Introductory International Relations Research Articles

The Game of Shapes: An Active Learning Template to Teach Constructivism in International Relations

This article presents the modus operandi of a game, the so-called Game of Shapes, which can be used as an active learning tool to teach Constructivism to introductory International Relations courses. While sharing our own experience of the development and application of the game in a laboratory with International Relations students, this paper aims to provide a teaching template that can assist in the problematization of the statist and individualistic ontology of rationalist theories. Hence it is an interactive dynamic that helps to introduce and open up the discussion of the contingency of the social world, which is the base to understand any of the several and intricate tenets of Constructivism and any other critical approaches. Most of the students’ feedbacks were very positive regarding their comprehension of the content presented. They provided important feedback on how the activity was valuable in order to grasp complex concepts, important to constructivist theories in International Relations.

Editorial

This issue of Learning and Teaching: The International Journal of Higher Education in the Social Sciences includes authors from China, Canada, France and the United States. The first two articles analyse processes of developing international partnerships and networks promoting refugee access to higher education. The other three papers concern aspects of teaching and learning: online learning in accountancy; a flipped pedagogy in sociology; and the inclusion of national history in introductory international relations courses.

Implementing Quality Matters in The Political Science Online Classroom

As colleges and universities push to offer more online offerings, particularly during this current pandemic, concerns about upholding standards of excellence surface. As a result, programs like Quality Matters (QM) have flourished in an attempt to make courses not only easily accessible, but also tied to learning outcomes. This paper takes a look at the Quality Matters framework with the goal of easing new instructors into the process; it breaks down the specific review standards into easily understandable “bucket” categories, and assesses how it fits within introductory political science and international relations courses. It will also make recommendations on potential activities and assignments to help fit QM’s active learning framework, which should be helpful for new and seasoned instructors alike.

The Use of Interactive Student Response Software in an Introductory International Relations Course

Can web-based interactive student response systems (SRSs) improve student performance in large introductory international relations courses? Does switching from first-generation clicker-based SRSs to second-generation web-based SRSs impact student learning? To answer these questions, we draw data from multiple offerings of Introduction to International Relations between 2012 and 2018; some used no interactive software, others used first-generation clicker-based SRSs, and yet others used a second-generation web-based SRSs. Our model includes control variables such as the availability of supplemental instruction, student’s gender, class rank, and major. This article argues in favor of using web-based interactive platforms in large political science classes administered via portable electronic devices (laptops, tablets, and cell phones) as their positive impact outweighs possible distraction associated with availability of electronic devices in these classes. Our analysis finds that second-generation web-based SRSs are a consistent predictor for improved student performance in large introductory political science offerings. Nonetheless, the study suggests tampered optimism about the role that this type of SRSs can have on critical thinking and analytical skills.

Inverting the Classroom in Large-Enrollment Classes: A Beginner’s Guide

The inverted classroom model (ICM) has started to attract attention as a pedagogical approach in political science teaching. While there are many publications describing the application of the model in single courses and analyzing students’ performance in inverted classes, the existing literature provides little guidance for first-time users of the model. In this Political Science Instruction article, we offer a beginner’s guide for preparing and applying the ICM to assist other instructors who wish to invert their classes based on our repeated experiences with the ICM in an introductory International Relations course. Employing a constructive alignment approach, we show how a course can be broken into learning units, each with an online preparatory phase geared toward knowledge acquisition and attendance and follow-up phases focused on application and the development of higher-order cognitive learning objectives. To deal with frequent challenges and pitfalls, we recommend trying a partial inversion first, inverting a familiar course, being prepared for initial resistance from students, sticking with the concept, rethinking theinstructor’s role in the classroom, and combining tight planning but flexible execution of the attendance phase.

The Pedagogy and Benefits of Using Current Affairs Journals in Introductory International Relations Classes

This paper discusses the use and benefits of the Current Affairs Journals Assignment in the Introduction to International Relations Class. The assignment provides not only the immediate benefits of relating class material to current events but helps to shape students' interests and to build knowledge in a thematic or regional area that can guide the future course of study.

International Relations/Black Internationalism: Reimagining Teaching and Learning about Global Politics

AbstractA growing body of critical scholarship interrogates racism in international relations. Yet many introductory undergraduate courses reproduce the colonial and racist foundations and practices of the discipline for new students of global politics. This article argues that, to engage seriously racism in international relations, scholars must rethink undergraduate curriculum and pedagogy. To this end, I offer an alternative model of teaching introductory international relations courses. I propose reading the disciplinary canon alongside, through, and against the texts of Black internationalists. This diverse intellectual and political tradition provides ways to (re)claim the study of race, racism, and Black liberation struggles as international politics. In doing so, Black internationalism allows international relations scholars to radically rethink our curricula, our classrooms, our pedagogy, and the politics of knowledge-making more broadly.

Student Engagement and Deep Learning in the First-Year International Relations Classroom: Simulating a UN Security Council Debate on the Syrian Crisis

This article evaluates a “real-time” simulation where students role-play a United Nations Security Council negotiation over humanitarian intervention in Syria. This simulation is undertaken in a large introductory International Relations (IR) subject. The article argues that in order to achieve deep learning outcomes across the diverse, contemporary cohort of first-year university students, active learning approaches need to be employed that engage differing learning styles and preferences. Deep learning is assessed across the conceptual and metacognitive knowledge domains with two indicators: (1) students’ understanding of IR concepts by applying them beyond the parameters of the Syria case and (2) students’ critical reflection on their moral reasoning elicited by the task. We evaluate 820 students across six cohorts and 21 iterations of the simulation during 2016 and 2017 with a survey instrument and formal reflection assignment. The article finds that the simulation is highly effective at consistently engaging the majority of students’ interest and motivation, while illustrating the acute and sometimes tragic tension between moral and political reasoning in IR. We found that disrupting student’s cognitive structures regarding human rights and justice stimulated not only deeper conceptual understanding but also emotional reactions that were the catalyst for metacognitive reflection.

A Classroom Simulation of the Syrian Conflict

ABSTRACTThis article describes a semester-long classroom simulation of the Syrian conflict designed for an introductory international relations (IR) course. The simulation culminates with two weeks of multi-stakeholder negotiations addressing four issues: humanitarian aid, economic sanctions, ceasefire, and political transition. Students randomly play one of 15 roles involving three actor types: states, non-state actors, and international organizations. This article outlines the costs and benefits of simulation design options toward encouraging students’ understanding of IR concepts, and it proposes a course plan for tightly integrating lectures, readings, assessment, and simulation—regardless of class size or length. We highlight this integration through a discussion of two weeks’ worth of material—domestic politics and war, and non-state actors—and the incorporation of bargaining concepts and frameworks into the two weeks of simulated multi-stakeholder negotiations.

The advocacy trap: transnational activism and state power in China

Take any introductory International Relations course, and swiftly you will learn about the advent of non-state actors in the post-Cold War world. Among the most important are the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that pursue political or social causes in the public arena. Along with these, transnational advocacy networks (TANs) bring together various NGOs and other interested parties to put pressure on governments to change policy. In dealing with a fast-emerging, authoritarian, control-obsessed superpower such as China, the record of TANs is likely to be mixed, at best. Noakes's fascinating study demonstrates that China is not impervious to outside influence, and shows that TANs' failure or success depends on action from both sides. It may give hope to international NGOs which desire a Middle Kingdom that is a global good citizen. As China began opening in the 1980s, NGOs hoped that foreign exposure would lead to the country accepting international norms. Naokes believes that TAN–state give and take can best be explained by constructivism, which allows a broad examination of three areas: state intentions, social preferences and international norms. Constructivism examines both the origins and changes inherent in all three, as well as ideational and cultural factors at play. Noakes uses a ‘process-based’ analytic case-study approach that permits varying instances to be compared ‘side-by-side’ (pp. 2–3). TANs often try to export their belief systems to foreign settings and hope to change the ways countries do things. The book insists, however, that ‘state preferences’, in the form of national interests expressed through soft power, are vital in shaping the decisions of NGOs and the ‘pathways’ that campaigns follow (p. 7). The result over time is a shift in TAN values, as NGOs adapt to alien environments (pp. 9–10).

Knowledge Surveys as an Assessment Tool of Simulation Course Outcomes

One challenge faced by instructors incorporating simulations and games into political science courses is how to assess learning outcomes from non-“traditional,” pedagogical methods. Positive or anticipated simulation outcomes do not necessarily indicate positive learning outcomes for students. And, using more traditional methods of assessment (quizzes, exams, research papers, etc.) may not align well with the intended outcomes and work related to the simulation. This article presents a range of assignments used to assess learning outcomes for GOV 1320: Topics in International Politics, an introductory international relations course at Worcester Polytechnic Institute. The course employs International Relations in Action: A World Politics Simulation in half of the class sessions as a method to engage students with the course material. In order to assess whether participation in the simulation and completion of the related assignments result in positive learning outcomes for students, I have included knowledge surveys as one assessment tool. In this article, I review frameworks for simulation development and assessment, as well as the existing literature on the usage and “success” of using knowledge surveys as an assessment tool. In addition, I present the intended outcomes of GOV 1320 in general and of the simulation specifically, and the assignments and activities used to assess student learning outcomes. Finally, I examine the use of knowledge surveys in the course. Because knowledge surveys rely on self-reported levels of confidence on course material, the article also includes a comparison of students’ understanding of their knowledge to the actual outcomes as measured by course grades.

Inspiring Students to Think Theoretically About International Relations Through the Game of Diplomacy

A growing literature highlights the benefits of playing the classic board game Diplomacy in international relations (IR) courses. But how exactly can it help students to learn not only about different IR theories, but also about what it means to use a theory in the first place? To address this question, I highlight my experiences overseeing the game during the first 2 weeks of seven introductory IR classes. Drawing from debriefing worksheets that 151 students completed after playing it, I examine whether they (1) made (implicit) connections to various theoretical perspectives and (2) developed a critical appreciation of theoretical abstraction and simplification. I find that the game’s social and collaborative components lend themselves to theories beyond neorealism. More importantly, I show that by modeling rather than replicating world politics, Diplomacy introduces students to a counterintuitive idea: that theories can reveal things about reality even as they distort and omit parts of it. Moreover, having students reflect on the game’s limitations encourages them to fill in the gaps, anticipate topics covered throughout the semester, and recognize the challenges of putting theories into practice.

Teaching Critical Understandings of Realism through Historical War Simulations

ABSTRACTThis article presents a simple modular simulation for teaching the advantages and limitations of Realist theory in an introductory international relations course. The advantages of this simulation include low preparation time, minimal resource requirements, and ease of integration with existing curricula. The game design is built around Kenneth Waltz’s “three-image” framework for analyzing international politics, in a way that increases scenario complexity but not game difficulty. The article describes the full simulation process, from game design and implementation through debriefing and assessment. Two historical simulations were conducted: the first helped students to understand Realism and the second helped them to see its limitations. The article concludes with a discussion of the results of a voluntary, anonymous postgame survey that is intended to assess achievement of our learning objective.

Inverting the large lecture class: active learning in an introductory international relations course

The inverted classroom model (ICM) is an active learning approach that reserves class meetings for hands-on exercises while shifting content learning to the preparatory stage. The ICM offers possibilities for pursuing higher-order learning objectives even in large classes. However, there are contradicting reports about students’ reactions to this kind of teaching innovation. With the ICM making inroads in political science teaching, this paper discusses how students evaluate this method. We report results from an application of the ICM to an introductory international relations course. In our course, students’ reactions to the ICM varied greatly. Using a regression analysis of student evaluation scores, we find that students’ preference for collaborative learning best predicted their preference for the ICM over the traditional lecture format.

Inverting the Large Lecture Class: Active Learning in an Introductory International Relations Course

The inverted classroom model (ICM) is an active learning approach that reserves class meetings for hands-on exercises while shifting content learning to the preparatory stage. The ICM offers possibilities for pursuing higher-order learning objectives even in large classes. However, there are contradicting reports about students’ reactions to this kind of teaching innovation. With the ICM making inroads in political science teaching, this paper discusses how students evaluate this method. We report results from an application of the ICM to an introductory International Relations course. In our course, students’ reactions to the ICM varied greatly. Using a regression analysis of student evaluation forms, we find that students’ preference for collaborative learning best predicted their preference for the ICM over the traditional lecture format.

Assessing a Broad Teaching Approach: The Impact of Combining Active Learning Methods on Student Performance in Undergraduate Peace and Conflict Studies

Teaching introductory International Relations (IR) and peace and conflict studies can be challenging, as undergraduate teaching frequently involves large student groups that limit student activity to listening and taking notes. According to pedagogic research, this is not the optimal structure for learning. Rather, although a teacher can pass on information, the student must actively create one’s own understanding, something that is not done through the traditional “Sage on the Stage” style of pedagogy. This article assesses this assumption by examining the impact of active learning on student learning outcomes and argues that a multiple teaching methods approach is able to meet the varying learning preferences of the broader student group and thus improves actual and self-perceived student performance. In a 3-year project, different approaches were introduced during the first semester, including smaller seminar groups, simulations, the use of film, and practitioner meetings. A comparison of the classes of 2011 and 2012, using the class of 2010 as a baseline, finds that the student groups taking part in the active learning project demonstrated both an improvement of results as well as an overall increase with regard to perceived achievement regarding the course’s learning outcomes.

Where Have All the Theories Gone? Teaching Theory in Introductory Courses in International Relations

In an effort to determine the extent and level of theoretical coverage in introductory International Relations (IR) textbooks, we conduct both latent and manifest analyses of IR theories in 18 undergraduate texts in the discipline. Focusing on realism, liberalism, constructivism, Marxism, and feminism, we find the bulk of theoretical content in chapters that specifically focus on theory. There is much less theoretical discussion in the issue chapters of most introductory texts. While some continue to stress, highlight, and even expand upon the theories in subsequent chapters, just as many focus on the content of the issues and less on providing students with a theoretical assessment of that issue. We discuss the pedagogical ramifications of these findings.

Student Perceptions of a Role-Playing Simulation in an Introductory International Relations Course

An emerging assumption in undergraduate political science education is that role-playing simulations are an effective teaching tool. While previous studies have addressed the pedagogical advantages of simulations as compared to more traditional teaching techniques, less attention has been paid to student perceptions of these simulations. This study uses data collected from an introductory International Relations course that includes a 2-day Model United Nations Crisis Simulation. Students are given a presimulation and postsimulation survey in order to gauge the perceived educational value of classroom simulations. Do undergraduates perceive simulations to be a valuable learning tool? Do these perceptions change after they participate in a simulation? Gender, class rank, and previous interest in world politics are considered. Finally, the authors consider whether students’ perceptions of the simulation experience correlate with the assumptions in the existing literature.

An Experiment in Teaching International Relations: The Effects of a World War I Role-Playing Simulation on Student Performance

Traditional pedagogical techniques – lectures, readings, and discussion of historical case studies – often lead students to conclude that history is predetermined by processes over which individuals have little control. These teaching methods also force students to passively receive information before they get the opportunity to apply it – a delay that probably diminishes the information’s relevance to students when they attempt to understand the causes of international conflict.In the Fall 2009 semester, I used a self-designed role-playing simulation of World War I (“Europe 1914”) in an introductory international relations course. The instrumental function of simulation in relation to course content was to demonstrate to students the importance and immediacy of individual decision making in historical events – specifically, that playing the roles of various heads of state would illustrate the political and ethical consequences of actions taken by European leaders on the eve of World War I. Each student had particular objectives to attain as the simulation unfolded. Students were also assigned the tasks of collaboratively preparing writing assignments online using a blog and making speeches in class while in character. In this paper, I assess whether the simulation succeeded as a cooperative learning exercise and compare student performance from this class to that of another class on the same topic that did not participate in the Europe 1914 simulation.

Surviving Turbulence in Transatlantic Relations

political ties. Depending on one's professional occupation or ideological perspective, answer can be yes, no, or maybe. In Divided West: European Security and Transatlantic Relationship, Tuomas Forsberg and Graeme Herd-two scholars with extensive knowledge of European integration and US-European relations-provide an incisive yet thought provoking analysis of recent developments. and United States, they argue, are engaged in neither a strategic realignment nor a divorce. Rather, recent disagreements represent a constructive strategic dissonance in which seeming instability, half-way policy approaches, and half-cocked military operations coexist with continuous, and strategically coherent, interest-based policies (pp. 2ff). Forsberg and Herd identify five different Europes: Core (Germany and supportive continental states), Atlantic (predominantly Britain, but also Denmark, Netherlands, and Portugal), Non-Aligned (Austria, Ireland, Finland, and Sweden), New (the ten states that joined European Union in 2004), and Periphery (Russia, Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine). They then examine objectives and policy preferences of each of these Europes within a changing transatlantic relationship. In their quest to systematize and deepen our understanding of different explanations given to crisis in transatlantic relations in hope that 'nothing is as practical as a good theory' (p. 17), Forsberg and Herd cite ample empirical evidence to present and explain dominant schools of thought: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. The effort is admirable given that many academic texts tend to be overly theoretical and short on empirical evidence. It is also useful given that much policy writing falls short on holistic explanations and generalizable inferences. Chapter 2 can serve as a stand-alone introduction for any introductory international relations course. The chapter on Atlanticist Europe focuses on historic special relationship between United Kingdom and United States. Intriguingly, it shows that Tony Blair's personal friendships with Bill Clinton and George Bush and British support for Iraq war have failed to halt Britain's diminishing clout in Washington. Britain is now said to be drawing short end of partnership stick, and, given a more assertive European Union, the UK's role as Transatlantic broker will become more ambiguous and pivotal, and risks of becoming a continual casualty in transatlantic traffic will only increase (p. 51). Yet, Forsberg and Herd's gloomy assessment tends to overshadow many positive developments stemming from establishment of European