Introduction Of Same-sex Marriage Research Articles

Who wins the British lavender vote? (Mostly) Labour

ABSTRACT Does sexuality shape electoral behavior in British elections? Relying on data from 10,290 individuals, this article provides the first case study analysis of a sexuality gap between heterosexuals and self-identified lesbian, gay and bisexuals in Britain. Testing the assumption that LGB voters are electorally incentivized to vote for socially liberal parties that advocate pro-LGBT+ positions, empirically I find that Britain's lavender voters are significantly more supportive of the UK's socially liberal parties. The sexuality gap is substantive with LGBs 9.65 percentage-points more likely to vote for Labour and 13.64 percentage-points more likely to vote for any socially liberal party via-à-vis their heterosexual peers. Importantly, the sexuality gap holds across the youngest cohort of the electorate who became of political age after the introduction of same-sex marriage. Finally, whilst there is a strong amount of support for the Liberal Democrats who acted as an entrepreneurial advocate of LGBT+ rights in the UK, evidence suggests that a lack of significantly increased electoral support from LGBs at the polls may be the result of strategic concerns. The results are important as they highlight the substantive role of sexuality in shaping electoral choices which has hereto not been considered in models of British electoral behavior.

Association between same-sex marriage introduction and attitudes towards homosexuality in Europe

Abstract Background Existing research suggests a positive relationship between the introduction of same-sex marriage and country-level acceptance of homosexuality across Europe in the first decade of the 21st century. Between 2010 and 2018, another 8 countries in Europe introduced same-sex marriage. Given the well-established association between greater social acceptance of sexual minorities and LGBT health, it is important to continue to monitor the effect of same-sex marriage policies on public attitudes. Methods Using data from waves 1 through 9 of the European Social Survey (ESS), the lagged association between same-sex marriage and acceptance of homosexuality in the subsequent wave was analysed for 12 European countries that introduced same-sex marriage between 2002 and 2018. Acceptance of sexual minorities was assessed using the statement, “Gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish”, which was dichotomised into two groups: “agree strongly” or “agree” vs. “neither agree nor disagree”, “disagree”, or “disagree strongly”. The association between same-sex marriage laws and acceptance was analysed in mixed-effects logistic regression models adjusting for country-level and individual-level confounders and survey year. Results On the country level, acceptance of homosexuality ranged from 61% in Portugal in 2006 to 96% in Iceland in 2016. Based on the total sample of 171,683 observations, acceptance increased from 77% in 2002 to 88% in 2018. Preliminary analyses indicate that existence of same-sex marriage at the time of data collection was associated with 24% increased odds of acceptance of homosexuality in fully adjusted models (95% CI: 1.05-1.48). Conclusions This study provides further evidence of an association between same-sex marriage laws and public acceptance of homosexuality. Additional research will be needed in order to further investigate this relationship beyond Western Europe and in relation to sexual minority health and well-being. Key messages For 12 European countries, evidence of an association between the introduction of same-sex marriage between 2002 and 2018, and subsequent accepting public attitudes towards homosexuality was found. Given their role as a key social determinant of health, further research on the association between social norms accepting of sexual minority populations and inclusive social policies is warranted.

JUSTIFIABLE DISCRIMINATION: THE CASE OF OPPOSITE-SEX CIVIL PARTNERSHIPS

OPPOSITE-SEX couples are prohibited from forming a civil partnership. Following the introduction of same-sex marriage, the Civil Partnership Act 2004 was not extended to opposite-sex couples, resulting in the unusual position that English law permits same-sex couples access to two relationship forms (marriage and civil partnership) yet limits opposite-sex couples to one (marriage). This discrimination was recently challenged in the courts by an opposite-sex couple, Rebecca Steinfeld and Charles Keidan, who wish to enter a civil partnership owing to their deeply-rooted ideological opposition to marriage. Rejecting marriage as a patriarchal institution and believing that a civil partnership would offer a more egalitarian public expression of their relationship, the couple argued that the current ban constitutes a breach of Article 14 read in conjunction with Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

‘A question of equality and choice’: same-sex couples’ attitudes towards civil partnership after the introduction of same-sex marriage

ABSTRACTSince the introduction of same-sex marriage, there have been two parallel institutions (marriage and civil partnership) for the legal recognition of same-sex relationships in England, Wales and Scotland. The current study aimed to examine how those in a civil partnership or a same-sex marriage perceive civil partnership in the context of marriage equality. Eighty-two respondents completed a qualitative online survey, and their responses were analysed thematically. The respondents were divided between those who viewed civil partnership as: 1) a stepping stone to equality, and felt that civil partnerships should be discontinued; 2) a form of legal recognition free from cultural baggage, and argued the Government should make civil partnership available for all; or 3) those who displayed ambivalence and conflicting views. We conclude by discussing how the principle of formal equality underpinned opinions on all sides, and what implications this might have for how we understand discrimination.

Transformación jurídica de la perspectiva nacional sobre las uniones civiles y el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo en Latinoamérica

En el presente trabajo se exponen los argumentos jurídicos que han servido para permitir la introducción paulatina del matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo y las uniones civiles en algunos países de Latinoamérica. El autor hace una descripción crítica de los casos contenciosos, así como las respuestas legislativas a las demandas de reconocimiento y protección de los derechos humanos de las personas con una orientación sexual determinada. Se analizan los países de Latinoamérica más representativos desde el punto de vista de relevancia comparada para efectos de extraer observaciones y argumentos que puedan servir para explicar la realidad en otros tantos países del mismo entorno geográfico.

How Should Religious Marriage Celebrants Respond If Same Sex Marriage Is Introduced in Australia?

The possible introduction of same sex marriage into Australia raises a number of complex issues for ministers of religion, who have traditionally made up a significant segment of those authorised to celebrate marriages. One set of issues discussed here is whether ministers of religion will be obliged to solemnise same sex marriage, when their religious convictions may lead them to believe that marriage should be between a man and a woman. Another important question raised by some denominations is whether, if the general law allows same sex marriage, even while exempting ministers of religion from solemnising these, the law of marriage would have been so fundamentally altered that religious groups should withdraw altogether from participation in marriage solemnisation. This paper discusses the debates on this question in Australia and suggests there are good reasons why religious groups may like to remain part of the system of marriage celebration, even if unable in conscience to celebrate some marriages.

Legal recognition of same-sex couples and family formation.

It has long been debated how legalizing same-sex marriage would affect (different-sex) family formation. In this article, I use data on OECD member countries for the period 1980-2009 to examine the effects of the legal recognition of same-sex couples (through marriage or an alternative institution) on different-sex marriage, divorce, and extramarital births. Estimates from difference-in-difference models indicate that the introduction of same-sex marriage or of alternative institutions has no negative effects on family formation. These findings are robust to a multitude of specification checks, including the construction of counterfactuals using the synthetic control method. In addition, the country-by-country case studies provide evidence of homogeneity of the estimated effects.