Political Interests Research Articles

ПСИХОЛОГІЧНІ ОСОБЛИВОСТІ СТАНОВЛЕННЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ ОСОБИСТОСТІ

The current stage of the formation and development of the Ukrainian state is characterized by the special relevance of the issue of the formation of the national identity of its citizens. This is so, because a high level of an individual's ethnic identity is a significant aspect of the successful formation and development of the state and the harmony of its citizens. At the same time, the public consciousness of Ukrainians is currently filled with political interests and the latest ideological slogans. The latter, in turn, causes the destruction of the national system of values. Globalization and migration processes lead to increased interaction between different cultures and nations, which makes the study of national identity more relevant. Personality is a complex system influenced by both internal personal factors and the external environment, including cultural, social, and historical factors. The study of psychological features of national identity helps to understand how the self-awareness of an individual is formed in the context of its cultural roots and interaction with other cultures. This is important for many areas of life. The study of the psychological features of national identity involves the study of the following aspects: cultural stereotypes, values, self-esteem, a sense of belonging to a certain nation or ethnic group, etc. Understanding these psychological features will contribute to the development of a more tolerant society, as well as the identification of ways to support positive self-determination and identity in different cultural contexts. National identity is the recognition of the people themselves; knowledge and respect for history; national culture, territory, and the people's awareness of their own special features, as well as the understanding of the representatives of the national group of their own interests, goals, and needs. "National identity" is a category whose main elements are national self-determination, national self-awareness and traditional culture. A significant condition for the formation of the national (ethnic) identity of an individual is systematic interaction with the reference group for the purpose of forming common goals, vision and support of the national identity. Such interactions will help to confirm a high level of national identity of an individual and activate the mechanism of ethnic identification. And also to intensify socio-psychological factors and develop the components of the national identity of the individual.

Research on political participation in contemporary Albania – an overview

ABSTRACT This article takes stock of research on political participation and civic engagement in Albania, a country generally perceived as lacking a civil society and a democratic political culture. Rather, Albanian political culture since the 1990s has been characterized by political conflict and a dysfunctional parliamentary life. On top of this comes widespread public dissatisfaction and a general lack of interest in politics. The general assumption is that a democratic political culture remains to be developed. Reviewing articles on public engagement in English-language journals and reports published in the recent decade, the overall picture is that research on Albanian political participation is poorly developed. There is a considerable amount of research and NGO reports dealing with formal political activity (electoral participation and party membership) and – in particular – studies of social movements, including protests and demonstrations. Other forms of participation are largely overlooked, like political consumption, social involvement, and civic engagement.

Deliberative mini-publics as learning schools for democracy? Examining deliberation impact on dissatisfied and radical participants of a citizens’ assembly in Poland

ABSTRACT In a global context of democratic challenges such as dissatisfaction and social polarization, research on Western European democracies suggests that deliberative democracy instruments like deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) may provide a solution with their positive impact on participants’ attitudes towards politics and democracy. Despite the proliferation of citizens’ assemblies, especially locally, little is known about DMPs in newer democracies in Central and Eastern Europe, and it is uncertain whether the findings about the virtues of deliberation would hold. This study assesses the impact of a mini-public in Poland, focusing on the Citizens’ Assembly on Energy Poverty, the country's first national-level deliberative initiative. Poland has faced heightened political dissatisfaction due to eight years of right-wing populist governance and the rise of radical ideologies, raising questions about deliberation's impact on dissatisfied and radical participants. Our results confirm the positive impact of deliberation on participants, improving their percepetion of knowledge, political interest, efficacy, and support for mini-publics. However, we find no significant differences of deliberation between dissatisfied, radical participants, and other groups highlighting the universal benefits of deliberation. These inconclusive findings may be due to a common recruitment bias in DMPs, specifically enrolling politically engaged citizens, thus limiting the potential for a learning curve.

Re-imaging a country beyond its conflict: evaluation of an Israeli public diplomacy intervention for youth in Germany

AbstractOutcome evaluations of public diplomacy programs remain scarce. Addressing this gap, this study evaluated Israel Project Day, a seminar-based Israeli intervention designed to improve Israel's image among German youth. The intervention provides a unique real-world application of the “Life in Israel” model that spotlights Israel’s cultural diversity and achievements beyond the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Utilizing a quasi-experimental pre-post design and mixed-linear models, the study shows that participation significantly improved overall attitudes toward Israel, interest in Israeli society, and perceptions of Israel as a democratic, multicultural, and safe place. Although the program avoided direct conflict-related messages, it facilitated more favorable views on Israel's policies in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, demonstrating potential spillover effects to the conflictual-political realm. Additionally, effects on German-Israeli cooperation and responsibility were modest, highlighting a challenge for the Israeli-German unique relationship. Finally, the effects on interest in Israeli society and politics and support for German-Israel cooperation were stronger for participants with low media exposure. By moving away from conflict-centric presentations and focusing on contributions and advancements, nations like Israel can potentially cultivate a more positive national image. Practical implications are discussed for crafting impactful outreach, upscaling, and sustaining flexible efforts attuned to sociopolitical developments and challenges.

Political interest, political ideology, and attitudes toward immigration

Although much research has been devoted to how political interest is related to different political outcomes, little is known about its influence on attitudes toward immigration. In line with deliberative theory, political interest should facilitate greater exposure to various perspectives via political discussions and other forms of political engagement that, in turn, should contribute to more positive attitude toward those with differing views or backgrounds. Using data from the European Social Survey, including 39 countries across 10 survey rounds 2002–2021, this study shows that political interest is positively related to immigrant acceptance. However, there is moderation effect of conservative values. Being politically interested is associated with a higher probability of holding pro-immigrant attitudes among weak conservatives, while there is no significant association among strong conservatives. This finding can be explained by the motivated cognition theory, which states that individuals tend to seek out and pay more attention to information that supports their strong pre-existing ideologies. For individuals with ideologies that predispose them to adopt very negative attitudes toward immigration (strong conservatives), being politically interested might entail a greater exposure and attention to ideology-congruent perspectives and, as a result, confirmation of initial predispositions.

The Biblical History Play: Turning Seventeenth-Century Joseph Plays into Political Drama

Abstract This article examines the shift in popularity from religious to historical and political drama from the late sixteenth century onward, particularly focusing on plays about the patriarch Joseph. The study explores how new historiographical approaches influenced the portrayal of biblical narratives, transforming them to reflect contemporary interests in politics and court life. By analyzing a selection of primarily Jesuit plays, the article demonstrates how the biblical story of Joseph was adapted to align with the baroque fascination for ancient history and the emerging trend of political drama. The shift in Jesuit drama during the baroque period from biblical to more secular subjects is evident in the dramatizations of Joseph’s story, which often incorporate elements of historical exegesis and elaborate depictions of ancient societies, particularly that of Egypt. These plays illustrate how the story of Joseph was recontextualized within a framework of international politics, war, and court intrigue, introducing new characters, plotlines, and subplots. This intermixing of genres reflects a broader tendency in early modern drama to blend sacred and secular elements, resulting in hybrid forms that straddled the line between biblical drama and history plays. The article concludes that this blending not only revitalized biblical drama but also helped bridge the gap between declining religious plays and the rising popularity of political and historical narratives.

CHALLENGES AND BARRIERS IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY AT THE NATIONAL AND REGIONAL LEVELS

This article explores the challenges and barriers faced in the implementation of anti-corruption policies at both national and regional levels in Ukraine, emphasizing the urgent need for effective measures to combat corruption, which remains a significant impediment to sustainable economic development, the establishment of a rule of law, and social justice. Despite numerous legislative initiatives and the establishment of specialized anti-corruption bodies, the implementation of anti-corruption policies is hindered by various factors. These include insufficient institutional capacity, the influence of political interests that compromise the independence of anti-corruption agencies, and an inadequate legislative framework that often fails to meet contemporary demands. Regionally, local elites frequently resist anti-corruption measures, compounded by low legal awareness among citizens and a lack of resources for effective oversight and investigations. This research employs qualitative analysis, drawing on existing literature and case studies to identify key challenges in anti-corruption efforts. It synthesizes perspectives from various scholars, including Al-Jundi, Shuhaiber, and Budsaratragoon, to highlight global insights while focusing on Ukraine's specific context. By analyzing these challenges, the study seeks to develop recommendations for overcoming barriers to effective anti-corruption implementation. It underscores the importance of enhancing institutional capabilities, promoting transparency, and fostering a culture of accountability. Ultimately, this research serves as a critical step toward establishing a robust anti-corruption framework that promotes a transparent and equitable society in Ukraine, necessitating a comprehensive approach that integrates national and regional strategies for optimal effectiveness. Through this work, the article contributes to the ongoing discourse on anti-corruption policies and their implementation challenges, providing actionable insights for policymakers and practitioners.

Beyond the ballot: Factors shaping political participation among university students in Bangkok

This study explores the determinants of political participation among Thai youth, focusing on the roles of political interest, knowledge, and efficacy. Employing stratified random sampling, data were collected from 191 university students in Bangkok. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) via Smart PLS was utilized to test hypotheses regarding the direct and mediating effects of political interest and knowledge on participation, highlighting the mediating role of political efficacy. The findings indicate that political efficacy significantly enhances participation, while political interest boosts knowledge significantly but does not directly influence efficacy. Furthermore, political knowledge positively affects efficacy but not participation directly. Notably, the indirect effects of political interest on participation through efficacy alone are insignificant, but the pathways from interest to participation through both knowledge and efficacy, and from knowledge to participation through efficacy, are significant. These results elucidate the complex interactions between political interest, knowledge, and efficacy in shaping the political engagement of Thai youth.

Changing Forms of Ownership in a Democratic Corporatist Media System — How Digitalization Leads to Less Transparency and the Risk of Media Capture

Digitalization has led to a crisis in news media and an upheaval in media ownership. A research concern has been that the motives driving media owners will shift from financial and public service to overtly political and ideological. The term “media capture” has been suggested to describe how various interests may take control over news media outlets. This paper adds to the study of digitalization and media ownership in three ways. First, our analysis is based on new analytical parameters developed as part of the Euromedia Ownership Monitor. Second, we compare types of ownership across legacy news media and digital news media, as each media type runs a different risk regarding capture. Third, we focus on ownership transparency, especially that of beneficial owners. Our case study is Denmark, which is part of the democratic corporatist media system and, based on international ratings, is one of the most democratic and transparent media systems in Europe. We find that private legacy news media is mostly owned by nonprofit foundations, while legacy public service news media is owned by the State or is listed as self-owned. Regarding new digital news media, we find different ownership forms. However, only new digital news media have ownership by a sole proprietor. Regarding transparency, we find the transparency of direct and beneficial owners is more accessible in legacy news media than in new, digital news media. We find no tradition for publishing “natural persons” possible affiliations to either political or other commercial interests. This seems especially relevant, as new digital news media outlets, unlike legacy media, sometimes are owned and funded by private investors, whose main business interests lie outside the news media and whose motives for owning a news media may differ from traditional ownership thus leading to a risk of media capture by ownership.

The Evolution of a Social Movement: The Muslim Brotherhood’s Path Between Political Ambition and the Rejection of Armed Struggle

This article examines the evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, tracing its transformation from a social movement into a political party. This study investigates the conditions and dynamics that compelled the organization to engage in the political sphere and its efforts to distance itself from armed strategies. It explores the factors that have driven these changes and offers insights into potential future trajectories, especially in the context of the challenges faced by the Brotherhood following the military coup on 3 July 2013. Employing theoretical frameworks from studies on the transformation processes of similar movements and utilizing a process tracing methodology and in-depth interviews, the article seeks to understand how both historical and contemporary contexts have shaped the Brotherhood’s evolution and strategies. The findings suggest that, much like during previous periods of repression, the Brotherhood is likely to endure the current crisis and sustain its organizational presence. However, in doing so, it is expected to temporarily withdraw from political engagement. The article posits that, after completing this period of exile and resuming its activities in Egypt, the Brotherhood will likely continue as a social movement, stepping away from political involvement for a significant period.

Europe's Super‐Rich: Towards Oligarchic Constitutional Order

AbstractThis article addresses an important but understudied puzzle in European Union Studies: the super‐rich's influence on domestic and transnational discourses, policies and institutions for wealth defence, security and legitimacy. It examines the super‐rich's impact on democratic governance and human rights claims of marginalized groups, and how states, civil society and non‐oligarchic entities contest oligarchic rule. The article proposes a research agenda to determine if Europe can be seen as an oligarchic constitutional order, characterized by governance practices and authority structures deeply intertwined with the super‐rich's interests in transnational and domestic politics. The framework in this research agenda underscores how institutional arrangements, legitimating principles, regulatory practices and procedural systems increasingly favour the super‐rich, reflecting a dominant mode of transnational governance rooted in extreme socio‐economic stratification. The research agenda aims to elucidate the tension between wealth and democratic governance, particularly how policies and normative discourses often align with the super‐rich's interests despite resistance from marginalized groups.

‘I don’t believe in the neutrality of research. OK?’ Mapping researchers’ attitudes toward values in science

ABSTRACT Background: Codes of conduct for research integrity provide ambivalent guidance on the role that the values of society as well as political and economic interests can or should play in scientific research. The development of clearer guidance on this matter in the future should consider the attitudes of researchers. Methods: We conducted 24 semi-structured interviews with holders of grants from the European Research Council and performed an inductive thematic analysis thereof. Results: We developed 4 themes reflecting 4 main attitudes of researchers toward the interactions between values and science: awareness, concern, confidence, and embracement. While interviewees recognized that science is not completely value-free (awareness), they still seemed to hold on to the so-called value-free ideal of science as a professional norm to minimize bias (concern, confidence). However, they showed awareness of the beneficial influence that values like diversity can have on research (embracement). Conclusions: Codes such as the European Code of Conduct for Research Integrity tend not to problematize the tensions that emerge from having the value-free ideal of science as a norm and being guided by the values of society. Our findings suggest the time might be ripe for research integrity codes to address more directly the value issues intrinsic to science.

Balancing power and prosperity: China’s geo-economic engagement with the Gulf Cooperation Council

Since the 1990s, China’s engagement beyond its geographical periphery, especially with Asian regions, has grown exceptionally, which is best evident in the Gulf sub-region and Western Asian nations. Indeed, energy-based interactions were the first to be established with Gulf Arab countries, and today, more than two decades after the Cold War, such relationships have evolved into tighter partnerships and engagement networks. Thus, in the last decade, China has increased its economic and political footprint in the Gulf region, as it has become one of the region’s largest external investors and trade partners. In its relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, China faces varying challenges as each country pursues its interests, making the Chinese strategy in the region more complex. The Gulf countries have had to balance their relationship between the US as a security guarantor and China as an important economic partner. They strive to maximize their political and economic interests in the process. The main contention of this paper is that the GCC should not be viewed as a homogenous entity and that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a flexible approach designed to bolster China’s economic objectives in each Gulf country. Our research scrutinizes China’s geo-economic strategy and geopolitical aims about the Gulf States’ aspirations to maximize their economic ties with China. Against this background, this paper discusses the political and economic relationships between the People’s Republic of China and the Gulf Arab states: Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Extracting Political Interest Model from Interaction Data Based on Novel Word-level Bias Assignment

In democratic countries, political interest is deeply involved in people's daily lives. Research in political consumerism shows that product purchase decision is also influenced by the political orientation of the consumer. In traditional recommendation system design, user interest in an item is provided by a unified model. Recently, interest disentanglement methods have been introduced. It is shown that by disentangling interest factors such as conformity and private interest, recommendation performance can be significantly improved. However, few studies attempt to disentangle political interest in purchase behavior, which is bipolar. In this paper, we propose a method to extract political interest model from e-commerce interaction data, which is supported by a novel word-level political bias assignment. For the bias assignment part, we improved a political bias distilling method. For the political interest model extraction part, we extend a one-side bias method to make it support bipolar bias. We compare our method with state-of-the-art baseline methods in several evaluation settings, and the experimental results show that our method can achieve superior performance. Further investigation shows that our method is consistent with theories of political consumerism.

Political or Religious Policy? Indigenous Christian Education in the Dutch East Indies Era

This study is a textual analysis discussing the existence of Christian educational institutions for indigenous students under the Dutch colonial administration in the Dutch East Indies. The primary objective of this research is to examine the underlying motives behind the Dutch colonial government’s policies on Christian education for indigenous communities, specifically to determine whether these policies were politically or religiously motivated. Focusing on historical contexts, this research employs historical methods to reconstruct past events. The central question addressed is the Dutch colonial government’s main focus in shaping policies for Christian education through mission institutions for indigenous communities: whether these were driven by political interests or religious considerations. Data sources were obtained from literature and historical documents archived in data storage centers and libraries. The findings, using a structuration methodology, reveal a pragmatic dualism underlying the colonial government’s policies, which shifted according to the socio-political context.

‘제주환경보전분담금(관광세)’ 제도 도입과정 분석 : 정책흐름모형(PSM)의 적용

Jeju Special Self-Governing Province has been reviewing the introduction of a tourism system related to a Tourism Tax for the environmental conservation of tourist destinations since 2012. However, the system, now referred to as the ‘Environmental Conservation Contribution,’ was ultimately postponed in May 2024 due to legal issues, political interests, negative public opinion regarding the system’s introduction, and a lack of supporting evidence. This study analyzes the process through the application of Kingdon(1984)’s Policy Streams Model(PSM), noting that discussions surrounding the ‘Jeju Environmental Conservation Contribution’, which faced long-standing challenges, did not follow a rational policy process due to differences in stakeholder opinions and the fluid nature of the system’s details. The anaylsis identified two main factors congributing to the difficulty in introducing the Jeju Environmental Conservation Contribution System. First, the window for policy decision-making did not open because the problem stream, policy alternatives stream, and political stream were not aligned, largely due to the insufficient formation of the political stream. Second, the policy leader who held significant influence in aligning these three streams, were unable to strongly lead the introduction of the system to it’s conclusion. Based on the research results, the practical implications of this study are as follows. First, for the successful implementation of the system, political efforts to persuade the public and shape public opinion are essential. Additionally, effective policy PR strategies are needed to foster social consensus through negotiations with multilateral consultative bodies and to enhance public awareness of the system. Second, it suggests that a logical and reasonable design that can change and persuade public perception is necessary when designing policy alternatives. Third, policy leaders should lead changes in the national atmosphere and public opinion formation based on professional knowledge and resources, and combine the three streams of the policy formation process with innovative strategies. The academic contribution of this study is that it lies in its application of empirical research using policy theory in the field of tourism studies, by clearly identifying the complex factors and problems involved in the introduction of the tourism system. Furthermore, this study enhances the clarity and objectivity of the analysis by refining the factors analyzed in the existing Policy Streams Model.

Framing HIV and AIDS in competitive authoritarian democracies. Case study of the print press in Mozambique, 1986–2020

Mozambique has the sixth highest prevalence of HIV in the world and ranks fourth in new infections. The government-owned print press Notícias has played an important role in the social construction of HIV and AIDS in the country as it was entrusted with the role of disseminating HIV and AIDS information to the public since the outbreak of the pandemic in the country in 1986. Using Notícias’ articles and frame analysis perspective, the article analyses the way Notícias has framed HIV and AIDS in the country since the late 1980s. The choice of media results from the fact that the way a phenomenon is constructed influences the way it is understood, as well as the way people may behave before it. The study found that Notícias’ frames on HIV and AIDS have suffered from a threefold tension: the need to maintain the Frelimo government’s former centralised and grassroots-orientated socialist ideology of health services in the context of the liberal market; the need to balance the influence of the global multilateral and bilateral actors and the Frelimo government’s political interest of translating HIV and AIDS response to the Mozambican context; and the need to portray a nationalist and positive image of the government’s performance in HIV and AIDS response before Mozambique’s non-fully plausible societal practices for an effective HIV and AIDS response. In a top-down approach, Notícias’ frames reflect not only the African post-independence ancillary and nationalist role of government-owned print press but also the power of global actors. Less is done from the societal bottom-up perspective.

Young people’s civic engagement in Italy: evidence on grade 8 students from the international civic and citizenship education study (ICCS) 2016

Civic engagement represents a key aspect of a democratic society and is itself a multidimensional construct. Research has shown that the promotion of civic engagement is an important component of civic and citizenship education intended in a broad sense, pertaining to formal, non-formal and informal learning situations. Within a national scenario characterised by increasing levels of general institutional disaffection and a lack of electoral and political involvement, the recent reform in the area of civic and citizenship education (Law 92/2019) has led to lively debates on the status of its implementation in Italian schools and recent research at the national level has highlighted the lack of activities to promote students’ engagement. This study further investigates the ICCS 2016 findings on civic engagement of Italian students with two objectives: to identify possible groups of Italian eighth-grade students on the basis of their level of civic engagement and to examine the associations among these groups and some key factors reflecting school contexts and students’ attitudes and behaviours. To reach these goals, the data analyses encompassed a latent profile analysis and a logistic regression model. The latent profile analysis allowed the identification of three groups of Italian students: disengaged, moderately engaged and engaged students. The results of the regression model showed that engaged students were characterised by a higher level of citizenship self-efficacy. These findings confirm those of previous research on the key role of internal self-efficacy in promoting students’ civic engagement.

Manusia Dalam Logika Politik di Era Media Digital

Political praxis in the digital media era often contains biases in understanding human dignity. This article wants to investigate whether the political logic in such an era contains certain concepts about humans that are implicit, hidden, or intentionally hidden. The theoretical framework of Shoshana Zuboff and Agus Sudibyo's thoughts on "Capital Surveillance" and "Digital Universe" is the reference used by the author to see to what extent the role of the use of digital technology and virtual spaces in political propaganda contains humanitarian biases and does not direct political goals on human dignity. The results of the author's observations and research show that political praxis in the digital media era has utilized humanitarian issues only for the sake of pragmatic and transactional electoral political interests. The author finds that human dignity in political practice in the digital media era is only an instrument, not a goal.

THE ECONOMIC PAMPHLETEER: Government regulation: Too much or too little

First paragraphs: On June 28, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed a 40-year-old Court decision that had made it easier for the federal government to enforce regulations that protect the environment, public health, workers, and consumers from eco­nomic exploitation. The six-to-three majority ruling was widely considered a victory for corporate and conservative political interests that have worked for decades to weaken government regulations. The case has been called “the conservative-dominated court’s clearest and boldest repudiation yet of what critics of regulation call the administra­tive state” (Sherman, 2024a, para. 3). The same justices, by the same majority, stripped the Securi­ties and Exchange Commission of its primary means of fighting fraud by requiring jury trials for accused violators of SEC rules (Sherman, 2024b). In other words, the current Supreme Court has demonstrated a commitment to weakening the government’s ability to write and enforce rules and regulations. . . .