Islamic State In Syria Research Articles

Exploring the Byzantine Levels of the Destroyed Baalshamin Sanctuary through Archival Research: An Exercise in Decolonizing History

ABSTRACT The Temple of Baalshamin in Palmyra was excavated by a Swiss team (1954–1956, 1966) led by the Swiss archaeologist Paul Collart. All of the field notes and other data are at the University of Lausanne. Today, these archives are the best existing source to study the temple, which was destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2015. Switzerland was not a colonial power, but, from a postcolonial perspective, it is interesting to study the dismantling process of the Byzantine structures as an assumption that the Roman-era Temple was more important. Based on a study of the historical archives, this article explores the question of whether this action can be seen as favoring a hegemonic narrative that the classical period supersedes all other periods represented by the site.

Evaluation of US Strategy in Defeating Islamic State in Syria and Iraq

This paper discusses the inability of the US-led coalition to eradicate the existence of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS). Even after ISIS’s territorial defeat in 2019, the group still poses a significant threat to this region. The success of the US strategy to defeat ISIS is called into doubt in light of the group’s apparent resurgence. The first section of this paper is focused on a review of the related literature. Whether or not the United States’ allegations regarding ISIS are accurate, and what the regional and global ramifications of a resurgence of the organization would be, are questioned in the existing literature. From a constructivist vantage point, the second chapter discusses how the Islamic State came to be as well as the difficulties it faces now. In addition, it clarifies the motivations and behaviors of terrorists. It also demonstrates the limitations of current strategies for eliminating ISIS. The United States-led coalition’s participation in the fight against terrorism in Iraq and Syria is laid out at the outset of the third chapter. Following its territorial defeat in 2019, the Islamic State has shown signs of resurgence. Furthermore, it details the current US strategy for countering the resurgence of the Islamic State. The final one evaluates potential counter-ISIS strategies. The difficulties of destroying ISIS are discussed. Moreover, it provides a potential strategy for eradicating the Islamic State and explores other aspects of the issues inherent with doing so. Final thoughts and suggestions are provided as the paper winds down.

A light footprint in Syria: operational art in operation inherent resolve

ABSTRACT Special Operations Forces (SOF) played an important role in defeating the Islamic State (ISIS) physical caliphate in Syria. Acting as a force multiplier, SOF successfully mobilized, armed, supplied, and directed an indigenous guerrilla force across northern Syria against a numerically superior entrenched enemy. This effort was underpinned by a flexible operational approach that adapted operational art to the unique characteristics of unconventional warfare. This paper provides a case study on the conflict with ISIS in Syria, focusing on the first phase of the campaign from 2014 until 2016, examining the elements of operational art which had the most significant impact on the outcome of the conflict. The application of operational art throughout the campaign sought to preserve and strengthen the friendly center of gravity – the Syrian Defense Forces, or SDF – by improving access to critical capabilities, controlling tempo, recognizing culmination criteria, and properly phasing operations and resources. SOF’s practice of sustained engagement garnered influence with the SDF and provided situational awareness to key decision makers, connecting tactics to strategy, engendering mutual trust, and allowing the agility that led to battlefield success.

Expolio y destrucción en Oriente Próximo en el contexto de guerra e inestabilidad política

Since the Arab Spring of 2011, the cultural heritage of the Middle East has faced a serious threat, as Daesh (ISIS) and other extremist organizations turned archaeological sites into a financing tool. In 2016, around 100,000 cultural objects of great importance, including 4,500 archaeological sites, nine of which are included in the UNESCO World Heritage List, were under the control of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. However, not only these extremist groups are included in these dynamics. Part of the population of these countries does not hesitate to carry out this type of activity to get ahead.

The Mahdavī Society: The Rise of Millennialism in Iran as the Cultural Outcome of Social Movements (2000–2016)

This study asks questions about the understudied cultural, especially discursive, consequences of social movements at large, and rightist movements in particular. Focusing on the discursive repertoire of the Islamist rightist movement in Iran (known as principlism), I demonstrate that in response to the liberal Reform Movement (1997–2005), the principlist groups in Iran weaponized a millennial language against liberal reformists beginning in the early 2000s. The institutionalization of the Islamist principlist movement in 2005 mainstreamed this politicized language, giving rise to a new cultural reform politics in the country known under Aḥmadīnizhād as the Mahdavī discourse (millennialism). That is, the Mahdavī discourse represented a new cultural reconfiguration, or “cultural engineering,” in state politics. However, the Green Movement of 2009 as well as the Arab uprisings divided the unified Mahdavī discourse within the principlist movement into divergent millennial discourses. Drawing on millennial-oriented news stories and events from the early 2000s until the rise of the self-identified Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, I highlight the millennial discourses, as well as the Islamist-centered cultural engineering project, as the discursive outcomes of social movements.

Terrorist Islamist Groups on the Sinai Peninsula

The article examines the illegal activities of terrorist Islamist groups in the Sinai Peninsula. Within the framework of this study, the main attention is focused on the analysis of those links that make up the modern structure of local takfiri jihadist organizations that oppose the secular government of Egypt and demand the establishment of an Islamic order in the country based on Sharia law. The author reveals the reasons that turned one of the most famous resort areas in the world into a hotbed of terrorism and Islamist extremism. After the destruction of the quasi-state structures of the so-called Islamic State in Syria and Lebanon, a significant part of its militants moved to hard-to-reach areas of the Sinai Peninsula. An extensive network of well-armed bandit formations was created here, which carried out hundreds of terrorist acts. On October 31, 2015, a Russian Airbus A320 belonging to the Kogalymavia campaign was blown up over the central part of the Sinai Peninsula. As a result of this plane 224 people were killed, and the Russian government was forced to interrupt air traffic with Egypt, as a result of which the Egyptian budget suffered multibillion-dollar losses. A significant part of the article is devoted to an analysis of the response measures taken by the current Egyptian government to eliminate hotbeds of terrorist threats in the Sinai and establish an effective security regime on the peninsula. At the same time, the author reveals all the shortcomings admitted by the authorities of the Arab Republic of Egypt during counter-terrorism operations. The article presents consolidated recommendations for the Russian state foreign affairs agencies that currently determine the level of security in the areas where Egyptian attractions and resorts are located and, therefore, the possibility of restoring in full the cooperation of the Russian Federation with Egypt in the tourism sector. The article may arouse the interest of all those who associate themselves with the Middle East scientific community, as well as those who are professionally involved in the problems of terrorism and the fight against terrorist threats and challenges in the region.

Assessment of the russian strategy to contrast terrorism and jihadist propaganda in the north Caucasus

Terrorism, violent attacks and political Islam have affected the North Caucasus since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. If in the past the Caucasus Emirate was the leading terrorist organisation in the region since 2014 the Islamic State gained popularity and established the Vilayat Kavkaz (Caucasus Province) as part of the Caliphate exploiting the local critical socioeconomic condition and promoting the jihadist propaganda in the Russian language (i.e. the magazine ‘Istok’) also thanks to the considerable presence of North Caucasian foreign fighters among the ranks of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Although currently the international coalition forces mainly defeated the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, this organisation still jeopardises the North Caucasus often identified as the most volatile and impoverished area of the Russian Federation characterised by ethnic conflicts, the rise of Salafism, stagnation, and corruption. This study aims at stressing that the Russian government has elaborated a strategy mostly based on special military operations and massive investments in tourism and logistics which can exacerbate more the precarious status quo of the region favouring the dissemination of jihadist propaganda because it does not consider the historical, sociocultural, ethnic, and religious background. The region is not exempt to jihadist propaganda and terrorism and, if the Russian government cannot financially and economically support the regional leaders or will not change its approach, terrorism and political Islam could critically influence the North Caucasus posing a dangerous menace to the stability and security of the Russian Federation and entire Eurasia.

The Paradox of Security Force Assistance after the Rise and Fall of the Islamic State in Syria–Iraq

ABSTRACT This article focuses on innovative conceptual definitions to capture the various terms and ideas that abound concerning the delivery of military assistance, aid, and training in fragile states, often subsumed under the term security force assistance (SFA). It highlights different Kurdish militias and units within the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) to demonstrate inherent problems with any SFA program. We conduct a conceptual, theoretical, and empirical analysis to evaluate variations, concluding that in these contexts the definition of success and military effectiveness is contextual, often deviating from what the providers, such as the U.S. and other nations, may desire.

Embodied militarism and the process of disengagement from foreign fighter networks

ABSTRACT With the collapse of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, international governments are scrambling to understand the process of leaving violent networks as large numbers of former fighters return to their home countries. Studies of foreign fighters have tended to emphasize the importance of ideology or trans-national identity in explaining the desire to travel across borders to participate in war. This paper looks to move beyond these accounts and investigates how embodied attachments to militarism shapes foreign fighters enduring involvement in jihadi networks. Feminist studies of militarism and armed violence have emphasized the importance of gendered forms of attachment and desire in making war possible. While this research has paid increasing attention to attachment and embodiment in shaping military personnel’s identities, far less attention has been paid to those involved in foreign fighter networks. Based on life-history research with three generations of former foreign fighters from Java (Afghanistan 1980s, Philippines 2000s, Syria/Iraq 2014-ongoing) this paper explores the complex and contradictory forms of attachment that shape their attempted transition to in civilian life. Focusing on the embodied practices of these former fighters, the article highlights the role of structural factors play in recrafting attachment and belonging.

Verschonung von Kulturgütern vor der Zerstörung: ein überregionaler Vergleich islamistischer Gruppierungen

The present article examines the sparing of cultural heritage by Islamic fundamentalist groups. Several incidents are compared regionally, considering the so-called Islamic State in Syria and Iraq as well as the Taliban in Afghanistan and Ansar al-Dine in Mali. It appears that despite regional differences certain motives are generally valid, not only regarding religious legitimation but also media-oriented acting. It is argued that the examined Islamist groups try to reach out to a local, regional or global audience. Thereby, Islamist groups’ reactions depend on the question if an object constitutes a cultural signifier which provides a source of identity for certain groups.

Remote assessments of the archaeological heritage situation in Afghanistan

Abstract Analysis of spatial and temporal patterns in looting and destruction at archaeological sites using satellite imagery has become a focus of multiple research groups working on cultural heritage in conflict zones, especially in areas controlled by the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. In this paper, we apply similar methods to investigate looting and destruction at archaeological sites in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, where Taliban-related cultural heritage destruction events have also frequently made international headlines. Using the time depth provided by high-resolution, time-stamped DigitalGlobe satellite and BuckEye aerial images as well as CORONA and other historical satellite images and maps, we quantitatively document spatial and temporal patterns in destruction from looting, agricultural activity, military occupation, urban growth, mining, and other kinds of development at over 1000 previously known archaeological sites across Afghanistan. This analysis indicates that several common narratives about cultural heritage destruction in Afghanistan may require revision. Specifically, we conclude that significant amounts of systematic looting of archaeological sites in Afghanistan already occurred before Taliban-related conflicts, that there has been little increase in systematic looting in Taliban-controlled areas post-2001, and that the most pressing threats to Afghanistan's heritage sites come from development activities, including agricultural expansion, urban growth, and future mining. The analysis demonstrates that the situation in Afghanistan both parallels and contrasts with that seen in the post-Arab-Spring Middle East.

Bone memory: the necrogeography of the Armenian Genocide in Dayr al-Zur, Syria

This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Identitet nepravoslavnih stanovnika Crne Gore i religija

This paper analyses the influence of religion on identity, especially the political identity and political behavior of the non-orthodox people of Montenegro. Goal of this paper is to show that non-orthodox minorities in Montenegro have a mass influence on the politics of this country. For example, without their votes, the independence of Montenegro would not be possible. This is very easy to calculate. 55% voted for the independence, and Muslims represents a little bit more than 19% of the Montenegro's population. All of them say they voted for the independence of Montenegro in 2006 referendum. Therefore, this political decision was highly dependent on the Muslim votes, and had a great influence on the Serbian interests. This fact should be highlighted. Moreover, one can say that this was one of the major defeats of Serbs in the last century. This paper shows that the identity of the Serbian speaking population of Montenegro is dependent on their religious background. Bosnians, Muslims, Montenegrin Muslims or Croats base their national identity on their Islamic or Roman Catholic confession. Moreover, this paper shows that the Albanian national question in Montenegro is a great example of how both Serbian science and politics failed to explain this issue. Serbian politicians and scientist are wrong in saying that Albanians are motivated only by antireligious nationalism in their actions, basing their attitude in complex Albanian society made of Muslims, Catholics and Orthodox Christians. Due to this fact religious aspect was completely ignored. However, a great number of Albanians fighting for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq are quite opposite to this attitude, and making Serbians to ask themselves - how is it possible that an atheist Albanians are fighting in the name of Islam? The situation is similar in Montenegro. In this paper we show that Albanians are also divided on religious lines and that this division has huge consequences. If Serbs has analyzed Albanians interreligious relations based on what we have in Montenegro, it would be easier for them to understand that Albanians failed to overcome their religious differences in the name of national unity, and consequently to understand why so many of them are fighting for ISIL. We also deal with the Croatian question in Montenegro. This paper will show that Montenegrin Croats are a part of the same Serbian body, like Bosnians or Muslims. They are divided from this body only because of their religious belonging to Roman Catholic religion. Under the pressure of the First Croat Catholic Congress in 1900 they accepted to declare as Croats as their national belonging. Prior to this, they were divided between the idea of Slavs and Serbs, all sharing the same Serbian background and language.

What Explains Taxation by Resource-Rich Rebels? Evidence from the Islamic State in Syria

Greed-based theories of civil war predict that rebel groups will only engage in taxation and other state-building activities in areas where they lack exploitable resources. However, this prediction is contradicted by the Islamic State’s pattern of taxation across time and space. A new data set mapping seven types of revenue-extracting policies imposed by the Islamic State, a jihadist rebel group, in the 19 Syrian districts that it governed between 2013 and 2017 indicates that these policies were just as prevalent in resource-rich as in resource-poor districts. I propose a new theory that better explains this pattern—a rebel group’s pattern of taxation is codetermined by (1) ideology and (2) the costs of warfare—and establish the plausibility of this theory through a case study of al-Mayadin, the most oil-rich district governed by the Islamic State and therefore an ideal site in which to investigate the puzzle of taxation by resource-rich rebels.

The Non-Economic Functions of Rebel Taxation: New Data from the Islamic State in Syria

Greed-based theories of civil war predict that rebel groups will only engage in taxation and other state- building activities in areas where they lack exploitable resources. However, this prediction is contradicted by the Islamic State’s pattern of taxation across time and space. A new dataset mapping seven types of revenue-extracting policies imposed by the Islamic State, a jihadist rebel group, in the 19 Syrian districts that it governed between 2013 and 2017 indicates that these policies were just as prevalent in resource-rich as in resource-poor districts. I propose a new theory that better explains this pattern — a rebel group’s pattern of taxation is codetermined by (1) ideology and (2) the costs of warfare — and establish the plausibility of this theory through a case study of al-Mayadin, the most oil-rich district governed by the Islamic State and therefore an ideal site in which to investigate the puzzle of taxation by resource-rich rebels.

THREE DIMENSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION WORKFLOWS FOR LOST CULTURAL HERITAGE MONUMENTS EXPLOITING PUBLIC DOMAIN AND PROFESSIONAL PHOTOGRAMMETRIC IMAGERY

Abstract. In our paper, we document experiments and results of image-based 3d reconstructions of famous heritage monuments which were recently damaged or completely destroyed by the so-called Islamic state in Syria and Iraq. The specific focus of our research is on the combined use of professional photogrammetric imagery and of publicly available imagery from the web for optimally 3d reconstructing those monuments. The investigated photogrammetric reconstruction techniques include automated bundle adjustment and dense multi-view 3d reconstruction using public domain and professional imagery on the one hand and an interactive polygonal modelling based on projected panoramas on the other. Our investigations show that the combination of these two image-based modelling techniques delivers better results in terms of model completeness, level of detail and appearance.

Agriculture as a funding source of ISIS: A GIS and remote sensing analysis

Agriculture is an important source of income for the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS), which currently rules over large parts of the breadbaskets of the two countries. It has received limited attention compared to other sources of ISIS revenues such as oil, looting, ransom, foreign donations and various forms of taxation. We estimate winter crops production of wheat and barley in ISIS-controlled areas in both Syria and Iraq for the years 2014–2015 and irrigated summer crops production (cotton) in Northeast Syria. We show that remote sensing can give a credible estimation of agricultural production in the absence of statistics. With evidence from MODIS Aqua and Terra Satellites as well as Landsat imagery, we find that agricultural production in ISIS-controlled Syrian and Iraqi zones has been sustained in 2014 and 2015, despite the detrimental impact of conflict. After a drought in 2014 production was able to capitalize on improved rainfalls in 2015. First indications show that the winter grain harvest of 2016 in Iraqi territories of ISIS was significantly above pre-conflict mean and below pre-conflict mean in its Syrian territories. We also show how water flows along the Euphrates have impacted production. We estimate the revenue that ISIS can derive from wheat and barley production and the likely magnitude of an exportable surplus. Agricultural production gives the group a degree of resilience, although its economy is not sustainable in the longer run and could be affected by military collapse. Taxation of recurrent income streams such as agriculture will become more important for ISIS as its extractive sources of revenues show signs of dwindling. Beside non-grain food imports, agricultural production is crucial for its political legitimacy by ensuring food provision to the broader population. Food security considerations would require a high priority in any post-ISIS reconstruction effort and would need to include the rehabilitation of supply chains for agricultural inputs such as quality seeds and fertilizers.

The Rebirth of Water as a Weapon: IS in Syria and Iraq

The so-called Islamic State (IS) has increasingly used water as a weapon in order to further its political and military aims in Syria and Iraq. In this water-scarce region, IS has retained water and cut off crucial supplies, flooded large areas as well as contaminated resources. The capture of large dams in the Euphrates and Tigris basin has made it possible to deploy the water weapon even more effectively and in a frequent, systematic, consistent and flexible manner. Measures to counter this weaponisation effectively have been limited to military means. However, several internal constraints create a dilemma for IS as its state-building ambitions conflict with the consequences of the weaponisation of water. The rebirth of using the water weapon in Syria and Iraq raises questions about protecting water infrastructures in conflict and post-conflict settings.

The Spirit of the Spiritless Situation: The Significance of Rojava as an Alternative Model of Political Development in the Context of the Middle East

In the aftermath of the on-going crisis in Syria, Rojava (West Kurdistan) has morphed into a de facto autonomous region. While this region has mainly gained international recognition for its unexpected yet daring resistance to the brutal forces of the so-called Islamic State in Syria, there is actually much more to Rojava than the heroic fighting of a few Kurdish barricades in the debris of the cities and villages of northern Syria. By refusing to give into the dominant narratives of separatism and—most significantly—top-down state building, Rojava is in fact seeking to establish an alternative social model in a number of respects. Despite (or even because of) this, Rojava has not received the appreciation that it deserves in academic circles or in the media. This article aims to explore some of Rojava’s socio-political features. The first half explains the theoretical and historical background to Rojava’s social–political foundations. The second half attempts to study Rojava from a philosophical perspective, using French philosopher Alain Badiou’s concepts of ‘Event’ and ‘fidelity to the Event’. As a Badiousian Event, Rojava has been a significant historical occurrence which brings the formerly unseen or concealed part of the society to the surface. It represents a universal ‘truth’ and shows the way for an ‘alternative’. Consequently, it instigates ‘fidelity to the Event’—inspiring people from beyond its borders to support and defend it. It subsequently boldly declares that it is seeking to establish an ‘alternative’ and has actually started the process: it refuses to postpone the enactment of this process until the war is over. In its concluding thoughts, the article outlines some of the obstacles to Rojava’s flourishing as an alternative model for society.

Archaeological destruction

AbstractWith the growth of the so-called Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, the world is being forced to contemplate if there is any way we can ever comprehensively prevent cultural heritage of international significance falling into the hands of terrorists. The international community also has to consider the uncomfortable truth that how we handle the current crisis will send a clear message to the next group of extremists: Will the message be one of strength or impotence?