Involvement In Afghanistan Research Articles

Mining green minerals with the Taliban: Addressing new sourcing risks from Afghanistan in the age of the green transition

For decades, Afghanistan's mineral fortune has fueled imaginaries. Described as holding trillions of dollars in rare earths, copper, lithium, gold, as well as rare gemstones, the country has attracted the attention of mineral dependent industries and jurisdictions. As the green transition away from fossil fuels is under way, ‘green minerals’ deposits hold the potential to recenter Kabul on global supply maps. While lithium and rare earths appear particularly attractive, the Mes Aynak copper deposit is now at the core of China's involvement in Afghanistan to transform the country as a major supplier. In parallel, security issues remain, with significant waves of violence aimed in particular to foreign investors. In this article we argue that the opening of the Afghan's mineral sector will spur new critical supply and reputational risks for corporate actors and is unlikely to significantly benefit a pauperized population. We identify three overarching risks that should be proactively tackled in international corporate risk management, to limit both reputational risks for these companies and favor a trickle down of at least some of the proceeds to the almost 40 million people under the Islamic Emirate's rule.

The Stabilizing Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Afghanistan

Terrorism is one of the main reasons contributing to Afghanistan's insecurity. The fragile peace in Afghanistan has given terrorist groups much freedom to manoeuvre and grow. These situations require the countries in the region to assume greater responsibility to stabilise the country. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states and Afghanistan relations are based on historical friendship and shared interests. The SCO's involvement in Afghanistan is facilitated by the common interests of Pakistan, China, Russia, and other neighbouring countries. The withdrawal of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) from Afghanistan gave the SCO more room to advance in Afghanistan. This article highlights the concrete steps that the SCO has taken to stabilise Afghanistan, as well as the interests of member countries and their peace efforts. In this study, the theories of the Regional Security Complex Theory and Liberal Institutionalism were used. The current economic crisis and political disruption following NATO's withdrawal from Afghanistan highlight the role of the SCO in the situation. Collaboration to boost Afghanistan's economy and growth would be beneficial. Reconstruction, development, governance, and humanitarian assistance are not only the responsibility of the countries in the region but also of the international community and organizations. The economic crisis and the rapid international recognition of the Taliban pose great challenges to the SCO.

Beyond Borders: Unpacking us Military Involvement in Afghanistan as a Case Study in the Islamic World

Purpose: This study seeks to assess the adherence to international law in the 2001 U.S.-led military intervention in Afghanistan, prompted by the September 11 attacks. Additionally, it aims to investigate the impact of the Greater Middle East Initiative on U.S. policy towards the Islamic World, specifically Afghanistan, providing insights into legal intricacies and broader consequences. Theoretical Framework: This article engages in discussions among Western scholars on the Afghanistan war and U.S. military involvement but distinguishes itself by incorporating insights from Middle Eastern scholars. It aims to enrich the discourse by integrating perspectives from within the Middle Eastern scholarly community, offering a comprehensive view of these complex subjects. Methodology: Employing historical, descriptive, and in-depth analytical research methods, this study examines events around September 11, 2001, providing essential context for the subsequent U.S. military intervention. Descriptive methods offer a detailed account of the post-9/11 shift in U.S. policy, while in-depth analytical methods scrutinize legal dilemmas arising from the intervention, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of historical context, U.S. policy decisions, and legal complexities. Results: The results and discussion section explores the historical evolution of U.S. military engagement in 21st-century Afghanistan, analyzing its strategic shifts and the Taliban's adaptation to guerrilla warfare. It critically evaluates the international legal aspects of the Afghan War, assessing the legitimacy of the U.S.-led military intervention based on UN conventions, historical precedents, and key principles such as the right to legitimate defense, urgency, and proportionality. Conclusions: The aftermath of September 11, 2001, marked a transformative moment in U.S. policy towards Afghanistan and the broader Middle East, leading to the consequential Afghan War. Despite its geopolitical significance, the absence of explicit UN Security Council authorization prompts a critical examination of the war's legitimacy, revealing lapses in meeting criteria for the right to individual or collective legitimate defense and urging a reevaluation of established narratives in international relations and global politics.

A Long War and a Short Temper: A Bureaucratic Politics Analysis of the Trump Administration’s Policy in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT During the 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump made clear that he loathed the nation-building missions that previous administrations had initiated and continued; chief among them was the then 15-year-old war in Afghanistan. Despite his oft-stated desire to end the war, during his first year in office, Trump decided to maintain the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and added thousands more soldiers to the conflict. Later in his term, the U.S. signed a peace agreement with the Taliban and began a phased withdrawal in 2020. However, when Trump left office in January 2021, 2,500 U.S. soldiers remained in Afghanistan. To explain the gap between the President’s clearly stated preferences and U.S. policy, I employ the bureaucratic politics model of foreign policy analysis. I examine two crucial intra-administration debates over the future of the U.S. presence in Afghanistan. The first occurred in 2017 when the new President ordered a comprehensive review of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan. The second covers the period from 2018–2020, when the Administration pivoted to seeking a diplomatic solution to the conflict and debated the pace of U.S. withdrawals. In both instances, I find that members of the President’s national security team successfully persuaded the President that the political and strategic risks of a total withdrawal from Afghanistan were prohibitively high.

NATO's Engagement in Afghanistan: Assessment and Implications

NATO was established in 1949 when the USA, Canada, and ten European states signed the North Atlantic Treaty. The treaty emphasized protecting the security of NATO members, primarily Western European countries, from threats posed by the Soviet Union. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, NATO adopted a strategy of expansion, believing that increasing its membership would improve its effectiveness in safeguarding European security. NATO also recognized the significance of non-traditional threats such as instability, and terrorism outside its borders, which could potentially threaten the security of its members. As a result, NATO expanded its security concept to encompass political, economic, social, and environmental factors. Consequently, NATO began to address these new threats emerging outside the European continent, such as illegal immigration, counter-terrorism, and peacekeeping operations. NATO's involvement in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2014 marked the Alliance's first deployment outside Europe and its longest war to date. The mission ended with NATO's withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014 after failing to achieve its objective of building a Western-style democratic state. However, NATO maintained a training and advisory mission until withdrawing it in 2021. My study aims to analyse the factors that led to NATO's failure in its mission in Afghanistan and its impact on the Alliance's willingness to undertake new missions outside Europe.

Addressing Challenges Facing NATO and the United States Using Lessons Learned from Afghanistan and Ukraine

To avoid more suffering among millions of Afghans and Ukrainians due to war necessitates attention to the lessons of Afghanistan vis-à-vis the Russian-Ukraine war. The abrupt withdrawal from Afghanistan by the arbitrary deadline of August 30, 2021 led to a disastrous exit and a low point in promulgating a culture of peace. Lessons learned from Afghanistan relevant to involvement in Ukraine are presented in a timeframe dating from the origins of the conflict; to the grounds for intervention by NATO and the United States; to the type and location of intervention; to the types of warfare; to the grounds for NATO’s withdrawal. Recommendations that address the challenges facing NATO and the U.S. over Afghanistan and Ukraine are made based on lessons learned—and spurned—from the early stages of involvement in Afghanistan after 9/11, proceeding to the final stage of withdrawal in 2021.

Afghan-China Mutual Security Interests

The history of the Sino-Afghan relationship can be traced back to the 7th Century when Chinese monks traveled to Afghanistan through the Silk Road, to visit the Buddha statues in Bamyian, a province in Afghanistan. The continued China-Afghanistan relationship was disrupted following 9/11 and the subsequent US-NATO military presence in Afghanistan. The former played a leading role in the reconstruction of a new Afghan government and training of the Afghan forces. There was no Chinese involvement in Afghanistan during the US-NATO years. Instead, a mutual relationship was formed after the US-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. In a post2014 combat forces withdrawal of the US-NATO forces, China started playing an active role in resolving the Afghan conflict. China has security interests in Afghanistan, and as long as the security threats in Afghanistan remain unsolved, China may hesitate to strengthen its economic and investment relationship with Afghanistan. When talking about the Chinese security interests in Afghanistan, East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is one of the grave concerns for China. In order to secure the China-Afghan relationship, the Chinese would require that the Afghan government contain ETIM and prevent their operation from Afghanistan. This is necessary so that ETIM is unable to function from Afghanistan and use the country as a safe haven for cross-bordered operations. Further, any subsequent strengthening of Afghan-China relations would require mutual interlards investment, and the success of investments is pegged on eliminating security threats. This paper discusses the Afghan-China mutual security interests and how an insecure Afghanistan is not only a threat to Chinese national security, but it will also have a grave impact on Chinese investment and the connectivity program of the region. Keywords: Afghan-Chinese relations; security; terrorism.

Afghan-China Mutual Security Interests

The history of the Sino-Afghan relationship can be traced back to the 7th Century when Chinese monks traveled to Afghanistan through the Silk Road, to visit the Buddha statues in Bamyian, a province in Afghanistan. The continued China-Afghanistan relationship was disrupted following 9/11 and the subsequent US-NATO military presence in Afghanistan. The former played a leading role in the reconstruction of a new Afghan government and training of the Afghan forces. There was no Chinese involvement in Afghanistan during the US-NATO years. Instead, a mutual relationship was formed after the US-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. In a post- 2014 combat forces withdrawal of the US-NATO forces, China started playing an active role in resolving the Afghan conflict. China has security interests in Afghanistan, and as long as the security threats in Afghanistan remain unsolved, China may hesitate to strengthen its economic and investment relationship with Afghanistan. When talking about the Chinese security interests in Afghanistan, East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is one of the grave concerns for China. In order to secure the China-Afghan relationship, the Chinese would require that the Afghan government contain ETIM and prevent their operation from Afghanistan. This is necessary so that ETIM is unable to function from Afghanistan and use the country as a safe haven for cross-bordered operations. Further, any subsequent strengthening of Afghan-China relations would require mutual interlards investment, and the success of investments is pegged on eliminating security threats. This paper discusses the Afghan-China mutual security interests and how an insecure Afghanistan is not only a threat to Chinese national security, but it will also have a grave impact on Chinese investment and the connectivity program of the region.

Malakand Nizam-I-Adal Regulation 2009

The administration of Pakistan isn’t directly by Central Government, so that fail in administrative capacity. Malakand Division consists of Swat, Chitral, Dir, Malakand Agency. Before 1969 each states have had their own rule and regulations. After implementation of the PATA Regulation (Provincially Administrative Tribal Area) 1975, legal cases were decided by Tehsildar. Under PATA Regulation any person was arrested without any reason. So this Regulation was deteriorated Malakand situation. In 1994 imposition of Tehreek-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Muhammadi (TNSM), so it was called enforcement of Islamic law in Malakand Division[1]. This Regulation was later on repeal in 1999. The emergence of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) 2007 and was swallow up whole of FATA. The TTP has adopted modern techniques to subdue terrorism. Bomb blast and suicide attacks killed thousand of people in whole country. TTP attacked inside in Pakistan was revenge of US involvement in Afghanistan. So in this violence and conflict situation another Regulation was enforced in Malakand Nizam-e-Adal Regulation 2009. In this regulation disputes are settle by informal institutions. It is ensuring of natural justice system, equality, peace and protection.
 
 [1] Sultan-i-Rome, Swat State, p. 308.

Zbigniew Brzezinski’s Arc of Crisis and the Origin of U.S. Involvement in Afghanistan

Zbigniew Brzezinski misrepresented Soviet motivations in their Afghan invasion to pursue his own geo-political agenda in the “arc of crisis” region that became a primary focus for the shift in strategic planning during the Carter administration. Based on State Department documents released in December 2018, in addition to former Soviet-era primary sources from the Cold War International History Project, the article describes how Brzezinski misread Soviet intentions and facilitated a response that later metastasized into something the U.S. could not control once the Reagan administration continued Carter’s arming of the most radical elements of the Afghan rebellion. Despite Brzezinski’s efforts to increase the U.S. footprint in the Middle East having such a consequential impact on American foreign policy during the past 40 years, scholars are only beginning to understand the full weight of these moves during the final years of the Carter administration.

EXPLORING INDIA'S STRATEGY IN AFGHANISTAN AFTER US WITHDRAWAL TO DEAL WITH THE TALIBAN

Situation in Afghanistan is changing rapidly after the intrusion and increasing dominance of Taliban and recently with the United States and the Taliban reached an agreement on February 29, 2020, which will mark a turning point in America's longest war. As a result, the majority of US troops in Afghanistan are expected to leave by the end of 2021. As a result, if this agreement is implemented properly, factions of the Taliban may have a greater foothold in Afghan politics. For a country like India, this is not ideal. So, considering all these situations and information, this paper was designed to understand the current strategies of India after America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan. The research identified that in Afghanistan, the Haqqani network, a prominent Taliban branch, has assaulted Indian installations. India need the presence of US-led soldiers as well as a sense of stability in order to invest in Afghanistan's future. India's stability is under jeopardy, and it has to refocus its aspirations immediately. In today's fast-changing world, this essay analyses the dangers of India's involvement in Afghanistan and offers strategies to address them. The US-Taliban agreement states that the Taliban would not allow terrorist groups to operate on Afghan soil, but it is unclear how the agreement will be monitored and carried out. The strategies currently deployed by India includes the different trade agreements or approvals to conduct business activities for economic welfare of both nations, mutual understanding for geopolitical situations, future developments etc.

China’s Involvement in Afghanistan Since 2014: Opportunities and Challenges

Afghanistan is facing terrorism and serious law and order situation, which is a severe concern to China. Beijing has strategic, economic, and political interests in this neighbouring country. China, the emerging power, and peacefully rising state needs peace and stability in its neighbourhood. A peaceful and stable Afghanistan is required for China's rise and fulfilling the "Chinese Dream". The U.S withdrawal has created both opportunities and challenges for China. This study mainly focuses on the question "why China has enlarged its level of involvement in Afghanistan since 2014? what are the opportunities China has and the challenges China has been faced?" Since 2014 China is following four points approach in its foreign policy towards Afghanistan. First, working to bring peace; second, develop its economy; third, strengthen governance and fourth, acquire international support. It has also emerged as the largest foreign investor in Afghanistan. China is struggling on humanitarian base and contributing to the rebuilding of the conflict-ridden state. This study is an attempt to know about China's involvement in Afghanistan since 2014 and highlights the opportunities both the countries have and strive to know about the challenges faced.

Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)

Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.

Indonesia's Involvement in the Afghanistan Peacebuilding Process

This article aims to understand and analyse Indonesia's involvement in ensuring peace, especially in peacebuilding efforts in Afghanistan. Indonesia’s commitment to improve its peace efforts in Afghanistan was expressed by President Joko Widodo during his visit to Kabul in 2018. This research used Lederach’s pyramid model of peacebuilding as the primary analysis tool. Lederach’s pyramid model identifies three approaches to peacebuilding, along with the main actors in the population affected by the conflict—namely top leadership, middle range leadership, and grass-root leadership. The results of the study show that Indonesia's involvement in Afghanistan in peace efforts has been carried out at all levels. Indonesia's peacebuilding efforts at the top level are focused on achieving Intra-Afghan Talks. At the middle range level, Indonesia runs capacity building programs and uses a religious approach through ulama. Furthermore, at the grassroots level, Indonesia focuses on empowering Afghan women as peace agents. The presence of Indonesia in all three approaches to Peacebuilding shows a positive mark for the overall Afghan peace process.

American “Odyssey” in Afghanistan

This article aims to analyze the development and implementation of the U.S. strategy in Afghanistan under President Donald Trump’s Republican administration. By removing constraints, which limited U.S. action in Afghanistan under President Obama, Trump added more flexibility to American strategy in Afghanistan. Sporadic attempts to reach a compromise with the Taliban, which the U.S. made since 2010, resulted in signing the Doha Agreement in February 2020. Despite Trump’s willingness to bring the war to a close, there is lack of overwhelming consensus over strategy in Afghanistan among American politicians and pundits. Some influential segments of U.S. foreign policy and military elites advocate for a limited counterterrorism mission in Afghanistan. Regardless of fulfilling plans to minimize America’s involvement in the war, the U.S. will keep the capability to interfere in Afghanistan if the security situation in this country deteriorates further. The development of the U.S. Afghan strategy under Trump reflects continued infighting in America’s policy and expert circles between proponents of different strategies. To consolidate their influence on foreign policy debates, they use a number of axiomatic views. Unlike the advocates of the Afghanistan mission, its opponents use a wider variety of arguments, including shifting regional dynamics and dramatic changes in the international system. The infighting of Trump’s decision-making team concerning U.S. continued involvement in Afghanistan reflects a broader struggle between liberal internationalists and supporters of a more restrained U.S. foreign policy.

Taliban, Terrorism and War on Terror: Assessing US Involvement in Afghanistan

Taliban, Terrorism and War on Terror: Assessing US Involvement in Afghanistan

From Aid to Partnership: Understanding India's Growing Involvement in Afghanistan

From Aid to Partnership: Understanding India's Growing Involvement in Afghanistan

FR01-05 THE HISTORY OF GENITOURINARY BLAST TRAUMA

INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVE: An explosive is a device designed to inflict injury through generating either significant thermal injury, projectile debris and/or shockwave force following detonation. The combination of clinical findings can be described comprehensively as a blast injury. We investigated the historical relationship between blast trauma and the evolution of genitourinary (GU) trauma care. METHODS: We conducted a review of the literature of GU injury with a particular focus on key terms: blast injury, GU trauma, and battlefield medicine. A review of textbooks and peer-reviewed articles was performed. Department of Defense records and Centers for Disease Control archives were reviewed. RESULTS: The first explosives in warfare were utilized in ancient China, circa 618–907 C. E., during the Tang dynasty. The Revolutionary and Civil Wars had infrequent explosive blast conflicts with urotrauma accounting for less than 1% of injuries. Civil War GU trauma frequently relied on diverting urine by perineal urethrostomy or suprapubic cystostomy. Artillery in WWI was responsible for two-thirds of all battle casualties and greatly increased the incidence of GU injury. During this time, renal injuries were seldom surgically repaired, resulting in high mortality rates. WWII marked the incorporation of antibiotics and muscle flaps to cover GU injuries. Nuclear blast injury was introduced during WWII with the subsequent addition of radiation-induced GU sequelae. Vascular reconstructive techniques were first introduced during the Korean War. Landmines in the Korean and Vietnam Wars marked further increases in GU injuries but correlated with decreased overall mortality due to improved expeditious care with the use of mobile army surgical hospital (MASH) units and helicopter evacuation. The implementation of Kevlar body armor during the Gulf War decreased overall casualties, but also led to an increase in the incidence of external genitalia blast injuries. This trend continued with nearly three-quarters of battle injuries being due to an explosive mechanism during U.S. involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq. The resulting complex cases utilized the technique of phallic reconstruction and the eventual first penile/scrotal transplantation due to GU trauma. CONCLUSIONS: Over the centuries, the increased incidence of advances in technological warfare has coincided with GU blast trauma. The increased GU blast trauma is juxtaposed with improved surgical technique, technological innovations and improved urologic care. Source of Funding: None

Sino-US Involvement in Afghanistan: Implications for South Asian Stability and Security

In the aftermath of 9/11, the US’ and China’s engagement in Afghanistan has portrayed competitive underpinnings manifested in the matrix of great power politics. Viewed under neo-structural realism and complex interdependence perspectives, Sino-US interests have straddled on convergence and divergence, portraying the desire to subdue the other players in Afghanistan. Sino-US competitive balancing has unleashed wide implications for the South Asian regional security and stability. Within this context, this study aims to analyse Sino-US involvement in Afghanistan post-9/11 to draw implications for regional security, particularly Pakistan-India and Afghanistan-Pakistan relations. It seeks to answer the following questions: i) What is the broad pattern of Sino-US competitive involvement in Afghanistan? ii) What implications can be drawn of Sino-US competitive balancing for stability in South Asia? The study argues that Sino-US power interplay has polarised the region while unleashing negative imprints for Pakistan’s relations with both India and Afghanistan.

Indo-Afghan Relations: Implications for Pakistan

Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan’s reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India’s interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan’s influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context.