AbstractThis article analyzes the frames of the Wadi Salib events in the postcolonial perspective. The aim of this article is to show how to take historic events and analyze them according to a new perspective in media research. The events of Wadi Salib were a series of street demonstrations and riots that took place in 1959 in the Wadi Salib neighborhood of Haifa at Israel. The events were a social revolt against ethnic and socio‐economic discrimination. This article uses the grounded theory method and the framing method in order to examine the coverage techniques used by three major newspapers—Yedioth Aharonoth, Haaretz, and Maariv.The findings show three main frames. The first was the assignment of blame. The second was the frame of ethnicity. The third framing pointed to binary oppositions. The conclusion is that these frames pointed that the demonstrators are dangerous felons with criminal records who will use any means to subvert the foundations of society, while the police and the government are the defenders of the public against those insurgents.

“Daring and Heart-Wrenching Jewish Film”— Reception of Aleksander Ford’s “Border Street” in Israel

The main subject of the paper is the distribution and critical reception of the film Border Street (dir. A. Ford, 1948) in Israel at the end of the 1940s. Conducting a review of archival diplomatic reports and texts published in the Israeli press of the time, the author reconstructs the strategic rationale behind the film’s export to the Jewish state and analyzes its reception in local media. The conducted analysis demonstrates the significant popularity of the film in Israel and the considerable role Border Street played in the context of broader cultural and diplomatic relations between the two nations.

Sacred Soil, Green Ideals

Abstract Shemitah, the Jewish sabbatical year, is increasingly being explored in ecological contexts. This research delves into the concept of stewardship examining the evolving discourse on Shemitah across different community sectors in the Israeli press during the last three sabbatical cycles (2007–2008, 2014–2015, and 2021–2022). Our analysis reveals stewardship worldviews that portray Jewish law as either the practical pathway to implement these worldviews or as an inspiration for contemporary socio-environmental initiatives. The secular-liberal sector emphasizes universal stewardship, aligning with Western environmental concepts, while the national-religious sector integrates both universal and particular stewardship, emphasizing the land’s moral dimensions and connecting religious observance with environmental ethics. The ultra-Orthodox sector, though not explicitly expressing eco-theological views, focuses on soil regeneration. This empirical investigation serves as a significant case study and offers valuable guidance for addressing the challenge of instigating behavioral change in religious and traditional populations.

"To the East"? Israeli Soccer's Asian Period and Debates about the Jewish State's Cultural Affiliations with the Continent

Abstract: For two decades, from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, Israeli soccer players participated in Asian leagues and associations. During this period, they achieved much and celebrated significant athletic victories. But at the same time, they were met with hostility and boycotts and excluded from entire tournaments, until August 1976, when the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) officially expelled the Israeli Football Association (IFA) from its ranks. From the outset, the national team's activities in Asia elicited intense discussions about Israel's membership in the AFC that went far beyond the weighing of practical and athletic issues. By tracing these debates as they raged in the Israeli press, in this article I demonstrate that the question of the IFA's regional affiliation was a platform for deeper deliberations about the country's very place on the Asian continent. The highly ambivalent attitudes that emerged, I argue, reflected deep insecurities about the Jewish state's geo-cultural belonging and self-perception that are best understood against the backdrop of Israeli political realities of the 1960s and 70s and in the context of early twentieth-century debates about the orientation of the Zionist movement.

"To the East"? Israeli Soccer's Asian Period and Debates about the Jewish State's Cultural Affiliations with the Continent

Abstract: For two decades, from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, Israeli soccer players participated in Asian leagues and associations. During this period, they achieved much and celebrated significant athletic victories. But at the same time, they were met with hostility and boycotts and excluded from entire tournaments, until August 1976, when the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) officially expelled the Israeli Football Association (IFA) from its ranks. From the outset, the national team's activities in Asia elicited intense discussions about Israel's membership in the AFC that went far beyond the weighing of practical and athletic issues. By tracing these debates as they raged in the Israeli press, in this article I demonstrate that the question of the IFA's regional affiliation was a platform for deeper deliberations about the country's very place on the Asian continent. The highly ambivalent attitudes that emerged, I argue, reflected deep insecurities about the Jewish state's geo-cultural belonging and self-perception that are best understood against the backdrop of Israeli political realities of the 1960s and 70s and in the context of early twentieth-century debates about the orientation of the Zionist movement.

Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina by Raanan Rein

Reviewed by: Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina by Raanan Rein Mollie Lewis Nouwen Raanan Rein. Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina. Translated by Isis Sadek. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2020. 296 pp. Raanan Rein’s excellent book combines his deep knowledge of Peronism along with his expertise in both the history of Jews in Argentina and Argentine foreign policy, particularly with Israel. The introduction sets up the premise of the book: whether or not Juan Domingo Perón (president of Argentina from [End Page 227] 1946–1955, 1973–1974) and his administration were antisemitic, and what his government meant for Jews in Argentina. Though the questions might sound simple, or even simplistic, Rein’s ten-point initial response to the questions demonstrates to readers that the answers were complex, nuanced, and led in a myriad of directions. From the beginning, Rein asserts definitively that Perón (contrary to some popular myth-making) was neither a Nazi nor a Fascist, and that he and his administration rejected antisemitism. Perón was a populist, and pulled from a variety of influences to create his pragmatic governing strategy. Trying to neatly fit Perón into an ideological framework obscures the realities and idiosyncrasies of the political movement he created. There were elements of Peronism that were authoritarian, yet others that were profoundly egalitarian. The mistake of many, which Rein points out carefully when analyzing news coverage from around the world, was to impose non-Argentine models to explain Perón’s political movement. The Israeli press, which Rein delves into at length, did a better job of apprehending what was actually occurring in Argentina, though each periodical with its own ideological flavor. Using a wide array of historical documentation, the author explores the heterogeneous nature of Perón’s political philosophy Justicialismo, the Peronist coalition, the response of different Jewish individuals and groups to the Peronist movement and government, and finally the relationship between Argentina and the new State of Israel. Each chapter approaches the book’s central questions from a different perspective. One myth that has persisted for decades is that “all Jews were opposed to Perón [and] that all prestigious or influential intellectuals kept a distance from Peronism” (154). This book clearly demonstrates the fallacy of the myth. Rein spends most of the book exploring the many Jews who were supporters of Perón, including the members of the Organización Israelita Argentina (Argentine Jewish Organization), the Jewish wing of the Peronist Party. The party had a corporatist structure, which sought to formally bring in different groups within society, from labor unions to ethnic groups. Rein argues that in this manner, Perón was opening the door to a multicultural Argentina, with many voices and viewpoints, a model that had not existed in the country before. Rein also explores Jewish intellectuals, media figures, union leaders, and businessmen who were supporters of Peronism, often to the detriment of their relationships with other Jews. What the book makes clear is that each of these men had specific and clear ideological and personal reasons for their support of Peronism. For some, it was the attention to social justice or an independent foreign policy, while others believed in the totality of the Peronist vision for Argentina. Peronism, particularly the first Peronist administration of 1946–1955, promised a new and exciting path forward for Argentina that appealed to many, and it followed through on many of its promises. In addition to the rich material on the Jewish supporters of Peronism, Rein offers an excellent perspective on the relationship between Argentina and Israel at its founding, and the ways that Jews in both countries perceived Peronism. One of the sections of the book that will be of most interest to those less familiar with the story of Argentina in the 1940s and 1950s is the section on Nazis in Argentina, and the role that the Peronist government may or may not have played. Rein ably dissects the many myths and claims about the presence of Nazis, [End Page 228] while demonstrating the complicated nature of the dispersal of former Nazis following World War II. He points out...

Peace, Security, or the Economy? Israeli Narratives About the Abraham Accords

In 2020 several Arab states announced U.S.-brokered full normalization agreements with Israel, absent any explicit compromises on Israel’s side vis-à-vis the Palestinians, a significant shift from traditionally held positions. While several of these states already had informal security, intelligence, and trade relations with Israel and, except for Sudan, were never at war with Israel, these agreements represented a significant shift in historical Arab-Israeli relations and thus required discursive justification to a range of audiences, including the Arab and Israeli publics. This article looks specifically at how the Abraham Accords were framed in the Israeli press and takes an initial look at the extent to which the Accords have impacted Israel’s economic and security situation.

Framing the Munich Olympics massacre in the Israeli press

ABSTRACT This article analysed the real-time coverage of the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre by the three main Israeli newspapers at the time: Yediot Ahronot, Maariv and Haaretz. It found that while there were noticeable differences in the coverage of the event by the three papers, all of them framed the massacre as integral part of the black-and-white confrontation between Israel and Arab terrorism. Paradoxically, this ‘us’ vs. ‘them’ dichotomy seems to have played into the perpetrators’ hands by casting them as part of a formidable global terrorist network rather than a small fringe group, on the one hand, and as a significant factor affecting the possible evolution of Arab-Israeli peace negotiations, on the other.

COVID-19 surveillance in Israeli press: Spatiality, mobility, and control.

In March 2020, Israel passed emergency regulations authorizing its internal security agency to track citizens’ mobile phone geolocations in order to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This unprecedented surveillance enterprise attracted extensive media attention and sparked a vigorous public debate regarding technology and democratic values such as privacy, mobility, and control. This article examines press coverage of Israel’s surveillance of its citizens during the COVID-19 pandemic by four leading news sites to identify and map the frames that informed their reports. Based on a thematic analysis, our findings point to supportive and critical constructions of mobile phone location-tracking and organize them within two scapes: personal; and international. These attest to the collective imagining of intimacies and public life, respectively. We draw on the case study to articulate mobile phones as devices that reduce movement into manageable mapped information and individuals into controllable data. Mobile phone location-tracking during the COVID-19 pandemic is understood as turning mobility into order and control.

Yiddish in Israel: A History by Rachel Rojanski (review)

Reviewed by: Yiddish in Israel: A History by Rachel Rojanski Shachar Pinsker Rachel Rojanski. Yiddish in Israel: A History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2020. 338 pp. doi:10.1017/S0364009421000416 This is an important book for two reasons. First, it is a pioneering study on Yiddish in Israel, a topic that—for reasons that should be interrogated and [End Page 500] explained—has not attracted much scholarly attention until recently. Second, the book is very well documented. It provides a wealth of information on Israeli Yiddish newspapers and journals, theater, academia, and other aspects of Yiddish and Israeli history. In her study, Rojanski unearthed many archival sources of different kinds, mostly from Israeli ministries, political parties, police, and other official governmental and local bodies. The study also makes good use of the Israeli press, both in Hebrew and in Yiddish, in order to shed light on the history of Yiddish in Israel. As such, the book should be of interest to scholars and students in Israel studies, and Jewish history, culture, and language. Apart from a short introduction and epilogue, the book contains seven chapters. The first chapter gives an overview of state policy vis-à-vis Yiddish (and Hebrew). The second chapter deals with the varied Yiddish press that flourished in Israel between 1948 and 1968. The third chapter interrogates Yiddish theater in Israel during more or less the same period. The fourth chapter focuses on "high Yiddish culture," namely the major journal Di goldene keyt (The golden chain), which was edited by the poet Avrom Sutzkever and published in Israel between 1949 and 1995, as well as the chair in Yiddish at the Hebrew University, which was inaugurated in 1951. The fifth chapter of the book tells the story of the establishment of the Yiddish group named Yung Yisroel (Young Israel) that produced what I consider the most important and interesting Yiddish literary texts in Israel. The sixth chapter examines a specific cultural moment, the theatrical production of the play Di megile by Itzik Manger in 1965, which according to Rojanski signaled a moment of change that went hand in hand with nostalgia and the "the return of Eastern Europe to Israel." The last chapter provides a sweeping overview of changes regarding the status of Yiddish in Israel between the 1960s and 1990s, as well as a suggestive analysis of recent trends in Israeli history. The main strength of the study is that it clearly demonstrates that one cannot understand Israeli history and culture without taking into account what was created in Yiddish. At the same time, one cannot understand Yiddish culture after the Holocaust without taking into account what was created in Israel. Thus, the book is truly a launching pad that will set in motion future studies of many aspects of this important and neglected topic. In the introduction, Rojanski writes that her study "challenges the long-held view that Yiddish was suppressed and even rejected by the state of Israel" (2). In the epilogue, she reiterates that her study "strongly contradicts the claims made by Yiddish activists that there was a deliberate anti-Yiddish policy in Israel. … The state of Israel never formulated a definitive policy of Yiddish, certainly not one that negated it" (282). It is difficult to argue with this conclusion, especially because the author provides abundant evidence to back it up, but this also raises many questions: Who are those people who long held the view that there was a deliberate policy against Yiddish in Israel? More importantly, Rojanski's main argument begs the question: Why is the policy of the State of Israel towards Yiddish so significant? The book clearly shows that there was no explicit legislation against Yiddish (or for that matter against any other "foreign" language) in Israel. In chapters 2 and 3, Rojanski also proves that the restrictions that were imposed by official authorities on the Yiddish press and theater were relatively [End Page 501] short-lived. However, the real issue, it seems to me, is not legislation, restrictions, and official policy, but the ideology of the state and the cultural assumptions of the society. If the ideology of the state and the society is antidiasporic and anti-Yiddish...

A one-man show: Journalist Reuven Pedatzur and the Arrow missile project 1994–2012

This article seeks to examine whether, in an age where anyone ostensibly can become a journalist without the backing of any professional and responsible system, a single journalist can bring an important topic, related to a central security issue in a given society, to the attention of the media and of decision-makers. To this end, this study compared the salience and framing of coverage of the Arrow missile project in the Israeli press and among Israeli journalists to the coverage of two other complex topics – the Dolphin submarine project and the Merkava tank project. Two Israeli newspapers were examined: Ha’aretz, which appeals mainly to intellectual readers, and the mass- circulation Yedioth Aharonoth. The findings show that the Arrow project received much more salient coverage than the other projects examined, thanks to the salience Reuven Pedatzur, Ha’aretz journalist, afforded the project. Moreover, Pedatzur’s negative framings of the Arrow project were the most salient, such that the project was framed more negatively than positively, as was also the case for the Merkava tank project, which was framed negatively by Ha’aretz journalist Amnon Barzilai, though its salience was much lower. Hence, the findings of this study contribute to constructing a normative and effective model for journalistic work. The model centers on personal affinity for the topic covered, a sense of mission regarding the need to change the policy of a political institution, specialization in and study of the topic under consideration, a solid standing in the world of journalism, journalistic experience, backing from high quality and anti-establishment journalistic institution and support from the military (the air force in this case) and the political elite.

Capturing Hearts: The Coverage of Iran's Charm Offensive during the 2015 Nuclear Deal Negotiations in the American and Israeli Press

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the “charm offensive” of the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal negotiations with the United States. Charm offensives are strategic public relations campaigns that political leaders use to shift their countries’ reputation swiftly and temporarily in the global arena. Based on visual and textual analysis of the journalistic coverage of Zarif's charm offensive in the American and the Israeli press, we show that in his interactions with the American team and announcements to the press, Zarif focused on the future in contrast to the confusing past; he aimed at a calm and narrowly focused process of negotiations and preferred closed-door discussions among experts and one-on-one conversations with Secretary of State Kerry over public press conferences. He warmly welcomed photographers with smiles and presented a persistent readiness for “friendly” interaction. Western journalists enthusiastically covered these “unexpected” features of the Iranian diplomacy, and ultimately helped Zarif achieve a favorable international media environment conducive to making the deal. Bringing together literatures in communication studies, sociology, political science and international relations, we argue that in the form of a “charm offensive” political leaders can thus utilize the press for momentary country image transformation internationally.

Is she still ‘the legendary Jewish mother’? a comparative look at Golda Meir’s and Tzipi Livni’s election campaign coverage in the Israeli press

ABSTRACT In an attempt to demonstrate how historical changes in public opinion concerning women in politics might be reflected in the media, this article offers an examination of Golda Meir’s 1969 election campaign coverage in the Israeli press compared to Tzipi Livni’s in 2009. Through a gender-focused content analysis of 878 news items, we show how, despite the scholarly argument regarding a ‘gender-blind’ socio-historical attitude towards Meir, the Israeli media discourse did in fact strongly emphasise gender-oriented elements while covering her 1969 candidacy. However, the historical comparison also shows that, with the passage of time, the Israeli press was significantly affected by political personalisation trends, as well as by a growing influence of more conservative voices, and as a result became far more gender-centred and stereotypical in Livni’s case.

Albert Einstein Library: From Princeton to Jerusalem

This article, based on both historical and content analysis of Albert Einstein’s private library, presents a comprehensive picture of the Einstein Collection that was located at his home in Princeton, now housed at The Albert Einstein Archives at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His private library consisted of approximately 2,400 titles, including not only books but also a small collection of journals, musical scores and records. Staff members of the Archive succeeded in adding additional books, including works by Einstein himself and ones about him in various languages. These amounted to approximately 1,500 titles. Most of the books in Einstein’s library related to subjects other than physics. Many authors presented copies of their books to Einstein. Those books, usually with autographs or dedications by the authors, dealt with various fields of knowledge – philosophy, literature, religions, Jewish culture, etc. Content analysis of Einstein’s personal library reveals scientific, political, and social connections of the scientist. This article includes information about the main institutions involved in conveying the library to Jerusalem and in organizing it. These were the American Friends of The Hebrew University in New York, the Japan Broadcasting Corporation, and the Jewish National and University Library (today The National Library of Israel). The primary sources for the research on which this article is based are 1) material from The Albert Einstein Archives at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2) Inventory Books of the National Library of Israel, 3) <i>Kiryat Sefer</i>, bibliographical quarterly of the Jewish National and University Library, 4) Einstein’s reprint collection at The Weizmann Institute of Science. The following conclusions were drawn: 1) From the Einstein private library items were given as gifts both during his lifetime and after his death; 2) a large proportion of the books that Einstein gave to the National Library of Israel were registered in the Inventory Books of the National Library of Israel before the transfer of his complete library to Jerusalem; 3) Einstein's personal library includes books that actually belonged to other members of his family. For example, there are books, like those that belonged to his secretary Helen Dukas and to his stepdaughter Margot Einstein, that contain either the signature of the former owner or autograph/dedication by the author of the book. The article’s references to the contemporary Israeli press about Einstein’s visit to Israel elucidate Einstein’s role in the founding of The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Facebook framed

Abstract The study explores how Facebook was framed during the “tent protest” – the largest social protest in Israel’s history. Findings from of a content analysis of the local Israeli press indicate that Facebook was framed mainly as a political instrument assisting the protest, especially in the stages of recruitment, organization and dissemination of information to protesters. Alongside such positive framing, also evident, albeit less frequently, was negative framing that portrayed Facebook activities as incompatible with genuine political action, and portrayed the “Facebook generation” as lazy and spoiled.

The Discursive Construction of Biometric Surveillance in the Israeli Press

In 2017, following vigorous public debate, Israel established a centralized biometric database for storing its citizens’ bodily information. This step, according to privacy advocates, signifies a critical phase in the development of Israel as a surveillance society. This study examines coverage of Israel’s biometric project by three leading Israeli newspapers. Drawing on the intersection of media studies and surveillance studies, it employs discourse analysis to understand how the Israeli press constructs this project in various contexts, asking which narratives are promoted and how they coalesce into a consistent story about Israel’s surveillance agenda. The analysis points to two competing sub-discourses – legitimizing and delegitimizing – each of which positions Israel differently, either as a vulnerable victim of external enemies or as an abusive state violating its citizens’ rights. Surprisingly, Israeli coverage is more critical than supportive, offering a strong and challenging criticism of Israel’s surveillance. I suggest two explanations for the difference between the Israeli case and other accounts, which tend to be supportive, poor, and superficial.

Communicative Resurrection: Letters to the Dead in the Israeli Newspaper

By studying letters written to the dead published in the popular Israeli press between 1997 and 2014, this paper examines the practices that constitute communicative acts toward a deceased person using interpersonal and mass media, in order to embody the recipiency of the dead. Using an analytical framework that draws on media ecology, communication theory, and discourse analysis, the paper demonstrates how the epistolary and mass media rhetoric operate to reconstruct the performance of the dead as an addressee. By exploring this understudied phenomenon and revisiting core notions of communication in light of written technologies, distance, and death, the paper argues that this communicative constellation, as a whole, is a performative act that offers a “communicative resurrection” to the dead.

"He Will Take Care of our Security Better than Her" Examining Socio-Cultural Conceptions of Gender in Israeli and American Press Coverage of Female Candidates for Top Political Positions, 2008-2009

This study argues that distinct differences between two cultures and two political campaigns, may result in different press coverage of women running for leadership positions. To demonstrate this, we undertook a content analysis of Tzipi Livni’s and Hillary Clinton's 2008-2009 campaigns in four Israeli and American popular and elite newspapers, examining coverage of nine gender-oriented media frameworks. We found that while the press in both countries strongly emphasized gender-oriented elements in covering the two leaders, the Israeli press was significantly more gender-biased, particularly due to military and religious influences. Additionally, the popular newspapers in both countries were more gender-biased than the elite newspapers, especially in "sensationally" highlighting candidates' sexuality and appearance.

Israel–Malaysia Relations and the Place of Football

While seeking to establish their respective international positions following their foundation, Israel and Malaysia also interacted with each other. However, in light of the Israeli–Arab conflict, and mainly due to Malaysia’s domestic considerations and geo-political interests, the interactions remained limited and official relations were not established. This study relies on the notion that sport is potentially an important tool for engagement between states. It examines contemporaneous Israeli and Singapore press and brings together the various episodes and voices pertinent to the way Israel–Malaysia relations unfolded through football until the 1970s. The paper offers an historical perspective on the relations by focusing on a game that was highly popular in both countries. I argue that, while considering the various limitations that were involved, the Prime Minister of Malaysia and President of the Asian Football Confederation, Tunku Abdul Rahman, cautiously maintained the football channel with Israel open. Accordingly, in light of the significantly low-level of other means of contact, football functioned as a carefully managed yet meaningful line of communication by involving a prime minister, senior sports administrators, athletes, football fans, journalists, and sports readers. The essay thus contributes a case study to the emerging body of literature on football relations between states.