Involvement In Political Life Research Articles

Различия политической апатии и пассивности на примере современного российского общества

Russian society is ambiguous in terms of its political activism or passivity. There are several arguments sup-porting the former viewpoint. Firstly, a high voter turnout at elections indicates some degree of civic activity. However, the low level of the population's involvement in political life inclines us, rather, to the recognition of the Russian society as passive. In order to reliably establish the nature of citizens' political integration in modern conditions a study was conducted. The aim was to determine the degree of participation of the country's popu-lation in making electoral decisions and the involvement of citizens in political life at the federal and local lev-els. During the analysis, a political activity correlation index was applied, which allowed adjusting the obtained results in accordance with the legal provisions corresponding to the actual measurement of political activity in Russia.

Egyptian Feminism: History, Achievements and Problems

The article discusses the expansion of women’s rights in Egypt. The author notes that Egypt, concerning the status of women in society, has traditions that differ from those in other countries where Islam is the predominant religion. This is because the state has experienced various periods throughout its history, including the Pharaonic era, the Greco-Roman period, the era of Islamic dominance, and periods of revolutionary reformers. The author pays much attention to the fact that Egypt has strong class divisions and property stratification. People in different areas of the country live differently. What concerns educated urban feminists in Cairo and Alexandria is often alien to poor women in the rural regions of Upper Egypt. The definitions of “women’s equality” and “feminism” themselves in a country with nationalist and Muslim traditions often have different meanings than in Western countries. On the one hand, Egyptian women have historically been considered the heads of their households as wives and mothers, and many women have consented to this role. A small percentage of Egyptian women worked outside the home, and their involvement in political life was limited. However, “state feminism” became the policy of all successive authoritarian regimes. The author also highlights the “Islamic feminism” as an interesting recent phenomenon.

Media and “the Fine Meshes of the Web of Power”: Based on the Statistics of Crime Rate in Virginia in 2022 Compared to Last Year and Before

Virginia abolished the death penalty in 2021 and welcomed a new governor in 2022. Meanwhile, widespread media reports that the crime rate goes up in 2022 compared to last year and before. The new Republican governor seriously claimed his Democrat predecessor to have made Virginia dangerous till today. In this article, whether it is a fact or a partisan battle that constructs a narrative will be investigated. Also, the five main topics of the news in the last year and a half will be summarized through the adoption of tools like Python and LDA (Latent Dirichlet Allocation). The review of the theories that explained the effects of media, especially on political policies, and Foucault’s theories on human subjection and involvement in political life, explained the significance of the research. This paper concludes that “Virginia is becoming more dangerous” tends to be a narrative constructed through media by politicians to operate power. People cannot avoid being involved in the media, which has great effects on them in modern times. The narrative surrounding the Virginia crime rate is an example of it. Media runs through the process of “subjectivation” but can only make people be trapped in “the fine meshes of the web of power”.

The Political Role of the Orthodox Clergy in the Union of the Romanian Principalities (1859)

"The union of the Romanian Principalities was a decisive moment in the history and evolution of the modern Romanian state, but its realization cannot be separated from the actions of the bishops and clergy, who were co-opted in the electoral process from the very beginning. The activity of the clergy was not strictly limited to the bureaucratic management of the elections but revealed a set of political beliefs, actively supporting the idea of Romanians’ national unity. This paper aims to insist on the political partisanship of the clergy respectively, on the immediate consequences of their involvement in political life. Keywords: Romanian Orthodox Church, Union of the Romanian Principalities, State and Church, Sofronie Miclescu, Nifon Rusăilă, Alexandru Ioan Cuza"

Действия сотрудников полиции на массовых мероприятиях

Introduction: the relevance of the chosen topic is because today mass events in Russian society are characterized by high popularity. They provide the satisfaction of the needs of modern man in his involvement in political life, sports achievements, culture, and art. At the same time, the successful holding of mass events is impossible without the activities of police officers who protect public order, as well as maintain public safety in a stable state. The purpose of the study is to characterize the legal regulation and specifics of the activities of police officers at mass events. Methods: the methodological framework includes a set of research methods, including the formal-legal method, the structural and functional method, the method of analysis and synthesis. Results: the authors have examined the current domestic regulatory framework governing the actions of police officers at mass events, on whose basis they have identified the features of their powers characteristic of each specific stage of the event. Conclusions: as a result of the study, the role of police action as an integral element of a comprehensive system that ensures order and security at various mass events has been revealed. It is determined that the police functionality varies depending on the period of the event. At the preparatory stage, proactive and preventive actions are implemented; at the executive stage, order and safety are directly ensured during the event; at the final stage, actions are deployed aimed at the smooth outflow of participants of the event, the abolition of restrictions imposed and the withdrawal of forces and means. Together, the whole tactics boil down to one thing – the protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens.

Moms in Chief: The Rhetoric of Republican Motherhood and the Spouses of Presidential Nominees, 1992—2016 by Tammy R. Vigil

Reviewed by: Moms in Chief: The Rhetoric of Republican Motherhood and the Spouses of Presidential Nominees, 1992—2016 by Tammy R. Vigil Sara Hillin Tammy R. Vigil, Moms in Chief: The Rhetoric of Republican Motherhood and the Spouses of Presidential Nominees, 1992—2016. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2019. 272 pp. ISBN: 9780700627486 In a thoroughly researched and timely study of women’s participation in American political life, Tammy R. Vigil explores how partners of presidential nominees have navigated the thorny territory of public and private spaces, often battling the media’s representation of their roles as wives, mothers, and public political figures in their own right. The text concerns itself in part with how presidential nominees’ partners offer insights into “the expectations of presidential partners” despite the fact that, as Vigil acknowledges, there are no established guidelines for evaluating the work of [End Page 100] the (almost always) women who fulfill that role (2). Though the book gives special emphasis to the years between 1992 (hailed as the Year of the Woman) and 2016, Vigil begins with a rich historical discussion of presidential wives’ involvement in their husbands’ campaigns, mentioning, for example, how Louisa Adams “used open house receptions to court potential supporters for her husband’s bid for the presidency” (5). Such examples, which involve women facilitating a salon type of discourse, echo suggestions from rhetoricians such as Christine de Pizan, who championed women’s ability to use influence as a rhetorical tool. Vigil’s ethos in this historical and rhetorical analysis is firmly established in the introductory chapter, where she takes readers as far back as 1808, noting that evidence of smear campaigns against presidential candidates’ wives may have begun with women such as Dolley Madison, who was in 1808 “accused of having had an affair with incumbent president Thomas Jefferson” (3). Vigil’s sharp attention to the fact that some sort of media presence has, almost from the beginning, either helped or hampered presidential nominees’ spouses, provides a corrective to any notion that such interference is a more recent phenomenon. Vigil spends much of the introductory and first chapters exploring the evolution of women’s involvement in political life, noting how, although women “were initially conceived of as apolitical beings” (34), they were actively involved in all facets of decision making in certain “public roles customarily closed to them” during men’s absence through the American Revolution (22). Noting the restrictive view of women’s ability to “function outside the home” (17) promulgated by influential writers such as David Hume, Vigil illustrates how women were indeed more than capable of rising to the challenge of political participation as more opportunities became available to them. Vigil also notes how nineteenth-century ideologies about women began to shift and how changing beliefs regarding the necessity of women’s public participation—as evidenced by texts such as John Stuart Mill’s 1869 On the Subjection of Women (23)—allowed women to go to work outside the home and, therefore, move more fluidly between the public and private sphere (24). The first chapter also introduces a concept that anchors much of the discussion of political wives/mothers in the rest of the text: republican motherhood, which Vigil notes was a “rhetorical strategy” (28) to push the notion of an “ideal female patriot” (27). The republican mother, Vigil notes, was a concept that left women “duty-bound to protect and cultivate the home” but also encouraged debates concerning “women’s appropriate concerns and actions outside the home” (28). The essential historical groundwork laid in the introductory and first chapters allows readers to much more fully appreciate both the political opportunities that have opened up for women since and the challenges that those opportunities have presented. The subsequent chapters of Moms in Chief explore more specifically how various presidential nominees’ partners have been seen to either adhere to or deviate from the republican motherhood framework. The second chapter concerns itself with Barbara Bush and Hillary Rodham Clinton, two seemingly [End Page 101] diametrically opposed figures when discussed from the terministic screen of republican motherhood. If the ideal republican mother was, as Vigil notes, “other-centric, self-sacrificing, primarily concerned with domesticity, and...

Courts’ Participation in Lawmaking: Critical Analysis of the Theory and Practice of Legislative Initiative

The paper explores the implementation of the power to initiate legislation by the highest judicial bodies of Russia—the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. The author focuses on specific legislative initiatives of the higher judiciary and provides examples of judicial intrusion into the field of activities of other branches of power. The author highlights the need for additional doctrinal elaboration of draft laws initiated on behalf of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. The paper analyzes the reasons for the non-application of the power to initiate legislation by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, in particular: involvement in political life, the principle “nobody can be a judge in their own case,” authority impairment, judges’ opinion, the use of legal standings, complexity of the mechanisms. The author argues that the RF Constitutional Court participation in political activities is mediated. The conclusion is made about the necessity of using the structural-system method of scientific cognition in the study of the reasons for non-application of the institute of legislative initiative. The author substantiates the necessity for the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation to apply the power to initiate legislation in exceptional cases, in cases of impossibility of using other forms of participation in law-making.

СОЦІОДЕМОГРАФІЧНІ ДЕТЕРМІНАНТИ СОЦІАЛЬНОЇ ІНТЕГРАЦІЇ ВНУТРІШНЬО ПЕРЕМІЩЕНИХ ОСІБ

The article presents the results of sociodemographic research features of internally displaced persons from Donetsk and Lugansk regions that were forced to migrate to other regions of Ukraine due to the military conflict. The following features are considered: point of displacement, financial status, housing type and its satisfaction, employment type, education and the need to retrain, communication with local people and community trust, involvement in political life and seeking for the state aid. Current financial status is almost completely affects all other spheres of life. As for the results – 45.3% of the respondents have enough money for only the most necessary things; 27.4% of respondents have material difficulties and only 4.5% have an opportunity to save money. The majority of the respondents have migrated to the places where they were able to get a job. Almost 70% of the respondents (145 people) said that their work activity changed after relocation. The most satisfied respondents are those, which professional activity has not changed significantly. Most respondents have high level of trust to the community and believe that they need to trust the community. The financial condition also forces respondents to apply for state aid and receive social payments, material childcare assistance etc. The obtained results have shown that financial conditions do not allow to determine and plan the future due to lack of material resources. Therefore, the majority of respondents with material difficulties are not sure of their future. An important feature for further integration of internally displaced persons into the new community is certainty or uncertainty of their future.

Between political apathy and political passivity. The case of modern Russian society

It is difficult to characterize the Russian society as completely active or passive due to the high voter turnout, but simultaneously, a low level of involvement in political life. The research focuses on determining the extent of activity/passivity of the Russian society in the years 2000 – 2012. Results of the analysis revealed a degree of participation of the Russian citizens in the electoral decision-making process and their involvement in political life. It was answered to the question: to what extent Russian legislation allows society to participate in the political life, by estimating a political activity index (W ap(ap) ). Additionally, the political activity correlate index (W ap(k) ) was checked, that enable to correct the obtained result on the basis of legal provisions according to the real dimension of the Russian political activity.

السلفية والسياسة: حالة ماليزية

Abstract:
 “Political salafism” is among the unexpected phenomenon emerge as a result of Arab Spring. It is observable through active involvement of salafi groups in politics in certain countries affected by revolutions. However, salafī–political advocators seems emerged earlier in Malaysia, compare to their counterparts in Egypt. Malaysian Salafi joined themselves in UMNO party (the United Malays National Organization) in 2009, and justified their involvement in the party as following salafi method, based on the notion of “absolute obedience to the ruler,” ‘prohibition of secession from the ruler,” and “necessity renders prohibited things permissible” Such involvement in political life is considered as bringing mileage to the salafī as well as the political party itself, even though the involvement initially based on gaining certain political benefit. Using historical and descriptive methodology, this article attempts to characterize raison detré as well as religious motives underneath the framework of those salafī advocators.
 Keywords: Salafī, ‘Aqīdah, Politics, UMNO, Malaysia
 

CIVIC AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN TRANSITION COUNTRIES: THE CASE OF SERBIA

The purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamics of civic participation in Serbia, as well as to test its relevance for the level of citizens’ political involvement. For estimating the impact of the membership in civic associations on political party membership and non-conventional types of political activism, the non-parametric analyses of variance test, followed by post hoc testing has been employed. The main findings of the analysis suggest that civic participation is a significant predictor of political activism of Serbian citizens. The results of the empirical procedures indicate significant differences in the degree of political participation, based on the levels of citizens’ engagement in community organizations. The implications of the study could serve as the grounds for designing policies aimed at strengthening civic society and creating incentives for citizens’ active involvement in political life.

Thomas Mofolo: the man, the writer and his contexts

A substantial corpus of research has been published on Thomas Mofolo since the 1930s. Earlier portraits of Mofolo as a person leave much room for further amplification and improvement. The present research seeks to greatly enhance our understanding of Thomas Mofolo (1876-1948) by using a wealth of archival material, much of which is located at Morija Museum and Archives, and interviews with a variety of elderly informants, including Mofolo's last surviving daughter and other family members. As a result, Mofolo can now be seen more clearly as a person within the context of his large extended family, their antecedents in the wider region, his upbringing and educational formation, three successive marriages, professional life and business operations in a number of different contexts, involvement in political life, and the changing nature of his relationship with the church. The current article focuses on Mofolo's antecedents up until he began his literary career in 1905-6 at Morija, a subject that has received inadequate attention until now. By adding considerable texture to his early life and family history, as well as the historical and religious contexts and currents in which he was raised at Hermon, Qomoqomong and Morija, Thomas Mofolo emerges more clearly as an historical figure. For example, as a boy, we learn that Thomas imbibed a great deal from his father Abner Ramofolo Mofolo, a very hard-working and practically-oriented man, who was himself a gifted storyteller. Given the possibility of pursuing higher studies through the Protestant PEMS Mission, Thomas grabbed this opportunity and came to Morija at a particularly fruitful time during the 1890s, a time of ferment and great expectations. Mofolo, as part of an emerging cadre of progressive ones (bahlalefi or matsoelopele), developed his linguistic skills and eloquence to the point where, with the support of colleagues, he could dare to attempt something new, a creative synthesis of various forms of storytelling, indigenous and exogenous, in written Sesotho. His literary output has proved to be of enduring significance, and in the process he became, perhaps inadvertently, the father of the African novel.

The Body Politic in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan (Unabridged Version)

While some scholars have seen the political theory of Christine de Pizan as being very like that of her sources in its presentation of hierarchy as the basis of rightful order, others have stressed the originality of her thought and have judged her conception of society to be more inclusive and egalitarian than that found in traditional conceptions of the body politic. Here it is argued that while Christine stressed the importance of reciprocity and mutuality within the political community, she also emphasised the need for hierarchy and deference and that, even by medieval standards, she was profoundly suspicious of popular involvement in political life. Part II of this article argues that this political theory was simply one expression of a much broader social outlook, one which relied on the Aristotelian notion of “distributive justice” in order to reconcile the ideals of hierarchy and obedience with the achievement of justice and equity.

The Body Politic in the Social and Political Thought of Christine de Pizan (Abridged Version). Part I: Reciprocity, Hierarchy and Political Authority1

While some scholars have seen the political theory of Christine de Pizan as being very like that of her sources in its presentation of hierarchy as the basis of rightful order, others have stressed the originality of her thought and have judged her conception of society to be more inclusive and egalitarian than that found in traditional conceptions of the body politic. Here it is argued that while Christine stressed the importance of reciprocity and mutuality within the political community, she also emphasised the need for hierarchy and deference and that, even by medieval standards, she was profoundly suspicious of popular involvement in political life. Part II of this article argues that this political theory was simply one expression of a much broader social outlook, one which relied on the Aristotelian notion of “distributive justice” in order to reconcile the ideals of hierarchy and obedience with the achievement of justice and equity.

Issue 2012 Is Electronic Voting a Panacea for Low Election Turnout? Examples of Estonian e–Elections and Swiss e–Referendums

One of the most apparent signs of the crisis of the democratic system is a systematically decreasing turnout level in national and supranational elections and referenda. In reports and analyses concerning the level of political participation, experts more and more frequently notice a decreasing tendency of the citizen’s involvement in numerous types of elections. As Ola Pettersson points out, “according to the sources, less and less citizens appear at the ballot boxes”. Jacek Raciborski indicates that one of the most signifi cant consequences of the low citizen’s participation at the election procedures is the considerable legitimacy deficit. A number of countries attempt to prevent these phenomena from happening by undertaking various actions aimed at increasing the level of citizens’ involvement in political life (notably by increasing their participation in elections). That would infl uence the growth of the legitimacy level of the undertaken political decisions. It is worth noticing, that apart from the commonly used ways of increasing election attendance (such as correspondence voting, mobile ballot boxes), over the last few years politicians in many countries have had numerous discussions aimed at the implementation of electronic voting (e-voting). Its followers claim that thanks to e-voting, election and referenda turnout may be increased, as this method enables disabled people and people who are abroad to take part in elections. Furthermore, a considerable advantage of e voting, compared to traditional voting in polling stations is of greater convenience than the former. The aim of the following text is to attempt to provide an answer to the question whether electronic voting can be treated as a panacea for low election turnouts, whether this form of voting may be a warranty of a higher level of voter’s attendance than before. In the article, the author bases on the experience connected with e voting in two European countries – Estonia and Switzerland, which can be referred to as the pioneers in the use of e voting.

Boundaries of Interactive Public Engagement: Political Institutions and Citizens in New Political Platforms

Political participation essentially describes opportunities of private citizens to affect the decision-making processes within different spheres of social life. From the citizens' perspective, the demand for greater political participation is usually related to the expectation of being able to influence the decisions taken by the government or the administrative systems more effectively (Fuchs, GuidoRossi, & Svensson, 1998, p. 324). Recently, this idea also became applifable to the new digital, interactive practices which have formed on the basis of the new computer or electronic networks. The realization of participatory potentials of new computer technologies is often presented and expected in the “images of electronic democracy” as a more direct democratic model (Barber, 1984; Budge, 1996; Grossman, 1995). In general, the more direct forms of democracy presuppose that a) computer technology is easy to use, accessible to all and interactive; b) that the usage of technology enriches a “good citizen” and that c) with the help of technology more active involvement in the decision-making process develops. This paper seeks to explain the main obstacles which discourage Internet users from more direct involvement in political life and to explore the possibilities for the revitalization of more interactive, more open political engagement. Computer-mediated communication is an excellent starting point for expanding and strengthening participation in political processes, but the solution is not in technology, as the reason for mostly negative answers to such dilemmas are not questions of “technological inadequacy”. The problems and obstacles lie primarily in the politics that stimulate the use of technological potentials.

GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY

Writing on the eve of the democratic breakthrough of the late eighteenth century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau gave vivid voice to a critique of the political institutions across the Channel that were admired by so many French reformers of the day. Commenting scornfully on British electoral practice, he observed in 1762 that:"The people of England regards itself as free, but it is gravely mistaken. It is free only during the election of Parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing. The use it makes of the short moments of liberty it enjoys merits losing them." Rousseau's contention about the limitations of electoral institutions was in no way superseded by the age of democratic revolution that followed. From the 1790s to the present, there have been recurrent complaints about the depth of popular involvement in political life, the reality of popular control over powerholders, and the possibility that the existence of some form of institutional channel for participation could blind publics to the inadequacy of that participation. Rousseau's critique has repeatedly reappeared in one form or another and has informed movements for a more genuine democratization.

The Disability Voice in American Politics

The health of a democracy depends on citizen involvement in political life. Unfortunately, not all citizens have an equal voice in American governance. Previous research has demonstrated that individual factors such as higher levels of educational attainment and income (as well as institutional factors and political context) are associated with higher levels of participation, but extant research does not consider the role of disability in affecting participation. The research reported here indicates that registration and voting rates among individuals with disabilities are well below those of nondisabled people. Further, people with disabilities are much less likely to vote as they age—unlike nondisabled individuals, who are much more likely to vote over the lifespan. These results suggest that people with disabilities are a pivotal test of the generalizability of current knowledge regarding why Americans do and do not participate in political life.

Religion as Political Resource: Culture or Ideology?

While empirical studies of religion's involvement in political life abound, there remains a great deal of fuzziness about the concepts that best capture it. Two often-used approaches are as and as ideology. In some perspectives culture and ideology are treated as mutually exclusive modes of religio-political phenomena; in other perspectives the two concepts are conflated. This article argues for an analytic distinction between culture and ideology that still preserves their interactive and often complementary natures. Examples from empirical studies of religion in politics demonstrate the different ways in which religion acts as a political resource, and the usefulness of the proposed analytic distinction.

La filosofia nello Studio francescano del Santo a Padova, and: Introduzione all'aristotelismo padovano (review)

BOOK REVIEWS 463 is thoroughly dealt with in Chapter i of the book, entided "Alfarabi's Method of Writing," and is pursued throughout the book. The remaining four chapters treat issues pertinent to medieval political philosophy. Chapter ~, for example, deals with the question, "'Do individuals need practical virtues in addition to theoretical ones in order to tap their human potential, i.e., in order to be perfect or happy?" (95). This chapter, in other words, deals with the question whether happiness is attainable through theoretical activity (the Aristotelian view), or through practical activity (i.e., active involvement in political life), or through a combination of both. The author rejects the first two alternatives, interpreting Alfarabi as maintaining that "theoretical and practical perfection must together constitute the true human end" (94)- In Chapter 3, the author presents an analysis of the (Platonic) concept of philosopher-king and asks the question, "Do cities or nations need to be governed, at least in part, by philosophers for a political community of excellence to be realized?" (95)- Galston concludes that according to Alfarabi, a ruler of excellence does not necessarily have to be a philosopher. Chapter 4 deals with the "Cities of Excellence," a major theme in Alfarabi's political writings, and one he discussed in his two major political works, AImadinah al-fadilah (The Virtuous--or Excellent--City) and Al-siyasah al-madaniyyah (The Political Regime). The fifth and final chapter of the book deals with the question of "whether and in what fashion political knowledge properly rests on the totality of theoretical inquiry" 08o). Dr. Galston's book represents a comprehensive study of Alfarabi's political works. Her knowledge of Alfarabi's texts as well as of the contemporary secondary sources is remarkable. She also puts Alfarabi's political philosophy in an accurate historical context . The issues discussed in this book are extremely difficult and the very attempt to resolve them in one work--especially on the basis of her hypothesis 0o), the bottom line of which is that each of Alfarabi's political treatises should be read and understood only in conjunction with the others (11)--makes the reading of this book an extremely difficult task. Nevertheless, Dr. Galston's work is a welcome contribution, and it represents a major step towards a better understanding of Alfarabi's political philosophy, despite the fact that it raises as many questions as it answers. SHUKRI B. ABED Universityof Maryland, CollegePark Antonino Poppi. La filosofia neUoStudio francescano del Santo a Padova. Padua: Centro Studi Antoniani, 1989. Pp. 989. Paper, L. 35,ooo. Antonino Poppi. Introduzione all'aristotelismopadovano. Seconda edizione riveduta e ampliata. Padua: Editrice Antenore, 1991. Pp, 144. Paper, N.P. Antonino Poppi, himself both Franciscan and professor of philosophy at the University of Padua, has made two further valuable contributions to our knowledge of the history of philosophy at that venerable seat of learning. In the first book, he presents studies on the role of the Franciscans in Paduan cultural life from the Middle Ages to the last century, on various aspects of the history of Scotism at Padua, including a 464 JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY 3t:3 JULY 199 3 contrast with the Thomist tradition, on the important philosopher-theologian Antonio Trombetta, and on Saint Anthony of Padua himself. There is also a long and rich general study on the attitude of Franciscans toward Averroism from the thirteenth through the seventeenth centuries. Bonaventure and Ockham are among the figures analyzed. In the revised and expanded edition of his introduction to Paduan Aristotelianism, Poppi presents once again his valuable essay on the lineaments of the history of the Paduan school of philosophy and his survey of studies on Aristotelianism during the Italian Renaissance for the years 1958-1969. To them he has added some forty pages in which he discusses more recent scholarship on Renaissance Aristotelianism and on the study of Aristotle at Padua in particular. There are separate notes concerning Pietro d'Abano, Pietro Pomponazzi, Iacopo Zabarella and Galileo Galilei. As with all of Poppi's books and editions, these two books belong on the shelves of any research library frequented by scholars who are seriously interested in the history...