Involvement In International Affairs Research Articles

Redefining Nepal’s Foreign Policy on the Basis of Its Soft-Power Assets

This paper examines the bilateral and multilateral relations of Nepal with soft power superpowers. It discusses the proper identification of soft power resources and instruments on their ground and mobilization of those to the targeted country using formal, public, and economic diplomacy with an aim of uplifting soft power ranks and indices. The homilies and diplomatic activities of Nepal have been examined using the soft power theory and the small state lens. In addition, it also aims to analyze Nepal's complex involvement in international affairs at the levels of governments, think tanks, research institutions, and academia. This paper has been prepared primarily based on desk research, mainly utilizing secondary data sources.

Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy by Elizabeth Gillespie McRae

Reviewed by: Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy by Elizabeth Gillespie McRae June Melby Benowitz (bio) Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy. By Elizabeth Gillespie McRae. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi, 352. $34.95 cloth; $34.95 ebook) [End Page 641] Adding to the growing scholarship on the influence of right-wing women in twentieth-century America is Elizabeth Gillespie McRae's study of white women's resistance to racial equality, dating from the 1920s through the 1970s. In Mothers of Massive Resistance, she argues that white segregationist women were at the center of the history of white supremacist politics, largely due to their ability to capitalize on their roles in public education, social welfare institutions, partisan politics, and popular culture. With evidence gleaned from multitudes of primary as well as secondary sources, she expands on recent scholarship that explores how white women from the grassroots were able to influence the history of race relations in the United States. Organized chronologically, McRae tells her story using three narrative threads. One is her focus on the lives of four activist women, of whom two—Florence Sillers Ogden and Mary Dawson Cain—were from Mississippi; one—Nell Battle Lewis—was from North Carolina; and one—Cornelia Dabney Tucker—was from South Carolina. While all four were segregationists, Lewis was a reformer whose ideas regarding the rights of African Americans were liberal when compared to the other three. All of these women emphasized their beliefs in "states' rights," in their protests against the federal government's attempts to overturn Jim Crow laws and grant civil rights to blacks. A second thread in McRae's narrative examines the symbiotic relationship between de jure and de facto segregation through the work white women performed as educators and in social welfare, electoral politics, and culture. In roles such as teachers, social workers, journalists, support personnel in political campaigns, and as mothers, the women found opportunities to sway others, including the younger generation, to push against laws that granted civil rights to African Americans. The third strand of the narrative in Mothers of Massive Resistance explores the networks the segregationist women created and cultivated. McRae's look into that topic adds to what other historians of [End Page 642] right-wing women have previously discovered regarding the strengths that conservative women found in reaching out and working with one another to resist change in America, particularly changes associated with the New Deal of the 1930s and the civil rights movement. In addition to these women's shared support of segregation, their similar outlooks regarding matters such as what should be taught in public schools and the United States' involvement in international affairs led them to communicate with one another. Mothers of Massive Resistance also provides strong evidence that rightist segregationists learned that they could have their greatest success if they stressed their political conservatism over their views on race. In her conclusion, McRae examines anti-busing campaigns in such places as Detroit and Boston, in addition to those in southern cities. She clearly shows that white women played important roles in protests against both desegregation and busing. It mattered little whether they were living in the north or the south, in cities or in rural areas. While her prodigious research is admirable and her evidence is substantial, McRae's arguments would have been stronger if she had devoted more space to comparing what segregationist men were doing parallel to the women's activism. For instance, men were educators too. Also, while they were almost in unanimous support of educational opportunities equal to those of whites, not all African Americans agreed that students should be bused outside of their neighborhoods. McRae did not address that issue. Nevertheless, her monograph is a significant addition to scholarship on women, especially conservative women, and to twentieth-century American society and politics as a whole. [End Page 643] June Melby Benowitz june melby benowitz is professor emeritus at the University of South Florida. Books she has authored include Days of Discontent: American Women and Right-Wing Politics, 1933–1945 (2002) and Challenge and Change: Right-Wing Women...

When Geography Matters: The potential role of Saudi Arabia’s Geographical Branding in Promoting FDI

Background: Nation branding’s role of luring foreign investments should be maximized to the extent, in which the entire dimensions of host countries are adequately harnessed in the development of their image. Geography therefore represents a dimension of a vital importance to nation branding given into account its association with a group of locational advantages. 
 
 Objective: To evaluate the potential role of Saudi Arabia’s geographical branding in promoting FDI. 
 
 Methods: The current study investigated foreign companies seeking to enter the Saudi markets or expand their business within the country. A total of 234 CEOs, general managers and those who hold similar positions with a direct involvement in international affairs were polled in the study. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) was used to analyze the data collected via AMOS 20. 
 
 Results: It has been revealed that the connecting location, the logistic importance of Saudi Arabia and its closes to important markets showed direct effects on geographical branding. The study has also found that geographical branding meditated the effects of its three pillars on the inward foreign direct investments of Saudi Arabia. 
 
 Discussion and Conclusion: The current study added a new vigor to the literature of nation branding through its ability to shed light on the geographical aspect of it and find correlations between geography and FDI from a nation branding perspective.

Северные страны в трансатлантическом пространстве: проверка на прочность

In the Euro-Atlantic relations system (USA, NATO, EU), small Nordic countries are forced, in a conformist way, to adapt themselves to unsteady parameters of global and regional conditions. Irrespective of the Ukrainian crisis duration, they will drift together with their EU partners to a greater autonomy from the USA, not interrupting tight links with their transatlantic supervisor. It seems that the geopolitical pressure on Russia, the creation of threat to its North-West by the growing military potential is not seen very clearly. A deep transformation of relations between the USA, Europe and Russia indirectly affected the Nordic Europe. The mobilization of elites and inhabitants on the basis of defensive discourse is taking place in the Northern subregion. NATO and EU are trying to react accordingly, but still do not justify the expectations of Nordic Europeans. The new strategy accomplishing to deter Moscow’s “revisionist behavior”, but at the same time, to secure Russia's involvement in international affairs for a long-term perspective is, from viewpoint of the Nordic community, one of the priority tasks of transatlantic partners for a more balanced, stable, complex world order. The transatlantic policy of Nordic countries is changeable in a very short range of variants. In this subregion, one may see the interaction/competition between two segments of the Euro-Atlantic security: NATO (art. 5 of the Washington Treaty) and EU (Lisbon Treaty – an additional option) as an independent “power center”. The activation, especially the institutionalization of the subregional Northern defense cooperation (the report made by T. Stoltenberg on February 9, 2009; NORDEFCO; the initiative of the Ministers of Defense on April 9, 2015) may become a new strategic macro factor under conditions of the complicated interaction/ competition between two segments (NATO and EU) for the Euro-Atlantic security in the future Europe.

From Bipartisanship to Dysergia: Trends in Congressional Actions Toward Israel

Support for Israel among members of the US Congress has been a puzzling exception to congressional involvement and interest in the realm of foreign policy. Members of Congress have consistently debated and passed resolutions in support of Israel and in repudiation of its foes, showing strong bipartisan support for Israel. This paper systematically examines congressional involvement by identifying trends in congressional actions concerning Israel since 1973. The data include all bills and resolutions that deal specifically with Israel. We pay attention to the quantity, type of bills and resolutions, and their support to illustrate a detailed account of the overall changes in the level and nature of support for Israel. We find an active and bipartisan Congress concerning Israel that follows the general trends of congressional involvement in international affairs, and identify a recent development in congressional support for Israel where both parties are becoming less cooperative in expressing their support.

In search of power: African Americans in the era of decolonization, 1956-1974

In Search of Power is a history of the era of civil rights, decolonization and Black Power. In the critical period from 1956 to 1974, the emergence of newly independent states worldwide and the struggles of the civil rights movement in the United States exposed the limits of racial integration and political freedom. Dissidents, leaders and elites alike were linked in a struggle for power in a world where the rules of the game had changed. Brenda Gayle Plummer traces the detailed connections between African Americans' involvement in international affairs and how they shaped American foreign policy, integrating African American history, the history of the African Diaspora and the history of United States foreign relations. These topics, usually treated separately, not only offer a unified view of the period but also reassess controversies and events that punctuated this colorful era of upheaval and change.

Geopolitics and Domestic Politics: Greece's Policy Towards the Great Powers During the Unravelling of the Inter-War Order, 1934–1936

AbstractThis article examines the evolution of Greece's foreign policy from a position of relative detachment to an increasing involvement in international affairs that eventually led to the country's realignment with Britain during the Abyssinian crisis. It is argued that Greece's foreign policy shift was a result of an interplay between a perceived threat of Italian revisionism, Britain's reappearance in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Abyssinian crisis and domestic political dynamics that led to the defeat of Eleftherios Venizelos who favoured a foreign policy detached from combinations of great powers.

Democratizing Global Governance? Non-State Participation in the World Bank Inspection Panel and NAFTA

This article discusses the role non-state actors may play in the democratization of global governance. It is argued that the nature of international power in a globalizing world requires a redefinition of democracy that is more expansive than the traditional notion of electoral representative democracy. Within this context, non-state actors can play important roles in democratizing global governance because they can potentially represent a range of interests in ways that transcend national boundaries. Two case studies are considered: the World Bank Inspection Panel and non-state participation under NAFTA. These case studies demonstrate that while non-state participation can lead to more democratic governance, it can also lead to governance that is less democratic, particularly if corporate actors are allowed to dominate or if important stakeholders are excluded. While the participation of non-state actors in global governance is potentially problematic, the development and implementation of an appropriate policy framework could help to mitigate the potential risks of non-state actor involvement in international affairs. Framing the participation of non-states within the context of democracy is therefore important. Since democratic values are widely supported by powerful policy makers, understanding the participation of non-state actors within the context of democracy would lend support to government reforms to empower civil society actors in ways that could lead to more representative decision-making at the international level.

Democracy and administration: Woodrow Wilson's ideas and the challenges of public management

Though his term in the White House ended nearly a century ago, Woodrow Wilson anticipated the need for new ideas to address the effects of modern economic and social forces on the United States, including increased involvement in international affairs. Democracy and Administration synthesizes the former world leader's thought on government administration, laying out Wilson's concepts of how best to manage government bureaucracies and balance policy leadership with popular rule. Linking the full gamut of Wilson's ideas and actions covering nearly four decades, Brian J. Cook finds success, folly, and fresh thinking with relevance in the twenty-first century. Building on his interpretive synthesis, Cook links Wilson's tenets to current efforts to improve public management, showing how some of his most prominent ideas and initiatives presaged major developments in theory and practice. Democracy and Administration calls on scholars and practitioners to take Wilson's institutional design and regime-level orientation into account as part of the ambitious enterprise to develop a new science of democratic governance.

World War I and Anglo-American relations: The role of Philip Kerr and The Round Table

As the 19th century drew to a close, an alliance between the USA and the British Empire dominated the thinking of a political elite in the UK. Milner's ‘Kindergarten’ was attracted to the idea of the USA as a potential ally with whom Britain could establish an Anglo-American world hegemony, and during World War I, Philip Kerr, first editor of The Round Table, was in the vanguard of efforts to make this vision reality. Later, as ambassador to the USA, Kerr was at the centre of efforts to bring the USA into World War II and to ensure its continuing involvement in international affairs once fighting had ended. This outcome owed much to moves during and between both world wars by influential British figures and institutions, including Kerr and The Round Table, to persuade the American elite that their country should take on a far greater international role.

Internationalism in Congress

This article explores the conditions under which Congress supports U.S. involvement in international affairs. While Presidents have tended to support internationalist foreign policies, Congress, pre-occupied with district and state-level concerns, has shown more reticence in this area. Probit analysis was used to study internationalist, presidential support votes taken in the House and Senate from 1948 to 1994. The results suggest that while a mix of foreign and domestic factors affects the level of congressional internationalism, domestic economic factors have the most consistent impact across chambers. When economic indicators are depressed, so too is congressional support for presidential internationalism.

The Domestic Politics of Quebec's Quest for External Distinctiveness

For more than forty years now, the Quebec government has conducted a distinct diplomatic activity, taking advantage of all the room for maneuver given by the Canadian constitution and using its political leverage inside the federation. The goal of this article is to examine the internal motivating factors for Quebec's international actions and, as it does so, it attempts to respond to the following questions: To what can we attribute the specific character of Quebec's case with respect to other manifestations of international involvement by noncentral governments? What are the most important international objectives pursued by Quebec? What methods and strategies are used in order to attain these objectives? Are these strategies proving to be effective; that is, are these objectives being attained? Such an exercise could not be accomplished without raking into consideration the highly intersubjective nature of Quebec's international presence and status--a fact underscored by the content and structure of this special issue. In the first place, there would obviously be no call for truly international dealings on the part of Quebec if there were no foreign partners available to undertake such relations with its official representatives, sometimes at the highest levels. More importantly perhaps, Quebec's foreign policy makers, who are well aware of the situation, are primordially concerned by the interpretation that will be made outside Quebec of the ultimate purpose of this policy, and they integrate this information into their strategies. Therefore, Quebec's objectives of international assertion are adapted to different registers of meaning from which foreign actors would interpret its foreign policy behavior. Thus, from the decolonization era of the 1960s to our current postmodern period, and depending o n the sensitivity of their interlocutors, Quebec officials have tried to craft their interventions in order to be considered as representatives of a nation, a province, a homeland, an economy, a people, a state. Similarly, Quebec's identity itself, on whose behalf this autonomous foreign policy is pursued, is the object of constant negotiation between the way in which Quebeckers perceive themselves and how this corresponds to the types of legitimate expression of identity emerging within the world order. (1) The task I have been assigned in this special issue leads me to explore the domestic side of these matters. An Identity-Based Paradiplomacy Recent works on the international involvement of noncentral governments (NCGs) have shown the importance of distinguishing between two manifestations of this phenomenon, widely referred to as paradiplomacy. (2) On the one hand, in most cases, paradiplomacy is triggered by functional interests--that is, interests of local governments as agents of economic development and managers of the human and environmental resources of a given territory. In such cases, the development of paradiplomatic activities will generally be decentralized, strongly associated with specific transnational issues, and erratic. In Canada, the Alberta government is a good example of functional interest-based paradiplomatic activity; its activities are strongly linked to the state of Canada-U.S. relations in the area of energy policies. On the other hand, some NCGs are pursuing a paradiplomacy in the name of identity-based interests. In those cases, the existence of a common identity and of a certain kind of national interest gives coherence and continuity to the involvement in international affairs, while subjecting it to the politics of identity and nation-building. In her analysis of the foreign policy of the Belgian federated entities, which most closely approach Quebec in their form and level of development, Francoise Massart-Pierard clearly demonstrates that this identity aspect makes all the difference. (3) This leads her to consider the Belgian Communities and Regions as hybrid international actors, half nation-state and half regional authority, where the task of reinforcing identity is superimposed on that of responding to the functional needs (for example, economic, environmental) of the region they govern. …

THE GROWNING INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF THE AMERICAN STATES1

ABSTRACTThis article examines state responses to the changing global economy, by exploring the growth of state international economic activities, variations in these activities, factors promoting and limiting state involvement in international affairs, and implications of these trends for the implementation of state economic development policies. Global economic competition, a changing domestic political and economic landscape, the modernization of state government, and increasingly open international markets have inspired states to increase their international activities. Consequently, dramatic growth in state international activities has occurred in the fields of trade promotion and economic development. Yet, state and local involvement in international affairs has not been universally accepted nor consistently funded.

Sweden's Policy toward Israel: Constraints and Adjustments

Sweden and Israel share little in common. Both are known for the stability of their democratic systems, strong labour movements, progressive taxation systems, and extensive welfare services. Apart from these similarities, however, the two countries are different in every sense imaginable. Sweden's involvement in international affairs and in the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular remained marginal during the early years of the Jewish State's existence, and it was not until the rise of Prime Minister Olof Palme in 1969, as the Prime Minister of the Social Democratic Party, that it became keenly interested in Middle Eastern affairs. Unlike Great Britain and France, which maintained colonial possessions east of Suez, the Swedes never regarded the Middle East as vital to their strategic or economic interests, nor did the Holy Land and the shrines of Christianity loom large in their view of the region. This was largely because the spread of Christianity in Sweden occurred much later than in other parts of the European continent.' The absence of substantial contacts between Sweden and Palestine, which manifested itself in the small number of Swedish travellers and pilgrims, who visited the shrines of Christianity during the nineteenth century, kept the Swedes largely distant from the events there. Unlike Britain and France, which became involved in Ottoman affairs during the nineteenth century, Sweden had no particular reasons, strategic or religious, to be concerned about Palestine or any Middle Eastern country. Nor did the Suez route, which loomed large in British and French strategic thinking at that time, play a role in Swedish foreign policy making. And since the Jewish community in Sweden remained small, successive Swedish governments had no compelling reasons to become involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Sweden's attitude toward its Jewish population was similar to other European countries. It was not until the end of the eighteenth century that Jews were allowed to enter the country in small numbers. Swedish Jews were subjected to discriminatory rules and regulations common to most European countries at that time, and it was not until 1951 that the last

The Canadian Middle Power Myth

THE RHETORIC OF 'MIDDLEPOWERHOOD' has dominated Canada's external political identity since the Second World War. Middle-power status has been used to justify a voice in international organizations, leadership in international initiatives, and consultation with Canadian officials on matters of concern to the international community. Canada has used the middle power concept to further its foreign policy aims and to promote nationalism through an internationally recognized identity.For all its importance, 'middle power' is rarely defined, and limited explanations are never specific. This vagueness is deliberate and conceals a striking reality: Canada's status as a middle power is a myth. The history of middlepowerhood uncovers a tradition of Canadian rhetoric crafted to justify the attainment of disproportionate influence in international affairs.(f.1) This subtle process of nationalist self- promotion had its genesis in 1942 when diplomat Hume Wrong introduced the functional principle, and it continues to be manifest in the Canadian human security agenda today.In 1933, David Mitrany legitimized the concept of functionalism in international relations, evaluating the potential for a successful world government by dividing the world into two types of states: great and small. Recognizing that some of the smaller states were increasing in strength, and seeking to ensure successful and co-operative international governance, he proposed to acknowledge the differing capacities of the smaller powers through 'a functional structure of political authority.'(f.2)Mitrany's ideas undoubtedly influenced Hume Wrong when he wrote to Norman Robertson, the undersecretary of state for external affairs, about Canada's role and status in the direction of war and the shaping of peace during inter-allied World War II negotiations: 'the principle, I think, is that each member of the grand alliance should have a voice in the conduct of war proportionate to the general war effort. A subsidiary principle is that the influence of the various countries should be greatest in connection with those matters with which they are most directly concerned.'(f.3) Wrong's 'functional principle' was narrower than Mitrany's 'functionalism.' It stipulated that individual small-state involvement in international affairs should be based upon certain conditions: the relevance of the state's interests, the direct contribution of the state to the situation in question, and the capacity of the state to participate.(f.4) Wrong did not intend to contest the role of the great powers - their inherent right to influence over all aspects of global governance was conceded. The principle was to apply to all remaining states. There were indeed two tiers of powers in the international system. However, some of the smaller powers deserved greater relative status predetermined by three criteria: relevance, contribution, and capacity. Functional powers were small powers. The functional principle was a 'functional' means of differentiating between smaller states, based on their relative capacities at a specific time.The tenets of the functional principle helped elevate Canada's status within the international community during World War II. Canada became a leading non-great power. It had a functional voice in the shaping of international relations. Over time, however, that was not enough. With the war coming to a close, Brooke Claxton, the minister of defence, proposed to extend the principle beyond its original meaning: 'the nations of the world must come to think of representation in terms of function rather than status.'(f.5) Claxton hoped to change the power structure.Great powers had formal status that would soon be recognized in the charter of the United Nations. Regardless of the state of the French economy, the British military, or Soviet political stability, the three remained great powers. Great-power status was differentiated objectively. It hardly fluctuated, and it allowed certain states to maintain a disproportionate influence in international affairs. …

The New AP World History Course: How Will It Compare with College World History Courses?

Interest in world history has fluctuated during the twentieth century, being particularly strong during periods of intense United States involvement in international affairs. It is not surprising, therefore, that during three such periods in the last half century-in the 1940s and 1960s and again in the 1980s-attempts were made to establish the world history course as a standard course in American universities and colleges. Each time conferences were held, teachers were encouraged to retool to teach the subject, and textbooks' and articles and books2 extolling the virtues of world history courses were published. Success did not come easily, however. Indeed, in the early 1950s and 1960s interest in world history courses quickly waned after an initial burst of enthusiasm, leaving publishers with unsold books and the Western civilization course unchallenged as the principal vehicle for exposing United States undergraduates to non-American history. The third time,

The American Governors in International Affairs

The involvement of American governors in matters of international affairs has increased significantly since the 1950s. The two major factors accounting for this involvement are increased international economic interdependence and increased modernization of state governments. Gubernatorial involvement in international affairs is centered primarily around state needs to export products and attract foreign investment, though other foreign policy matters also attract gubernatorial attention. Governors promote state interests by lobbying the federal government through the intergovernmental system and by traveling abroad and otherwise establishing direct relations with foreign governments, usually equivalent or similar constituent governments of foreign nations.

THEOLOGICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE CHURCH'S INVOLVEMENT IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS*

The Ecumenical ReviewVolume 18, Issue 4 p. 464-466 THEOLOGICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE CHURCH'S INVOLVEMENT IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS* Fredrik A. Schiotz, Fredrik A. SchiotzSearch for more papers by this author Fredrik A. Schiotz, Fredrik A. SchiotzSearch for more papers by this author First published: October 1966 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6623.1966.tb02141.x * Address given at meeting of the United States Conference of Member Churches of the World Council of Churches, Buckhill Falls, April 1966. AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume18, Issue4October 1966Pages 464-466 RelatedInformation

American Continentalism: An Idea of Expansion, 1845-1910

IDEOLOGY is the means by which a nation bridges the gap between its domestic achievement and its international aspiration. American continentalism, as the term is used here, provided just such an order of ideology and values. It consisted of two related ideas. First, it regarded the United States as possessing identical national and imperial boundaries. These were located within the physical framework of a remarkably coherent geographic unit of continental extent. Second, it viewed much of North America as a stage displaying the evolving drama of a unique political society, distinct from that of Europe and glowing in the white light of manifest destiny.' This attitude sharpened the practice of American foreign policy. Encountering the opposition of Europe's powers, it asserted that the United States was engaged in a domestic and therefore inevitable policy of territorial extension across the continent. American diplomacy in the nineteenth century thus appeared to demonstrate political and social worth rather than acknowledge its active involvement in international affairs. Relying on its separation from the Old World, the United States redefined the conventional terms of foreign relations by domesticating its foreign policy. But sharp and immediate disengagements in history are rare. Professor Norman Graebner has argued persuasively that the acquisition of Oregon and California-conventionally set within the background of territorial expansion to the west and guaranteed by manifest destiny-was due predominantly to martime influence and executed by a President whose party repre-