Islamic Emirate Research Articles

Public Perception of the Higher Education System under the Regime of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

A modern, free, and dynamic higher education system is the basic and critical element of successful nation, and it can contribute to the progress and development of a country. Under both regimes of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan, the higher education system has undergone significant changes to align with the government’s interpretation of Islamic principles. This study is important to understand how Afghan society views the changes and policies implemented in the education sector under the current regime. The research study aims to evaluate public sentiment regarding access, quality, and inclusivity of higher education, particularly in relation to gender, curriculum changes, and ideological shifts. This paper focuses on the Taliban’s higher education system and investigates public responses to educational policies. This paper will offer recommendations to all stakeholders involved in the Afghan higher education system, aimed at improving its management and development during this crucial period. This work employs non-doctrinal and library research methodology. Non-doctrinal research examines how laws are applied and experienced in practice by collecting data through surveys, interviews, field studies, and observations. In this research study, data was collected through a questionnaire and then analyzed through SPSS. Moreover, in the library research methodology, most of the reputable and trustworthy academic sources such as textbooks, scholarly published and unpublished journal articles, law reports, and online websites related to the research area were analyzed through descriptive, explanatory, and analytical research approaches. The Afghan higher education system, established in the 1930s, has faced continuous political pressures, especially during periods of conflict like the Soviet invasion and civil war from the 1980s to 1990s. Women face major limitations in higher education, including restrictions on fields of study and exclusion from faculty positions, raising concerns about gender equality and access to education.

Explaining the Taliban’s Revival: Thomas Spragens’s Crisis Theory

The revival of the Taliban and their rapid domination of Afghanistan shocked the world. It is a response to the chronic historical, political and social crises of the Afghan society, which is still in geopolitical and strategic confusion and disorder. Using the analytical descriptive method, the present study attempts to answer the question related to the causes of the reemergence of the Taliban based on Thomas Spragens’ crisis theory. The research hypothesis states that the conflict between political actors and the creation of a political deadlock has caused successive crises and political, social and security disintegration in the society. Accepting the Taliban, the Afghan people seek to solve the crisis and restore, peace, stability, order and security for themselves and their descendants. It seems that the occupation of the country, nonimplementation of Sharia laws and spread of corruption are signs of a brewing crisis caused by the weakness of the central government, lack of nation-state agreement, the spread of ethnocentrism and overdependence on America. To address these challenges, Afghans increasingly resort to Jihad and the formation of an Islamic Emirate as a possible solution.

The Joe Biden administration s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan and the dominance of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (Taliban): Plans and Strategies

Despite the fact that America had spent a lot of money since 2001 and after the collapse of the Taliban to advance the project of nation-building in Afghanistan; but this militant group was able to take over Kabul again on August 15, 2021.The action of the Taliban in Afghanistan was accepted at a time when Joe Biden had determined his new policy towards Afghanistan based on the withdrawal of America from this country; for this reason, many experts should know that the control of the Taliban is the result of the government's policy, which was followed by Trump before. However, another question and concern that was raised at this time was whether the steps should be taken in relation to the withdrawal of the United States from a pre-determined regional plan with specific goals and foundations, or whether it was just at the top to reduce America's foreign spending and on the basis of partisanship. Did the democratic government accept this incident? The authors of this research have tried to compare these two views based on the method of case study. The result of this study shows that despite the existence of two main views on foreign policy, different components and variables should be included in the strategy for Afghanistan, which is a multi-faceted approach. This multi-factor approach has been presented by the authors in the end.

Exploring the Legal Approach of the Islamic Emirate towards Child Labor in Afghanistan

Children’s rights are one of the most sensitive aspects of human rights, which are emphasized in all religious and legal values. Children need the attention of the international community and the government for their growth and development. One of the violations of children’s rights is the issue of their work, which has existed for a long time, and child labor is consistently struggling with numerous challenges in Afghanistan, although throughout all the governmental periods, numerous promises have been made to guarantee the rights of child laborers to both the UN and the people of Afghanistan, but they have failed to fulfill them. Difficult circumstances compel children to do arduous deeds that have irreparable consequences for them. Considering the importance of children's rights in Afghanistan, which have been dominated by decades of war and economic poverty, with the formation of the new Islamic Emirate government, the question arises: what is the current legal approach of the Islamic Emirate system to child labor? Apparently, the current approach of the Islamic Emirate system towards child labor includes actions to protect children’s right, but there is no specific law regarding child labor. The aim of the study is to examine the current approach of the Afghan legal system to child labor. The research method is library-method, utilizing tools such as books, scientific and research articles, sharia, and social reports. Research findings indicate that the Islamic Emirate system is currently attempting to align issues related to child labor with the principles of Sharia law. However, formal and specific laws in this regard are not yet being enforced, and the life of child labor in Afghanistan is becoming increasingly dire day by day, leading to the persistence of vulnerabilities associated with child labor.

Conflict and democratization in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT The Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in 2021 terminated the country’s democratisation. The crisis was more an outcome of the two-decade-long flawed state-building and democratisation, and the escalation of the insurgency than an overnight change in the country’s politico-military landscape. This paper examines Afghanistan’s failed democratization from 2001 to 2021 by focusing on five variables including stateness, welfare, rule of law, political regime, and political community. The paper explains how flawed progress in the five areas gradually eroded the democratisation process resulting in state collapse and the restoration of the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate.

Relations of the Republic of Uzbekistan with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

Przedmiotem badań poniższego artykułu są kontakty w sferze politycznej i ekonomicznej pomiędzy Uzbekistanem i Afganistanem po przejęciu władzy przez talibów. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu znalezienie odpowiedzi na następujące pytanie badawcze: jaka jest dynamika relacji ekonomicznych i politycznych między Taszkentem i Kabulem po 2021 roku? W celu udzielenia odpowiedzi na powyższe pytanie należy przeanalizować szereg wydarzeń z lat 2021–2023 w kontekście próby pokojowego współistnienia. Powyższe rozważania pozwalają na postawienie pobocznego pytania badawczego, w jaki sposób doszło do ukształtowania się wzorca współpracy między Talibami a władzami w Taszkencie? Nieodzownym elementem w tym aspekcie będzie uwzględnienie braku przynależności Uzbekistanu do jakiegokolwiek bloku militarnego, czy polityki wielowektorowej, objawiającej się gotowością współpracy z wszystkimi zainteresowanymi bez względu na wcześniejsze animozje. Przewodni wniosek głosi, że utrzymanie dynamiki relacji ekonomiczno-politycznych pomiędzy Taszkentem i Kabulem spowodowane jest chęcią ochrony interesu narodowego Republiki Uzbekistanu.

Afghanistan

Abstract This survey provides an examination of the legal innovations introduced by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) under the Taliban’s governance since their return to power in August 2021. In the absence of a defined constitutional text or a permanent government, the IEA’s political project centers on the double objectives of implementing classical Hanafi jurisprudence (fiqh) through modern state apparatus and maintaining control over the IEA’s burgeoning state structure. The chapter focuses on three key legal developments: The Procedure of Processing Legislative Documents, the Law on the Duties and Authorities of the High Directorate of Supervision and Prosecution of Decrees and Edicts, and the establishment of provincial Ulama councils. The survey sheds light on the evolving legal landscape in Afghanistan under the IEA’s rule, highlighting the intricate balance between classical Hanafi jurisprudence, modern state governance, and internal control. The legal innovations analyzed provide valuable insights into the ideological and practical considerations shaping the IEA’s approach to governance in post-2021 Afghanistan.

Afghanistan And The Terror Threat In Central Asia

A United Nations sanctions monitoring team, warned in a report in June 2023 that the Taliban “have not delivered on the counter-terrorism provisions” in the Doha Accords, the agreement that paved the way for the withdrawal of U.S. forces and two years after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan the country is again devolving into a hotbed of terrorism activity that is already beginning to affect the region. Central Asian states are deeply concerned about regional security and potential terrorist threats emanating from Afghanistan and remained on guard against violent extremist elements from Afghanistan crossing their borders or committing cross-border rocket attacks, as well as the potential threat posed by returning citizens who traveled to Iraq or Syria to fight with terrorist groups. Most of the Central Asian countries remained suspicious of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, but they adopted a pragmatic policy of strengthening the defense of their borders with Afghanistan on the one hand and negotiating with the Taliban regime on the other. Tajikistan’s primary concerns are with ISIS-K and Jamaat Ansarullah, which operates from Afghanistan and seeks to overthrow the Tajik government and to establish an Islamic emirate. Unlike Afghanistan’s other neighbors, which adopted cautious stances vis-à-vis the new rulers in Kabul, Dushanbe has been vocal in its criticism, describing the Taliban regime as a threat to regional stability and slamming it for being non-inclusive.

Restriction Policy on Afghan Girls' Education and its Consequences

The people of Afghanistan experienced profound transformations across various spheres following the political upheaval of August 15, 2021, wherein the Islamic Republic government was replaced by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The new government has introduced various policies that are impacting people's lives differently from before. One of these policies is placing limitations on the education of women, signaling a significant shift in how educational opportunities are being provided to female students. The study adopted a qualitative case study with a sample of female school students across five provinces of Afghanistan, including Kabul, Herat, Bamiyan, Farah and Jalalabad. Each of the five provinces represented by 10 students, for 50 respondents. The findings of the research highlights that depriving girls of education has had a number of detrimental effects on them, including emotional and psychological issues, forced marriage, migration, a loss of hope for the future, and other long-term effects. The study highlights the value of providing girls with equal educational opportunities and contributes to the creation of more effective policies and methods to guarantee girls' access to education in Afghanistan and other countries facing similar difficulties.

Peace Journalism Training for Journalists as a Contribution to PVE in the New Afghanistan

This article presents and discusses results from an exercise in comparative content analysis of news articles about issues of conflict produced by Afghan journalists before and after participating in an internationally sponsored training and mentorship programme in Peace Journalism. The programme was part of a Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) project, intended to create community resources for resilience, in the information sphere, towards conflict issues contributing to recruitment by non-state armed groups such as Islamic State–Khorasan Province (IS–KP). Peace Journalism is familiar as the basis for media development aid in contexts of conflict; however, its use in an intervention aimed specifically at PVE is relatively new. The results showed that the programme was effective, it is argued, in terms of benefits transferred to and applied by participating journalists. A sample of articles after the training showed a markedly higher Peace Journalism quotient than a baseline sample of articles by the same journalists before it. This suggested that the training and mentorship had successfully stimulated and enabled journalistic agency, taking account of constraints imposed by media structures and wider political and social contexts. The latter have become steadily more onerous under the Islamic Emirate (Taliban) government, in power since August 2021, according to international monitoring organisations. Implications are considered, in light of the findings, for future media development aid to Afghanistan.

Mining green minerals with the Taliban: Addressing new sourcing risks from Afghanistan in the age of the green transition

For decades, Afghanistan's mineral fortune has fueled imaginaries. Described as holding trillions of dollars in rare earths, copper, lithium, gold, as well as rare gemstones, the country has attracted the attention of mineral dependent industries and jurisdictions. As the green transition away from fossil fuels is under way, ‘green minerals’ deposits hold the potential to recenter Kabul on global supply maps. While lithium and rare earths appear particularly attractive, the Mes Aynak copper deposit is now at the core of China's involvement in Afghanistan to transform the country as a major supplier. In parallel, security issues remain, with significant waves of violence aimed in particular to foreign investors. In this article we argue that the opening of the Afghan's mineral sector will spur new critical supply and reputational risks for corporate actors and is unlikely to significantly benefit a pauperized population. We identify three overarching risks that should be proactively tackled in international corporate risk management, to limit both reputational risks for these companies and favor a trickle down of at least some of the proceeds to the almost 40 million people under the Islamic Emirate's rule.

Internal Factors Affecting the Emergence of the Existence Cause and Survival of Afghanistan

Afghanistan is a historical country in that centuries have passed since its civilization and the formation of its government. The most obvious feature of this country is its various natural and human phenomena, and the history of this country, under the impact of geography, has passed wonderful events. The causes of forming this country are geography, race, ethnicity, the role of government, culture, history, threats, government power, the role of people, the impact of religion, language, and loving country. In the time of forming Afghanistan, Pashtons nations constantly ruled this country and the power was concentrated in the hands of (Dorani, Ghalzaei, Barekzai, etc.). The developments in the last four decades, especially after the defeat of the Soviet Union and the forming of the Islamic Mujahideen Government, caused other nations to contribute to the power structure of the government, such as “Tajik, Hazara, Ozbek” besides the Pashtoons. The Pashtoons, because of their 250 years of presence in power, were not satisfied with the presence of other nations. This is why political systems in Afghanistan are unstable, fragile and weak, especially since this country is one of the few countries which have experienced various political systems contributing monarchy system, royal-republic, communist regime, Mujahideen government, Islamic government, Islamic Emirate of Taliban and the secular-liberal regime. The current descriptive-analytic study used different sources such as books, scientific journals, theses, reports and internet sources. In total, these factors are the main reasons: homeland and geographical location, culture, history, religion, language, the role of people, government, loving hometown, loving country, national threats, race and nationality. Finally, the factors of the political thought of government, the space structure of Afghanistan, the military, the role of organizations, the national economy, equality of geographical and social, media and national symbols are the superstructure of Afghanistan's survival.

Rejuvenated Ascendency of Taliban in Afghanistan Examined through International Legal Lenses

The ultraconservative Islamic group Taliban has once again secured the land of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, renaming the country as the “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.” Power change in national territories becomes an international issue when the authority in power challenges international legal standards during the modification and teases the responsibility and obligations of the international community. This paper is penned to find out the legality of the process of the Taliban’s acquirement of domination upon Afghanistan, the appropriacy of Shariah principles used in different aspects of conduct in Afghanistan, the reasons behind the lack of support by the international community while discussing these issues from a legal viewpoint. There are several allegations in the media against the Taliban rulers for drastically violating International Humanitarian and Human Rights laws. Moreover, some speculations are incentivized by Islamophobia and news of terribly dropped life standards in Afghanistan. Though the United Nations (hereinafter, mentioned as UN) is continuing with remarkable humanitarian support in that terrain, the state responsibility regarding the disastrous conditions of the Afghans, is not a matter to be waived off. National statutes, Shariah law principles, international instruments, newspaper and non-academic articles, journal articles, official reports by international organizations, reports of meetings of experts, and Afghan Human Rights Organization, and news media, websites, and books are the sources used to aggregate qualitative data for the discussion. The findings will highlight and clarify the reasons behind the little to no support for the Taliban, exhibited by the international community.

Cihatçı Gruplar Arasındaki İdeolojik ve Metodolojik Benzerlikler ve Farklılıklar: Taliban, El-Kaide ve IŞİD

The Taliban's seizure of power in Afghanistan has generally pleased jihadist groups around the world. The Islamic Emirate was re-established in Afghanistan by the Taliban after the end of the 20-year US occupation when the last US soldier left Kabul on August 30th, 2021. That was seen as a complete "victory" day for many Sunni Jihadist groups around the world. However, it is feared that the Taliban's success will usher in a new era of jihadism in the Middle East and Central Asia. It is feared that more radical organizations inspired by the Taliban will rise against the existing governments in these regions, overthrow them, and rule these countries in line with their ideology. It is also feared that jihadist groups will seek to come to the fore with large-scale global attacks, with al-Qaeda and ISIS affiliates expected to pose the biggest threat in this regard. This is because while the Taliban has a regional influence as a structure with territorial sovereignty over Afghanistan and its surroundings, Al-Qaeda and ISIS have defined their sphere of influence on a global scale, and thus have defined their area of struggle as the whole world. However, other sub-jihadist organizations affiliated with these two organizations, which operate regionally, can act on a country and regional basis. Although these groups have weakened in recent years, they are still active. In general, what all three organizations have in common is that they adopt a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam. Accordingly, these organizations, which believe that Islam has moved away from its essence and principles of faith, want Islam to be lived as it was when it first emerged and to interpret Islamic rules purely without adapting them to today's conditions. In other words, they aim to implement a political, economic, and social order based on Islamic rules and principles and want pure Islam to be practiced in all areas of life. They claim that the salvation of humanity can only be achieved by making Islam dominant in all areas of life and that man-made ideologies cause inequality and injustice among people. For this reason, all three organizations believe that social and political life cannot be separated from religious issues and therefore justify using violence for the sake of faith. This is also an essential duty for “true Muslims”. On the other hand, these organizations have a negative belief that those who do not fight for this purpose are “bad Muslims”. In other words, all three organizations see taking over political life as necessary to achieve Islamic life or to make the rules of Islam prevail. On the other hand, these three organizations differ in terms of ideology and methodology to achieve this goal. This study systematically examines the ideological and methodological similarities and differences of these three jihadist organizations and how they differ from each other.

The trajectory of Islamic State Khorasan Province and Afghan Taliban rivalry

ABSTRACT This article claims that the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has controlled Islamic State. It examines the rivalry between the two insurgent groups, which have various ideological and regional disagreements. The Taliban movement characterises itself as transforming from an insurgency into a movement controlling the state. This leaves Islamic State as the only insurgent group opposing the Taliban to be a responsible state-run movement. The authors argue that the Taliban’s counter-terrorism has been effective against the Islamic State in Afghanistan by targeting its leadership and ideology. The article uses Resource Mobilization theory as a framework and uses both primary and secondary sources to support the arguments.

How the Islamic State Rivalry Pushes the Taliban to Extremes

AbstractBefore establishing the second Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan in August 2021, the Taliban promised they would not revert to the repressive policies and stringent interpretations of Islam they had imposed during their previous regime. However, since the US withdrawal—and despite financial incentives from the West and diplomatic pleadings within the region—the Taliban have reneged on this vow. Why have the Taliban not moderated? This article argues that their rivalry with Islamic State‐Khorasan (IS‐K) is the central cause. The Taliban are concerned that compromise on fundamentalism will lead their hard‐line factions to break ranks and join IS‐K, enhancing its reputation and allowing it to recruit more foreign fighters. This could lead to increased violence and socioeconomic and political instability in Afghanistan, undermine the legitimacy of the Taliban, and spark the collapse of the regime.

Barriers and opportunities regarding community-based forest management in Afghanistan: considerations for fragile states

SummaryThe Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), in power during 2002–2021, initiated the process of instituting community-based forest governance and building local capacity for natural resource management. These efforts coincided with the presence of international security forces and the mobilization of civil society organizations, and they were in response to community aspirations to protect and restore often degraded local forests. Legislation was passed to enable forest protection and management, including a provision to encourage participatory management by local community user groups organized as Forest Management Associations (FMAs). By the end of the GIRoA era, c. 20 registered FMAs were operating with c. 400 others in various stages of development across Afghanistan. Our analysis of relevant policy documents revealed that the policy framework developed during the GIRoA era scores favourably on the ideal criteria for community-based resource management. Despite the change in political administration with the inception of the current Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan regime, the influence of the GIRoA era serves as a starting point and may have enduring influences on rural communities in Afghanistan and the natural resources that support them. Anecdotal evidence suggests that community-based forest management may persist under the current national leadership despite international isolation and funding constraints. The model developed in Afghanistan may be relevant to other fragile states, especially in contexts where rural forest-dependent communities have strong local institutions, such as shuras, and where forests are not prone to heavy extraction pressure.

Implementation and expansion of laboratory capacity for molecular diagnostics in response to COVID-19 and preparedness for other emerging infectious diseases in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

Afghanistan experienced various outbreaks before and during the Covid-19 pandemic, including dengue, Crimean Congo hemorrhagic fever (CCHF), measles, and acute watery diarrhea (AWD). Diagnostic and surveillance support was limited, with only the Central Public Health Laboratory equipped to handle outbreak responses. This article highlights initiatives taken to improve diagnostic capabilities for COVID-19 and other outbreaks of public health concern encountered during the pandemic. The World Health Organization (WHO) Afghanistan Country Office collaborated with the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO), Central Public Health Laboratory (CPHL), and National Influenza Center (NIC) to enhance COVID-19 diagnostic capacity at national and subnational facilities. To alleviate pressure on CPHL, a state-of-the-art laboratory was established at the National Infectious Disease Hospital (NIDH) in Kabul in 2021-2022, while WHO EMRO facilitated the regionalization of testing to subnational facilities for dengue, CCHF, and AWD in 2022-2023. COVID-19 testing capacity expanded nationwide to 34 Biosafety Level II labs, improving diagnosis time. Daily testing rose from 1000 in 2020 to 9200 in 2023, with 848,799 cumulative tests. NIDH identified 229 CCHF cases and 45 cases nationally. Dengue and CCHF testing, decentralized to Nangarhar and Kandahar labs, identified 338 dengue and 18 CCHF cases. AWD testing shifted to NIDH and five subnational facilities (Kandahar, Paktia, Balkh, Herat, and Nangarhar labs), while measles testing also decentralized to nine subnational facilities. Afghanistan implemented a remarkable, multisectoral response to priority pathogens. The nation now possesses diagnostic expertise at national and subnational levels, supported by genomic surveillance. Future efforts should concentrate on expanding and sustaining this capacity to enhance public health responses.

PROBLEMS OF DISTRIBUTION OF WATER RESOURCES BETWEEN IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN AND THEIR IMPACT ON CENTRAL ASIA

Recently, there has been growing concern and speculation about the conflict between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and Iran over the water issue. Water scarcity and its management are serious problems facing many countries of the world. In this article, we aim to shed light on the potential factors behind the water resource tensions between Afghanistan and Iran. It is essential to approach the subject with an open mind as we strive to gain a deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding the region's water challenges.

CHINA’S DEJA VU IN AFGHANISTAN?

This article argues that the formation of the second Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) is a case of déjà vu for China and that, despite its engagement with the new Taliban-led government, Beijing will be unable to meet its geopolitical, geostrategic, geo-economic and national security goals in the country. There are two main reasons for this. Firstly, similarly to the situation under the first IEA, the Taliban are finding it difficult to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan. The security situation will remain perilous due to persistent attacks by the Islamic State-Khorasan Province (IS-KP) group. Secondly, and also just as during the first IEA, the Taliban cannot be relied upon as allies in China’s “war on terror”. This is due to the Taliban’s ideological beliefs, decades of ties with the Uyghur militants in Afghanistan and concerns about reputational damage if it breaks links with Islamist groups or undertakes counterterrorism operations against these groups, damage which may undermine the second IEA.