Ionic Capital Research Articles

THE COLOSSUS OF HERA IN ARGOS BY POLYKLEITOS THE ELDER: A RECONSTRUCTION EXPERIENCE

The article proposes and substantiates a new graphical reconstruction of the chryselephantine colossus of Hera in Argos, created by Polykleitos the Elder in 400 BC. The combination of art sources, archaeological data and ancient documents by Pausanias, Tertullian and Maximus of Tyre describing the lost throne statue of the goddess allow us to recreate it in sufficient detail, completely discarding the speculative methods of the past. The iconographic similarity of the marble replica of the statue of the goddess from the Boston collection with the image of Polyxena in the painting by Polykleitos (depicted on a bronze jug from a Sarmatian burial mound in the Rostov region), earlier identified by the authors, confirms the correctness of A.Limfert, who suggested that the Boston torso reproduced the lost original of the Argos chryselephantine colossus. The surviving part of the Boston replica and the details of the image of the throne of the statue of Hera on the Apulian lekythos from the collection of the British Museum suggest that the marble throne from the tomb of the Macedonian queen Eurydice repeats the throne of the Argive colossus in its main details. The stylistic similarity of the faces of the sculptural images of Demeter Ludovisi, the Sosicles Amazon and the Westmacott Athlete, noted by the authors, makes it possible to express the opinion that the head from the collection of the Palazzo Altemps in Rome is a replica of the statue of Hera by Polykleitos the Elder. Thanks to the surviving parts of Demeter Ludovisi and the image of the head of the colossus of Hera on a fragment of the Apulian crater, which is in a private collection in Kiel (Germany), the authors recreate the diadem crowning the head and the calyptra that covered it. The figures of Horai and Charites, framing the upper edge of the diadem, were reconstructed owing to the iconographic prototype of the same goddesses placed at the base of the back and armrests of the throne of Queen Eurydice. The sceptre, its finial in the form of a cuckoo sitting on an Ionic capital, and the twisted pole are restored according to the images of the colossus of Hera on the Apulian crater and the reverses of the Argive diassarions during the reign of Antoninus Pius. The pomegranate fruit in the deity's right hand was reconstructed thanks to the drawing of the image of the statue of Hera, made by A.Linfert from a marble relief in the collection of the Argos Museum. The presumptive colour scheme of the colossus of the goddess was recreated based on a fresco of the 4th century BC, depicting the Hellenistic chryselephantine throne image of Aphrodite, similar in some details of its iconography to Hera by Polykleitos the Elder.

Late Antique Ionic Column Capitals in the Countryside of Central Palestine between Provincial Trends and Classical Traditions

This article provides the first comprehensive synthesis of one of the least studied styles of column capitals—the Ionic order—in the countryside of the central Palestinian hill country in Late Antiquity. In this study a suggested typology and chronology of the documented finds of Ionic capitals—all are made of local limestone—is presented, while taking into account the geographical distribution of the capital types, and their archaeological/architectural and cultural contexts. Ionic capitals in late antique central Palestine were almost exclusively used in rural settlements of various forms, mostly villages (usually Christian but also Jewish and possibly Samaritan) and monasteries, and were virtually absent from the region's urban centers. While only one capital type represents the (quasi-)canonical or classical style of this order, the other five types clearly demonstrate provincial trends, especially an increasing heterogeneity in the development of the Ionic capital in the region, and the genuine contribution of rural artisans in this respect. The typological diversity and widespread distribution of Ionic-style capitals in the countryside of the late antique central Palestinian hill country is interpreted within local and pan-Levantine historical and socio-cultural contexts. This research inter alia suggests that the specific socio-political history of the central Palestinian hill country during the Early Roman period can partly explain the marked distinction between this area and the regions to its north regarding the evolution of the Ionic style in late antique times. By also using the code-switching model, this study further hypothesizes that the unique Ionic capitals used in the central Palestinian hill country contributed to the development of the cultural identity of the local rural population.

Metamorphic Heads: A Footnote on Botticelli’s and Pollaiuolo’s Mercanzia Virtues

Metamorphic Heads: A Footnote on Botticelli’s and Pollaiuolo’s Mercanzia Virtues

Review: Tributes to Pierre du Prey: Architecture and the Classical Tradition, from Pliny to Posterity, edited by Matthew M. Reeve

Matthew M. Reeve, ed. Tributes to Pierre du Prey: Architecture and the Classical Tradition, from Pliny to Posterity London: Harvey Miller, 2014, 288 pp., 129 b/w illus. €100, ISBN 9781909400122 “The classical tradition meanders in and out of the history of architecture, sometimes looping back upon itself as if to suggest that time has stood still,” Pierre de la Ruffiniere du Prey notes at the opening of Hawksmoor's London Churches: Architecture and Theology .1 In that book, du Prey explores how the buildings of the early Christians, although known to Nicholas Hawksmoor only through texts and drawings, inspired the idiosyncratic Anglican churches that Hawksmoor designed in the early eighteenth century. The question of renewed relevance that underpins du Prey's Hawksmoor study, as well as much of his other work, also ties together the sixteen essays of Tributes to Pierre du Prey , edited by Matthew M. Reeve. One of the strengths of this Festschrift is its coherence. An opening essay by Mark Wilson Jones lays out the stakes by posing a dual question: Why do the orders have the forms that they do, and why has that problem proven so intriguing for writers from Vitruvius to the present? He then surveys the various possible origins of three architectural elements—fluting, the Ionic capital, and the Doric frieze—to argue for a multivalent understanding of the orders. Although no single justification for the architectural form of the orders has been produced, Wilson Jones asserts that contradictory explanations can reinforce each other rather than cancel each other out. The title of Guy P. R. Metraux's essay, “Some Other Literary Villas of Roman Antiquity besides Pliny's,” recalls du Prey's book The Villas of Pliny from Antiquity to Posterity , a magisterial examination of the influence of Pliny the Younger's letters on country house design.2 Metraux supplies context for Pliny's letters, which describe Tuscan and Laurentine villas, by describing the letters of Seneca the Younger, written about forty years before Pliny's, and of Sidonius …

Archaic and Classical Greek Epigram by Manuel Baumbach, Andrej Petrovic, and Ivana Petrovic

BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 181 materiality, and a desire to reconcile otherwise opposed or estranged parties), may be able to excavate the “popular” voices that have been so efficiently muted by our elite texts. Swarthmore College Jeremy B. Lefkowitz Archaic and Classical Greek Epigram. Edited by Manuel Baumbach, Andrej Petrovic, and Ivana Petrovic. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. 2010. Pp. xiv, 439. Ancient epigram is a “hot topic,” the subject of an APA panel in 2011, a symposium at ENS-Lyon in 2010, several monographs since 2005, recent and forthcoming work on Poseidippos and Simonides, and surveys by N. Livingstone and G. Nisbet (Epigram [Cambridge 2010]) and P. Bing and J. Bruss (Brill’s Companion to Hellenistic Epigram [Leiden 2007]), as well as Bing’s The Scroll and the Marble (Michigan 2009). The present excellent volume, stemming from a 2005 conference, serves as a companion for earlier, mostly inscribed Greek epigram. The highlights of the volume are chapters by, in order of appearance, T. Schmitz, C. Keesling, W. Furley, C. Higbie, K. Gutzwiller, M. Fantuzzi, E. Bowie, and J. Bruss. All the pieces, however, repay one’s attention, and all contribute, as R. Hunter says of epigram collections in his chapter, “like stones in a mosaic, to a whole greater than its individual parts” (286), because the topics covered include most of those that demand attention. In Chapter One, the editors articulate the book’s conceptual unity around twin themes of “contextualisation” and “literarisation.” Twelve chapters in Part I explore the former, “the historical reception” of epigrams, i.e., their “ ‘meaning’ . . . decoded” from the situational , material, religious, political, and literary-generic contexts “which are in dialogue with the epigram.” Four chapters in Part II consider literarisation, “the place of archaic and classical Greek epigram in the epigrammatic genre as well as its role in the genre’s development from stone to book” (8). T. Schmitz (25–41) sets the stage for the first section of Part I by analyzing “strategies of incorporating the act of communication” (among imaginary speakers and addressees and real readers) “into the text, thus creating a special space for communication that is clearly demarcated from pragmatic, everyday discourse” (27); M. Tueller (42–60) on the passer-by, including the “stranger” motif, and G. Vestrheim (61–78) on “I” and “you” deixis, and the rhetorical efficacy of sentiments reflecting community values, treat specific issues along similar lines. Little attention is paid here or elsewhere to the thorny question (mentioned at 7) of whether these contexts of reception were activated in real encounters with inscribed monuments. Rather, these authors explicate epigraphic deixis, voice, and other authorial techniques for imagining readings in ways consistent with potential readers’ expectations. Those expectations were shaped in part by exposure to archaic lyric poetry, which, as Schmitz points out, employed similar strategies of constructing performances as fictional situations where, for instance, audience and addressee were not necessarily identical, as they were not in epigrams with prayers like CEG 326 (Mantiklos). Schmitz might have compared poets composing simultaneously for premieres and reperformances (cf. Vestrheim 75–77). The papers in the next section, on material and spatial contexts, give the visual equal billing with the verbal in their reconstruction of ancient encounters with inscribed monu- 182 PHOENIX ments and the recipients’ making of meanings for them. Given the variety of monuments, there is space only for three sondages, but the choices are interesting. B. Borg (81–99) examines the “chest of Kypselos,” dedicated at Olympia, now lost, but described by Pausanias , who quotes metrical labels accompanying various scenes.1 K. Lorenz (131–148), writing on inscriptions for kouroi, focuses on the reader-viewer’s active, dialectic contribution in responding to visual cues and speaking the text aloud. C. Keesling (100–130), in the volume’s closest approach to epigraphical analysis, focuses on Kallimachos’ Marathon dedication, which she helps us reconstruct mentally from the base (original location known from a cutting on the Akropolis), inscribed column in several pieces, Ionic capital , and winged female statue. The ensemble now stands restored in the new Akropolis Museum. Keesling demonstrates how the monument provided visual cues that triggered viewers’ expectations, and argues that this cueing reflected earlier...

DOĞU DAĞLIK KİLİKİA'DA (OLBA BÖLGESİNDE) BULUNAN İKİ YENİ MEZAR ANITI**

The tomb monuments handled in this paper are located in the Olba region, east of Rough Cilicia. It is common for the tomb monuments which are named as D1 and D2 that they have a prostylos plan. Architrave and frieze are worked out of the same block and the upper construction elements show parallelities to each other. Both possess pediments. Besides there similarities, differences between the two tombs are obvious: The capitals of the columns of D1 are Ionic, those of D2 are Doric. D1 has a burial chamber constructed of carved stones. On the other hand the burial chamber of D2 is carved out of the main rock and has the cha­racteristics of a rock-cut tomb. The D1 tomb has a gable roof and a pediment. The roof of this tomb consists of plain blocks streched from one arch to the other. Over these blocks rest the gable formed roof blocks. Therefore this monument is a temple tomb in all its details. Furthermore the burial chamber shows the typical decoration of a temple tomb. By D2 the pediment was intended only for the front part and seems not to have a gable behind. D2 just imitates monumental tombs, itself being a rock-cut tomb. One of the most important criteria for the dating of the tombs are the Ionic capitals of D1. The par­allels for these capitals in Anatolia are dated between the late 2nd and 3rd centuries AD. The other tombs with Ionic capitals in the Olba region are also dated to the same period. Two of these are the temple tombs in Imbriogon Kome with Ionic capitals on the lower columns. The roof co­nstruction of these temple tombs stand also with their roof construction close to tomb D1. The third tomb with Ionic capital is a rock-cut tomb and should not be dated earlier than the 2nd century AD. The given facts point to early 3rd century AD for D1. It is possible to offer the same date also for D2 because of the similarities.

THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF ZEUS LABRAUNDOS

The aim of this paper is to discuss the existence of the Archaic phase of the Temple of Zeus in the Labraunda Sanctuary. Previously, the earlier temple in antis was brought to light by the technical details which were discussed by Hellström and Thieme. Then Thieme published a short article about the architectural elements from the sanctuary and made much clear the connection of the architectural elements and the temple in antis. In spite of these studies the existence and the construction date of the temple in antis is still controversial. It is aimed in this paper to investigate all the evidences including previous research, existing remains, architectural elements and historical sources for the earlier temple. For this scope, not only the published ones but also some new unpublished architectural fragments will be fully investigated and dated by the previously dated parallel examples. The architectural fragments consist of a column drum with 36 flutes, a column neck fragment, an Ionic capital fragment, 2 complete and 6 fragments of the crown blocks and 8 dentil blocks. Although, the architectural fragments, except the Ionic capital, are suggested very strongly as belonging to the Archaic temple of Zeus Labraundos, the historical sources for the temple is lacking: the terms hieron used by Herodotus and xoanon by Strabo are strong evidence for the existence of the temple. This investigation suggests that all the evidence indicate that there was a temple to Zeus Labraundos from the late Archaic period and that was enlarged during the Hekatomnid dynasty.

The Ionic Capital from the Temple of Oxus (Northern Bactria)

The Ionic Capital from the Temple of Oxus (Northern Bactria)

Geometric Methods of the 1500s for Laying Out the Ionic Volute

Volutes, a distinguishing feature of the Ionic order, are the double curls in the form of spirals on either side of the Ionic capital. In the Renaissance, the Ionic volute was the object of study for architects who were concerned with the development of the new theories of architectural forms. In addition to studies of its proportions, research focused on the search for a sure and elegant method for laying out the volute. The point of departure for the elaborate theories were the ruins of buildings from the classical era and the treatise by Vitruvius. Authors Denise Andrey and Mirko Galli compare and contrast three methods by Sebastiano Serlio, Giuseppe Salviati and by Philandrier for laying out the Ionic volute.

The Origins of the Athenian Ionic Capital

The Origins of the Athenian Ionic Capital

Architectural Details from the Asklepeion at Balagrae (Beida)

AbstractDrawings made in 1958 of the Beida Sanctuary peristyle afford a basis for comment on characteristic architectural developments in Cyrenaica, seen as part of the Oriental Hellenistic world.Since this complex is dated epigraphically to Hadrianic times it offers information on the chronological compass of forms and motifs which are well established at a much earlier period (3rd century BC). Notable features are the mixing of elements from different orders and the use of the cordiform angle pier often in association with the Rhodian-type peristyle.The emergence of these devices can be seen in the Apollo Temple at Bassae, and they are subsequently formalised in the so-called Argolid School. This style was spread about the Hellenised Orient in the wake of Alexander's conquests. It can be seen particularly in Ptolemaic Alexandria, but owing to the destruction of almost all the free-standing building at Alexandria the bulk of the evidence comes from the Ptolemaic provinces, notably Cyrenaica, Cyprus and Southern Palestine/Arabia.The details of the Balagrae peristyle also show the retention of some old established Cyrenaican regional manners (Doric Capital with moulded abacus, simplified Ionic Capital, etc) and the complete absence of any specifically Roman innovations either of design or construction.

Ancient Marseille in the Light of Recent Excavations

information recovered from recent excavations in the heart of taken with previously known data, has permitted reconstructions of the way in which the ancient city developed and of the economic role which Marseille played from the time of Greek colonization through the Roman period. An important group of ancient ruins was found in March 1967, in the course of ground levelling of unusual extent undertaken in the heart of behind the Palais de la Bourse, about 150 m. north of the Vieux-Port (pl. 22, fig. I). discovery created a certain amount of interest, more for its potential economic and political implications than for the rare historical and monumental value of the remains. Before this discovery little of ancient Massalia was actually known: the remains of some Christian religious buildings; the location of a few outlying necropoleis; the substructures of Roman horrea near the port; the meager vestiges of a theater; a large Ionic capital, probably votive; a few Latin and Greek inscriptions; a collection of naiskoi dedicated to Cybele; and a fairly extensive group of Greek sherds studied lately by F. Villard. If we include several minor finds and acknowledge the remarks, unfortunately often conflicting, made by local scholars, this limited picture can be considered more or less complete.' persistent, if peculiar, lack of interest exhibited by the inhabitants of Marseille in the oldest period of the city's history can hardly be offset by the isolated efforts of some scholars. From 1862 to 1864, in spite of Napoleon III's personal interest in archaeology, over a kilometer of the city's heart was ripped up by the construction of the rue Imperiale, later the rue de la Republique, causing irretrievable loss since no serious study of the area was made. Since 1913, the gradual demolition of old housing blocks behind the Bourse has revealed remains of sufficient importance to suggest that significant discoveries could be made in the course of such work. Reconstruction of the area has been delayed, but no preliminary excavation was planned. Finally in 1943, the complete demolition of the quarter on the north shore of the Vieux-Port provided an unexpected occasion for research which was not exploited, despite the efforts of Henri Rolland and Fernand Benoit. It is therefore in this eminently unpromising context that the discoveries of 1967 must be placed. Administration of Antiquities intervened and temporarily protected the area, but the burden of the compensation paid to the city of Marseille for the site was such that sufficient funds for detailed excavations could not be allocated. In the beginning, researchers had to be satisfied with superficial examination of the visible remains; then they had to excavate hastily areas which were about to be destroyed, without even being able to study completely those ruins meant for preservation. This portion represents only one-fourth of the original archaeological zone, and its condition bodes ill for the work which is still to be done. Given this situation, one must be satisfied with sorting out the evidence which exists.2 * manuscript is translated from the original French. photographs are by the Institut d'Archeologie Miditerrane Benoit, The New Excavations at Marseille, AJA 53 (1949) 237-40; Benoit, Topographie antique de Marseille: le theatre et le mur de Crinas, Gallia 24 (1966) 1-20. major work remains that of M. Clerc, Massalia. Histoire de Marseille dans l'Antiquitd, des origines a' la fin de I'Empire romain d'Occident 2 vols. (Marseille 1927-1929). A detailed bibliography may be found in M. Euzennat and F. Salviat, Les fouilles de Marseille (Mars-Avril 1968), CRAI 1968, 145-59. 2 Euzennat and Salviat (supra n. i); M. Euzennat, Les This content downloaded from 207.46.13.149 on Thu, 20 Oct 2016 04:01:00 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 134 MAURICE EUZENNAT [AJA 84 Considered as a whole, the known remains are of great complexity. But the numerous levels are generally coherent, and the history of the site which can be deduced from them is relatively simple in its outlines. At the time when the Phokaians settled the deep and narrow bay (calanque) which later became the Vieux-Port was much larger and deeper than it is today (ill. I). It penetrated inland Laa Joliette t. Charles

Polykleitos: Diadoumenos, Doryphoros and Hermes

Important recent acquisitions of the Walters Art Gallery are two Polykleitan fragments, a head and a torso, which, while not quite unknown, have received scant notice and no modern study. When first published in 1895 they were united and belonged to Bardini of Florence, who announced their source to be the Villa Borghese in Rome. In 1898 this combined statue was discovered by Bienkowski, published with photographs in which it stood on an Ionic capital, described in detail, and acclaimed as a unique replica of a Polykleitan original. Immediately thereafter Studniczka republished it, using the same photographs cropped closer, chiding Bienkowski for failing to realize that the torso was a copy of the Diadoumenos, the head of the Doryphoros. In 1918 under pressure of war Bardini sold the torso with head at auction in New York; his catalogue reproduced the same frontal illustration revealing the capital complete. Meanwhile Reinach and Mahler, and subsequently Anti, followed the line taken by Studniczka. Late in 1967 this same statue, with the head now separated from the torso, came upon the market; the torso was bought by the Walters Art Gallery, the head generously given by Mr. and Mrs. James E. LePere.'

Et kongebud til Ikaros

Et kongebud til Ikaros

Note on Bases in the Form of an Ionic Capital

Previous articleNext article FreeNote on Bases in the Form of an Ionic CapitalW. R. LethabyW. R. Lethaby Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Archaeology Volume 22, Number 3July–September 1918 The journal of the Archaeological Institute of America Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/497300 Copyright © 1918 by the Archaeological Institute of America. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Ionic Capital of the Gymnasium of Kynosarges

The excavations of the British School at Athens, in the winters of 1896 and 1897, had the result of determining that the site, on which they were carried on, had been a burial ground previous to the sixth century B.C. and again after the third century, and that, in the meantime, it must have been covered by the Greek building, of which we laid bare the foundations. The plan of this building resembles that of a large gymnasium; the period of its existence coincides with that during which we know the gymnasium of Kynosarges to have existed, and the position of the site is such as the various mentions of Kynosarges by classic authors leads us to expect.

Egyptian Origin of the Ionic Capital and of the Anthemion

Previous articleNext article FreeEgyptian Origin of the Ionic Capital and of the AnthemionW. H. GoodyearW. H. Goodyear Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 3, Number 3-4December 1887 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/496236 Views: 40Total views on this site Journal History This article was published in The American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts (1885-1896), which is continued by American Journal of Archaeology (1897-present). Copyright © 1887 by the Archaeological Institute of America. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.