Iraqi Authorities Research Articles

The crime of cyber blackmail in the era of artificial intelligence

Cyber blackmail is defined as a transgression which occurs when an individual or group intimidates the victim by threatening to expose his/her personal information on social media. This form of criminal activity, which has emerged with technological advancement, particularly in the artificial intelligence (AI) domain, is not confined to any specific region or nation. The unrestricted reach of cyber blackmail necessitates the constant revision and evaluation of the laws regulating it so that these laws maintain their effectiveness when changes occur in the manner in which this offence is committed. This study comparatively analysed the validity of current cyber blackmail laws in Iraq and Malaysia through discussions emphasizing the association between cyber blackmail and AI, as well as the rules and regulations formulated to curb this crime. The systematic, comprehensive and comparative method employed for this study scrutinized the issue of cyber blackmail from all perspectives. It revealed that the will of Iraqi authorities falls short when it comes to the implementation of effective measures aimed at reining in the prevalence of cyber blackmail. These measures included reviewing the penal code or drafting laws directed at combating IT crimes. The crime of cyber blackmail involves the instilling of anxiety in the victim, with the purpose of compelling him/her to succumb to the demands of the blackmailer. We conclude this study with proposals aimed at curtailing the occurrence of cyber blackmail.

Genocide and the Assimilation of the Faylee Kurds from Zygmunt Bauman's perspective

This paper is a methodological analysis research which uses sociological theory, employing Zygmunt Bauman's view of modern genocide - especially the Holocaust - to analyse the process of the Faylee Kurd genocide. The Holocaust undoubtedly manifested distinctive features of modern society, and it reproduced structural sources of genocide that go back many centuries. Some of the main aims of acts of genocide will be discussed, particularly the example of the assimilation and erasure of the Faylee Kurds' identity. These elements are the product of a mentality that is not able to understand modernity and its multiplicities, yet nevertheless, at the same time, one that uses modern tools and systems for genocidal purposes. This paper attempts to show the relationship between the kind of modern mentality in the Middle East that has dominated 'the Iraqi Ba'ath Party' and the Kurdish genocide. It will consider, for example, the efforts of 'the Ba'ath Party' to implement this mentality to ensure that Kurds like the Faylee, who revolted and did not want to accept the hegemony of 'the Ba'ath Party,' would be neutralised and destroyed. This study explores Bauman’s intended warnings that the dangers of Holocaust-type actions and outcomes are still present. After the invasion of Iraq by the United States (US) and its allies in 2003, the Iraqi authorities and regional states continued their policy of extermination and cleansing of the Kurdistan population in general and the Kurdish nation in particular. Such intentions can be seen in the genocide of Yezidi Kurds by ISIS, supported by Arabism and extremism.

Striving for National Identity: Syrian and Iraqi Turkomans in Search of a Homeland

The Turkomans are considered to be the integral part of a political space often reflexively labeled as “Turkic World.” Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkoman communities in Syria and Iraq have undergone a complex evolution leading to their current status as politically organized distinct ethnic groups. This transformation has been predetermined by the policies of the colonial powers and the rise of Arab nationalism that was aimed to establish the united “Arab Homeland.” It was only with the decline of Baathist regimes that Turkomans started to gain political recognition. How have the Turkomans in Syria and Iraq evolved culturally and politically over time? Do they perceive their future as being closely linked to their Arab “host” countries, or do they harbor aspirations of coming back to their historical Turkic legacy? What support do they receive from Turkey, and what is offered by Syrian and Iraqi authorities? We have analyzed the Turkoman issue through a structural and identity-based lens, examining how these communities have navigated their relationships with the Arab states they reside in and their historical ties to Turkey. The framework proposed by R. Brubaker, which examines the interactions between marginalized ethnic minorities, nationalizing states, and external homelands, provides a valuable tool for understanding the complex dynamics involving Turkoman communities in Syria and Iraq. The research findings indicate that Turkoman identity remains robust, albeit with a notable shift towards a more inclusive national-state dimension. Despite constituting a minority group, Turkomans in both countries are actively advocating for recognition within society and asserting their cultural rights. The primary Turkoman political factions in both countries have garnered backing from Turkey, although the nature of this support is complex. In Iraq, Turkomans are inclined towards seeking Turkish patronage while also demonstrating a willingness to engage with the Iraqi government. Conversely, in Syria, Turkomans residing along the border have successfully established a self-governing region with the Turkey’s assistance. Furthermore, a segment of Turkomans place emphasis on their religious affiliations, such as identifying as Shiite or Alawite.

Land tenure administration in Iraq: Quantitative analysis and a comprehensive evaluation

The present study underscores its novel methodology, employing a mathematical extrapolation as a guiding framework to investigate and scrutinize the Iraqi land tenancy system. Remarkably, this innovative approach stands distinct from preceding research endeavors. Notably, its application holds potential for facilitating a comprehensive inquiry into land tenure management facets across in Iraqi jurisdictions. Nevertheless, situated within a milieu characterized by volatility, an unfavorable investment climate, and a feeble private sector, the applicability of the policy's approach has been restricted. The land tenure sector has, regrettably, encountered challenges in assuming its anticipated role. Hence, a comprehensive investigation becomes imperative to evaluate plausible land tenure strategies and chart a prospective path forward for the nation a quest hitherto unexplored in extant scholarly works. To address this pressing issue, this paper endeavors to scrutinize and investigate successful interventions deployed by internal factors in response to predicaments akin to those presently challenging Iraqi system. In order to fulfill this objective, a set of negative interventions were used as indicators of the institutional aspects and how can elements of the existing system be assessed, thus the research methodology employed herein combines a numerical investigation of collected data derived from survey statistics with an exhaustive sample in Iraqi city, Al-Nasiriya. The outcomes of this investigation unveil the viability of endorsing enhancing the eroded trust in the Iraqi authorities, administrators of Iraqi land system have to add more details to the real picture of the existing system’ deficiency and then produce the effective solutions as a promising principal approach to be pursued within the contextual confines of Iraq.

Legal Status of Cryptocurrency Circulation in Iraq: Lessons from the United Arab Emirates and the United States

The philosophical emergence of cryptocurrencies is a consequence of the desire to get rid of the authorities’ control of the monetary system, which encouraged people to deal with it for investment or to facilitate the fulfilment of their financial obligations. The research problem is represented through the lack of legislation that regulates dealing with cryptocurrencies in Iraq. There are many technical, legal, and security risks for the use and circulation of cryptocurrency, which must be legally addressed and suitable solutions found. Therefore, this article aims to examine and analyse the legal status of cryptocurrencies in selected jurisdictions through multiple stages, from prohibition to licensing and regulation. This article adopted a qualitative approach to analyse the legal status of cryptocurrency in the selected jurisdictions. The study finding shows that the Iraqi authorities do not have the technical or legal means to prevent the illegal use of cryptocurrencies. In addition, there is a large legislative gap with the developed countries, and lawmakers need to regulate cryptocurrencies by enacting laws to protect people from falling victim to fraud.

Deformation behavior of flexible pavements by finite element simulation

Flexible pavement is usually designed based on certain axle load limits and climatic conditions. The Iraqi code has specified certain load limits per each axle type that should not be exceeded. However, many trucks violate these limits by carrying additional weights to decrease the transportation cost. These overweight trucks cause severe deterioration to the pavement and thus reduce its life. The Iraqi authorities generally charges the violating trucks a penalty based on their weights. This penalty could be very small compared to the damage occurring to the pavement based on these over weights. Also, some trucks may carry huge weights that the pavement may not support, so unloading such trucks could be a suitable solution rather than paying few amounts of money and deteriorating the pavement. The study aims at studying the effect of axle load increase, and the variation in pavement moduli, on the overall pavement life. It also aims to estimate the overweight truck limits that could be penalized or unloaded. The research uses the ABAQUS software conditions to estimate the tensile strains occurring under the asphalt concrete (AC) layer and the compressive strains above the subgrade surface. These computed strains are incorporated in the fatigue cracking and rutting models to estimate the pavement life for different axle weights. Results showed that violating trucks should be unloaded when their weights exceed certain limits.

The nature Of the Crimes Committed by The Iraqi Army Against Individuals According to National and International Law on October 16, 2017

In order to clarify and determine the nature of the crimes committed by the Iraqi army against individuals as a problem and the importance of this study in accordance with national and international laws on October 16, 2017. We worked to identify the elements that determine that nature in terms of the presence of the criminalization text and the pillars of those crimes and who has the right to file a criminal complaint in them and then determine the applicable law and the competent judiciary. Between the Iraqi penal code and the international criminal justice. Through the study of Iraqi penal laws - Penal Code No. 111 of 1969, Military Penal Code No. 13 of 1940, the International Criminal Court system, the Geneva Conventions of 1949, and their protocols. In documenting those crimes and working to investigate them, whether by the Iraqi national judiciary or the international court at the International Criminal Court. Because the crimes committed cannot be tolerated or ignored, they must be internationalized if they are not addressed by Parliament and the Iraqi authorities to begin investigating and prosecuting the perpetrators, whoever they are, regardless of their characteristics or their positions in the state or the Iraqi army. We have concluded, according to the plan followed in the research, that the nature of these crimes is international because the Iraqi text has lost its criminalization and is within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court for 1998. It is covered by the Geneva Conventions of 1949. However, the perpetrators may be tried according to Iraqi laws under the principle of judicial complementarity between the national and criminal judiciary.

Baghdad Twist

Baghdad Twist

The Legal Treatment Problem of French and Georgian Nationals Who Joined the Islamic in Iraq and/or Syria

With the weakening of the Islamic State, many French and Georgians who had joined the organization, were arrested by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Syria and by the Iraqi authorities. These people have been placed either in detention in Iraq or in camps in Syria with catastrophic health and security conditions. Even if France and Georgia are unambiguously reluctant to repatriate their nationals who have joined Daesh in order to try them on their territory, it is appropriate to ask whether this policy is consistent with international law. This article aims to provide a legal response to the political and security issues surrounding the repatriation and trial of French and Georgian nationals who have joined Daesh. Firstly, the legal dilemma of the trial of adults who joined Daesh will be studied in the light of international law and the domestic law of Iraq, France and Georgia, including the thorny issue of the application of the death penalty in Iraq and the recognition of crimes against humanity. Secondly, the legal possibility of repatriation of French and Georgian minors interned in camps in northern Syria will be analyzed.

IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL SECURITY

The article analyzes Iran-Iraq relations in the context of regional security. It has been studied that the eight-year Iran-Iraq war became the most bloody and destructive armed conflict of the second half of the XX century. It is worth noting that the beginning of the war caused rivalry: ethnic and religious, political and economic, ideological and personal. Also, the struggle for leadership in the region played a special role. It is established that the USA intervention in Iraq in 2003 changed the geopolitical conditions not only in this country, but in the region as a whole. Although the IRI did not support the USA military operation and condemned it, the invasion of Iraq was in Iran’s interests. After all, the overthrow of Hussein’s regime eliminated one of the main threats to Iran’s national security and, as a result, contributed to the development of bilateral relations. Iran has close relations with the Shiite government in Iraq. Tehran’s foreign policy strategy in the neighboring state is to unite Iraqi Shiite parties to strengthen Shiite rule in Baghdad. It was found that the Iraqi authorities have not formed a unified position on the development of Iran’s nuclear program, because society is divided into supporters of Iran and its opponents. Typically, Shiites who actively support Tehran want to cooperate with it and, accordingly, support the development of Iran’s nuclear program, the signing of the JCPOA, and thus criticize the change in USА policy toward Tehran and the withdrawal from the nuclear deal. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are actively developing bilateral cooperation and cooperating in many areas, primarily security, economic and political.

The Attempts of Kurdish Parliamentarians in Iraqi Government to Achieve Education and Literacy in Native Language During(1925-1933)

After the foundation of Iraq in 1921, Kurds tried to achieve their own ethnic right within this new country. Although a part of South Kurdistan (Sulaimania and its suburbs) was not a part of this new government, British authorities made their best to enhance the relationship between Kurds and Iraqi authorities; and as a consequence of Britain insistence and the support of League of Nations, Mosul province was attached to Iraqi government on 16th December 1925, After conducting the election for the foundation assembly, Kurdish representatives made their effort to enjoy formally the right of education in their native language, but this demand was strongly rejected by the majority of the Arab members.
 Kurdish representatives in the Iraqi House of Representatives, through discussions on the council or by memorandum, called for an improvement in the situation of Kurdish education, and the most notable memorandum that Kurdish representatives presented to the Ministry of Education in June 1928, which called for the reopening of the school that they needed and formed committees to set up books and translate schools into Kurdish, but Ma'arif officials rejected their requests, believing that the curriculum was better in Arabic, and they described the Kurdish language as a weak language. Although under Article (16) of Iraq’s Constitution and Article (9) of the Local Language Act of 1931, education in primary schools with a majority of Kurdish population should have been in Kurdish, however the rules have not been implemented as necessary.
 The main objective of this research is to demonstrate the efforts of Kurdish representatives to improve the education situation in the Kurdish region, and the research method is to determine the historical truth that Kurdish representatives have requested for Kurdish studies, except for the small number, and many Arabs in parliament have rejected their requests.

A Kurdish al-Qaida? Making Sense of the Ansar al-Islam Movement in Iraqi Kurdistan in the Early 2000s

Initially construed as the vital link between Saddam Husayn’s Iraq and al-Qaida in the runup to the Iraq war, the Ansar al-Islam (AI) group formed in Iraqi Kurdistan in December 2001 has been the subject of intense debate and huge media coverage. In academic research, however, its history, evolution and affiliation have received surprisingly little academic scrutiny. Commonly depicted as an al-Qaida affiliated group or a sub-group controlled by al-Qaida’s emerging organization in Iraq (AQI), the AI group should—this article argues—instead be understood as a strong independent-minded group with an ideology and operational pattern distinct from that of AQI. Although sharing many commonalities, the AI and AQI became de facto rivals, not allies. Contrary to accepted wisdom, the AI and its first successor group remained a distinct Salafi-jihadi insurgent group largely focused on fighting ‘the near enemy’, i.e., Kurdish and Iraqi authorities. It strongly resisted repeated calls for joining al-Qaida’s new umbrella organization in Iraq, the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) in 2006, and it paid no homage to AQI’s or ISI’s leaders. Also on the international level, the groups were fundamentally different. As opposed to al-Qaida’s terrorist plotting abroad, the AI’s international network were hierarchical structures, geared towards raising logistical and financial support as well as recruitment. The article highlights the need for greater attention to the complexities and nuances in patterns of contacts and cooperation between militant Islamist extremists. Informed by the growing scholarship on the multifaceted nature of contemporary jihadism, its numerous manifestations in local settings, and its strong internal rifts, this paper seeks to redress the early reductionist portrayal of the AI movement.

صندوق النقد الدولي واثره على الاقتصاد العراقي

challenges facing the Iraqi economy, so the Iraqi authorities were forced to turn to the International Monetary Fund, which helps countries face their crises and implements corrective policies aimed at stabilizing the economy and its growth and providing preventive financing for the impacts and challenges facing developing countries, especially Iraq. funding for the reconstruction, which is estimated at (88) billion dollars, and the international community has pledged to contribute (30) billion dollars, and this funding is still limited due to the economic and social problems that affected the activity. variables, where there is a large fiscal deficit, an increase in public debt levels and political instability, which led to the creation of successive economic crises that forced the country to resort to financial institutions to improve its economic situation despite the pros and cons of these financial institutions.

Socio-demographic correlate of knowledge and practice toward COVID-19 among people living in Mosul-Iraq: A cross-sectional study.

Since the World Health Organization (WHO) announced that the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is a worldwide pandemic, many countries’ authorities, including the Iraqi authorities, started responding and taking action to control the spread of the pandemic. The public’s knowledge and practices play an important role in curbing the spreading of the virus by following the health guidelines. This study aimed to assess the socio-demographic correlate of knowledge and practices of Iraqi living in Mosul-Iraq towards COVID-19 during its rapid rise. A cross-sectional online survey of 909 participants was conducted among a sample of the Mosul-Iraq population between 20th June to 1st July 2020. The survey included three parts: 1) socio-demographic characteristics, 2) participants’ knowledge, 3) participants’ practices. T-test, ANOVA, chi-square, and binary logistic regression were used. A p-value less than 0.05 (p < 0.05) was considered statistically significant. The results showed a knowledge and practice mean score of (12.91±1.67) and (21.56± 2.92) with cumulative knowledge and practice of 86% and 76% respectively towards COVID-19. Socio-demographic characteristics such as age, marital status, gender, level of education and employment were statistically related with a higher mean score of knowledge and practice towards the virus as P<0.05. We concluded that the majority of the respondents demonstrate a high level of knowledge and practices towards COVID-19 except for respondents with socio-demographic characteristics such as those who were younger, male respondents, those with lower education and those unemployed as such campaigns that will increase the knowledge and encourage adequate preventive practice towards COVID-19 should be targeted towards this group.

Rebellious Son

This article concerns early representations in Arabic-Islamic sources of Ḥijāzī opposition to the dynastic succession initiated by Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān shortly before his death in 41/661. The study emphasizes the importance of Qurʾānic exegesis for understanding the origin of the Ḥijāzī-Umayyad debate over rightful caliphal succession. It also demonstrates that examining how this episode is depicted in various literary genres offers a wider perspective on the construction of historical narratives in terms of provenance, protagonists, and objectives. The analysis of tafsīr interpretations of Q 46:17, which serve as the article’s underpinning, reveals that the Umayyad court promoted the view that ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abī Bakr was the rebellious son mentioned in this verse. Depictions of this dispute in the ḥadīth, ansāb, and adab genres clearly connect Marwān b. alḤakam with this interpretation after ʿAbd al-Raḥmān questioned Muʿāwiya’s appointment of his son Yazīd as his successor. The portrayals of the Ḥijāzī-Umayyad debate in taʾrīkh accounts represent a different perspective, one that shows a transition from a tribal and provincial setting to a broader caliphal political framework. The gradual shift from a reliance on Medinan transmitters to a focus on Iraqi authorities testifies to this orientation, as does the appearance of new leading protagonists. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s central role as a leader of the Ḥijāzī opposition to the Umayyads in the tafsīr, ḥadīth, and adab literature becomes secondary and overshadowed by other Ḥijāzī figures, particularly ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr.

E&P Notes (March 2020)

E&P Notes (March 2020)

Protection of Prisoners of War from Torture with Proper Selection of Soldiers Taking Care of POWs: An Ethical View

Background: Prisoners of War (POWs) undergo different physical and/or psychological tortures. According to the Third Geneva Convention, each government is obliged to protect POWs from any harm, especially torture. Although torture of POWs has been considered in international documents such as the 3rd Red Cross Convention for Prevention of Torture, this issue seems to have been ignored so far. Thus, the current article discusses this issue. Objectives: This review aimed to describe an important, yet neglected, way to protect POWs from torture. Methods: The behaviors of Iraqi and Iranian authorities toward the soldiers that were selected to take care of POWs were compared. This review study is based on a narrative search that included articles published on the Iraq-Iran war (1980-88). Results: According to international laws, there is no ethical justification for the torture of POWs, especially after many years of captivity. During the Iraq-Iran war, Iraqi authorities recruited soldiers who had been harmed in some way by the war to handle Iranian POWs. The presence of war victims as care providers to POWs in detention camps may provide grounds for the torture and maltreatment of POWs. Conclusion: Prohibiting the presence of war victims in detention camps could be one important and effective way to protect POWs from torture and maltreatment.

A criminal tribunal and a wide-ranging reparation programme is necessary for the victims of sexual violence and torture in Iraq.

The frequency and extreme nature of sexual violence committed in Iraq, primarily by the self-declared Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) from 2014 onwards, has shocked the international community. Now, four years later, victory over ISIL has been proclaimed but addressing past atrocities and their consequences has barely begun. There is a wide discrepancy between Iraq's human rights obligations, stressed by the United Nations (UN), and the reality on the ground, shaped by the Iraqi authorities. The present paper aims to highlight this discrepancy by providing an overview of the crimes committed, their qualification under international law, and the efforts of Iraqi authorities to punish those responsible. It will also discuss legal frameworks and the role of the UN, before positing some possible solutions. Object of the inquiry. The primary object of this inquiry is the conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) that has taken place in Iraq since 2014. The term CRSV is used in the international discourse to designate sexual violence occurring during or following armed conflict. UN bodies have set a gravity threshold for defining CRSV-incidents or patterns of acts of sexual violence such as "rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity" (UN Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict, 2011, p. 3).

Countering Terrorism in Iraq: Law and Practice

After several years of fighting the international terrorist organization «Islamic State», the anti-terrorist coalitions headed by the Russian Federation and the USA managed to tip the scale in their favor in 2017. There is extensive research on how different countries counteract this most well-known of all modern international terrorist organizations. However, as Western criminologists note (Alex Braithwaite, Shane D. Johnson), there are very few empirical works that study the causes of decline and growth of terrorist activities as well as the emergence and disappearance of hot spots in Iraq itself during the American military campaign. On the whole, the overview of publications has revealed (Gary LaFree, Joshua D. Freilich) that out of over than 20 thousand articles on terrorism published between 1971 and 2004, only seven were devoted to empirical (criminological) research, while others dealt with the psychology of terrorism. The situation started to change in recent years and a large number of empirical (criminological and criminal law) studies of terrorism has been published, which is connected with the growing financial support of such research by national research foundations and state departments (for example, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Defense in the USA). Thus, about 100 books devoted to such studies have been annually published in the USA in the last decade. As for Russian criminal law policy, this article is one of the few devoted to countering terrorism in the motherland of «Islamic State» – in Iraq. The authors analyze Iraqi anti-terrorism legislation, in particular, Law № 13 of 2005, draw attention to an excessively wide definition of terrorism that it contains, conclude that its clause of analogy is incompatible with the principle of legality and argue that this normative act is one of the most drastic anti-terrorism laws in the world. The authors believe that an important direction in fighting terrorism is the decision of Iraqi authorities to establish a special tribunal for terrorist crimes, such as genocide against the Yazidis, and criminal prosecution of perpetrators who are outside Iraq, including those in Russian territory. They prove that the terrorist crimes against «infidels», qualified by many specialists and international organizations as crimes against peace and humanity, should mainly be the subject of proceedings in an independent court body of the international community.

Terroryzm sponsorowany przez państwa. Casus bliskowschodnich państw-sponsorów

The point of interest in this paper is the issue of state-sponsored terrorism. The essence of this form of terrorism is the intentional (indirect or direct) support, offered by state sponsors to terrorist organizations, and the intention to let them achieve their political, strategic or tactical goals, usually concerning the citizens, governments or the territory of third-party countries. The paper presents a classification of the range of such support and concentrates on the analysis of the motives and means applied by the state sponsors. Owing to historical conditions and the range and scope of support granted, the paper uses the examples of Iran, Syria and Iraq. Only the former two states offer permanent support to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. After the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime, Iraqi authorities have abandoned this activity as it was actually harmful to the interests of their country.