Political Intervention Research Articles

Attraction policies for digital nomads: some emerging issues

The digital nomad phenomenon takes on a growing relevance in a digitalized society. This position paper aims to contribute to the analysis of the phenomenon of attraction policies for digital nomads, in its advantages, limitations and motivations, so as to justify a political and social intervention that is intended to be rigorously based.

The racialisation of AIDS in Denmark: Tabloid media scandals of sex, race and contagion

In 1992, a Danish tabloid newspaper published the picture, name and address of a Black man on its front page under the title ‘He is the AIDS killer’. The outing marked the beginning of a controversial public scandal in Denmark directly leading to the introduction of a new law criminalising HIV in 1994. Centring questions of race and nationality in connection with HIV/AIDS, we examine in what ways the discursive framing of this, and two other public scandals, became tools of interpellation calling into existence ‘problematic’ and ‘dangerous’ groups like the racialised immigrant. Drawing on theories of race and racialisation through the work of Michel Foucault and Alexander G. Weheliye, we understand racism as structurally constituted within biopower and the violent expulsion of racialised people as a form of structural racism integrated in the state apparatus. Thinking about race in this way allows us to investigate how the figure of the racialised immigrant is represented vis-à-vis a racialised regime of representation as well as within a specific economy of fear and white paranoia. Our analysis shows that the racialisation of AIDS in Denmark, through which the control and disciplining of racialised bodies were made possible, worked in tandem with the cultural production of a national health crisis narrative that – put together – enabled, produced and pushed for particular political reactions and interventions culminating with the passing of the HIV Act in 1994.

Settlement Policy and Competition in Towns: The Case of Anschel of Münzenberg

This article examines the complexity of Jewish life in rural regions in Germany during the late Middle Ages and underscores the importance of investigating micro-histories for a more comprehensive understanding of Jewish identity and experiences in these settings. Introducing the common practice of territorial lords to limit the number of Jewish households residing in the small towns of their domain, this article argues against the portrayal of Jews as passive recipients of such settlement policies. It highlights their active participation in selecting incoming community members, especially in cases in which Jews aimed to prevent the immigration of co-religionists. Focusing on the case study of Münzenberg, where the Jew Anschel solicited the expulsion of most of the local community, three main incentives of Jewish political and legal interventions come to light: tax distribution, economic competition and personal relationships and conflicts. The article explores these incentives through various examples of Jewish townspeople who skilfully navigated negotiations, leveraging the interests and concerns of territorial lords and various courts.

Are Private Brands Morally Inferior to National Brands?

This paper investigates the moral distinctions between private brands (or private labels) and national brands within the context of economic, sustainability and innovation impacts. Private brands, owned and controlled by retailers, increasingly dominate the market, raising ethical concerns. Key areas of analysis include economic effects on consumers and producers, sustainability practices and the ethical implications of innovation and image copying. The findings suggest that private brands are morally inferior to national brands due to their detrimental impact on sustainability and innovation. The paper concludes with proposed political interventions aimed at mitigating these ethical issues, highlighting the need for more stringent regulations to ensure fair practices and enhance sustainability within the industry.

Watery traces and absences: sensations and speculative histories of an ancient well and a carse landscape

This paper explores how mighty earth processes, aquatic agencies and human practical, political, religious, technological, commercial and environmental interventions have shaped and reshaped a now obscure Scottish holy well and the carse landscape to which it belongs. More specifically, I detail the historic pagan rituals, vigilant religious policing, romantic redesign and extensive terraforming that have informed the changing uses and symbolic associations of these watery realms, demonstrating how they testify to ceaselessly changing human-water relations. I explore how an awareness of particular historical events garnered from diverse texts can be supplemented with affective and sensory engagements with the non-human agencies, vestiges and absences of place. Together, they foster intimations and speculative imaginaries that conjure up speculative watery histories and conjectural futures.

Family farm and family business: Distinction and transition between concepts

Objective: Explore the conceptual limits between the family farming unit and the agricultural family business to identify the elements that determine the transition from one figure to another. Methodology: The distinctive elements between both concepts were determined from the most relevant definitions reported in the literature. Subsequently, the transition from a family farming unit to an agricultural family business was illustrated based on the case study of an enterprise dedicated to the production and collection of barley in Hidalgo, Mexico. Results: Seven distinctive elements were identified between the family farming unit and the agricultural family business. Two elements (the scale of production and productive diversification) drive the transition, three are modified consequently (the source of labor, the priority destination of productive activity, and the strength of the link with agricultural land), and the remaining two are carried out infrequently (assignment of a non-family member as main head and disengagement of family members from community life). Limitations: The findings of the study lack statistical representativeness as they come from a case study. Conclusions: The seven distinctive elements between a family farming unit and an agricultural family business can be used to study the phenomenon of entrepreneurship around agriculture and to typify agricultural units to design differentiated strategies for political intervention.

From Erasure to Restoration: Antisemitism and the Visual Reverberations of a Revolutionary Pedagogy

Abstract A set of rediscovered revolutionary posters by the Reprint Collective (which was presented as part of Documenta fifteen) in Brussels provided an incredibly moving window into times past. Notwithstanding how the events addressed by those political artefacts now lie in the historical past, the revolutionary reverberations of the posters remain something to treasure. They bring to life political causes that underline the importance of radical solidarity and activist alliances. To understand why such artefacts were banned, we need to recognise the role of contemporary racism – the projection of the figure of a Palestine-radical left-Muslim subject that encompasses everything the liberal mainstream supposedly is not. This article argues that the New Anti-Semitism is a merely ideological manifestation that has no contribution to make toward the struggle against antisemitism. The posters remind us that 1) the struggle against antisemitism cannot be separated from the struggle against Islamophobia, but also that 2) the erasure of a particular Jewish and Left revolutionary subjectivity is intrinsic to the workings of hegemonic forces that maintain contemporary politics. Going against the account in which antisemitism has conventionally been framed, this article aims to come to terms with the erasure of a left epistemology that had emerged from the region in the 1970s. Moroccan revolutionary Abraham Serfaty is an example of how the erasure of the radical history of Arab and Jewish progressives was no coincidence. Reversing this erasure not only helps in understanding progressive Jewish interventions in liberation politics but also that the flattening of complex histories and Arab, Left, and Jewish subjectivities is in fact a prerequisite for Zionism. Arab Jews do not fit neatly within a pro-Israel ideological framework that itself systematically feeds off anti-Arab racism. This article furthermore reflects on New Anti-Semitism as a key political instrument and as a powerful moralistic force that muzzles the expression of political context and social ambiguity. The notion ‘Arab Anti-Semitism’ arose against the backdrop of Israeli state terror and regional warfare. This article also provides insights into important intellectual interventions of the left between the 1960s and the 1980s. In combination with the rise of counter-revolutionary forces and major anti-left crackdowns, this emancipatory approach building on a critique of imperialism and capitalism, and solidarity politics based on progressive universal values, was undermined. Finally, coming to terms with the erasure of a left epistemology that had emerged from the region and recovering this very legacy serve as an antidote against historical amnesia. This spirit of a progressive universalism – as, for instance, illustrated in Mahmoud Darwish’s rejection of the opportunistic dictum ‘the enemy of my enemy is my friend’ on the grounds that one can readily speak of a ‘world’s enemy’ – is born from the belief that our ethical and moral constellations carry universal value.

Transnational networks of energy communities as counterpower in the European Union renewable energy transition framework

Abstract This article explores the communicative process by which transnational networks of energy communities (ECs) in Europe build counterpower vis-a-vis the European Union (EU) institutional framework, with the purpose of effectively contributing to the shaping and management of the EU policy and regulatory framework for renewable energy transition. Such a process consists in the identification of obstacles to effective participation, the facilitation of access to information on EU regulation and policy frameworks, and the production of technical knowledge that reframes how renewable energy transition is understood as a field of political intervention. The impact of EC networks, and other networks of related community-led initiatives, on the EU energy policy framework is still relatively small when compared to centralized, large-scale providers of energy. It is constrained by how differently EU regulatory and policy packages address ‘techno-energetic systems’ in energy transition, as well as disparities in the transposition of EU legislation by Member States. Still, EC networks are building counterpower by facilitating bottom-up information and skill sharing, focusing on facilitating access to information on EU regulation and policy frameworks, as well as producing knowledge that frames the obstacles to effective participation of ECs in policymaking. It expands the understanding of renewable energy transition as a field of policy intervention beyond merely instrumental logic, centred on regulation and policy support to technological innovation, by mainstreaming a substantive logic based on a comprehensive socioecological framing that embeds energy transition in a multidimensional understanding of territorial development and governance.

Permanently marginalized? Securing living hours among part-time workers in hotels and restaurants in Northern Europe

This paper offers a comparative perspective on the wage and working conditions of marginal part-time workers (less than 15 hours per week) in the Danish, Irish and Norwegian hotel and restaurant sector. Each of the three countries belongs to distinct industrial relations models with different sectoral traditions of multi-employer bargaining, political intervention and union strength. We focus on social partner initiatives, over time, covering trade unions, employers and national governments’ unilateral, bipartite or tripartite measures to secure ‘living hours’ for workers with contracts of few hours. Analytically, we seek inspiration from the work on industrial relations regimes by Visser (2009) and combine it with the concept of living hours. We find that social partners have introduced a series of initiatives to secure living hours, notably to protect and increase hourly wages and secure guaranteed weekly working hours. However, while securing minimum wages and income through either bipartite, tripartite or unilateral measures seem relatively successful in all three countries, the attempts to guarantee minimum weekly working hours and thus secure living hours prove more difficult and mainly has had an impact in Denmark.

Mutual trust between German meat sector stakeholders and animal welfare and environmentalist NGOs regarding multi-stakeholder policies for sustainable meat production

Excessive meat production and consumption (especially in high-income countries) are linked to global sustainability hazards, such as climate change. Yet, sustainable meat production constitutes a wicked problem (i.e., a problem resistant to final resolution with diverging interests by relevant stakeholders) and political intervention accordingly has remained limited. To tackle wickedness, scholars recommend policy formats that embrace diversity and complexity among stakeholders, so-called multi-stakeholder engagement strategies (MSESs). Trust is said to facilitate stakeholder cooperation and ranks among the key ingredients to and outcomes of effective MSESs. Yet, trust remains under-conceptualized in the research on MSESs regarding sustainable meat production. Thus, to gauge stakeholders’ willingness to cooperate in respective MSESs, our research applied a seminal framework to probe the mutual trust between core actors of the meat supply chain. Focusing on Germany, we investigated the relationship between those stakeholders assumed to share rather fragile bonds (i.e., representatives of meat production and of NGOs that advocate environmental and animal welfare causes). Using semi-structured interviews we asked both parties about their mutual relationship, their opinion about MSESs and their willingness to cooperate with each other in them. Interview results were triangulated with secondary data. Our findings indicate limited trust by each party with the meat sector possibly being less trusting. They also reveal characteristics that may diminish trust in the eyes of each party. Our results further indicate acceptance of MSESs by both parties and suggest key characteristics that are relevant to their success.

Procedural politicking for what? Bureaucratic reputation and democratic governance

Abstract As the bureaucratic policymaking process has frequently deviated from conventional procedures contemplated by administrative law statutes, recent research suggests that bureaucrats strategically use rulemaking procedures to pursue their own goals and circumvent political interventions. However, the literature has often neglected implementation issues that bureaucrats confront in the policymaking process. Building on a bureaucratic reputation perspective that explicitly recognizes bureaucrats’ concern for implementation failure and reputational damage, this study examines when and why U.S. federal agencies issue rules without prior notice and comment instead of proposing rules through the conventional notice-and-comment process. Using logistic regressions with fixed effects, based on over 16,000 rules published between 2000 and 2020, we find that agencies are more likely to solicit prior public comment when making more complex and stringent rules. However, they tend to bypass it when making new rules and joint rules with other agencies. This study also shows that the positive effect of rule stringency on agencies’ use of the conventional notice-and-comment process tends to be more pronounced in agencies with higher proportions of professional bureaucrats. Overall, our findings indicate that bureaucrats’ choices of rulemaking procedures might be shaped by their incentives to prevent implementation failure and preserve agency reputation, which can be compatible with the norms of democratic governance.

Introduction to a Special Issue: Social Europe: The Changing Contours of Transnational Employment Relations in the European Union

Employment relations in Europe today differ from how they were prior to the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, as key terms and conditions (e.g., wages) and sectors of economic activity (e.g., platform work and the green economy) are now subject to direct political intervention by the European institutions. Transnational (horizontal) competition within the Single European Market has long provided a context for national employment relations in Europe, and various national institutions impacted workers’ rights and conditions of employment. Under the new economic governance (NEG) regime triggered by the financial crisis, political (vertical) intervention in employment relations created strong pressure toward the commodification of labor. The COVID pandemic involved policymaking in the opposite (decommodifying) direction. That said, and as the articles in this special issue clearly demonstrate, commodifying pressures are still strong, and the full realization of Social Europe is arguably as elusive as ever.

Impact of political relationships on virtual land flow from China's food trade

The increasing backlash against globalization has shifted public opinion towards being against trade. This situation puts food trade, which is resources constrained and susceptible to political relations, into a complex dilemma. Due to the concerns on agricultural endowments, food trade needs to be considered with strategic interests because of its sensitivity and fragility. Using virtual land as a measurement to analyse the resource flows behind the food trade can provide an objective perspective on what extent a country depends on the trade. Overlaying worldwide trade disputes and political interventions, establishing solid trade relationships is increasingly becoming urgent. This study uses an extended gravity model, assesses the virtual land traded by China with 10 species over 20 years, and provides insights on establishing politics-oriented trade relationships, further testing how this political mechanism works in the food trade. The results demonstrate that memorandums of understanding are the fundamental institutional layer to guarantee trading activities and promote smooth transactions for both sides; state visits are determinable factors in establishing bilateral relationships and it significantly promote upper-middle income countries, which crucially impacts the trading system. As those endeavors undertaken by executive departments are often ignored, more attention should be paid to them during interactive stages. Political relations show differences in food trade among different countries and varieties. The promoting effect of political relations is stronger in middle and high-income countries, and the impact on Russia and Ukraine is more significant than others. Compared within varieties, foreign state visits and endeavor presents more positive on pork.

Central Government Political Intervention in the Implementation of Educational Autonomy in Indonesia

This article presents a critical analysis of the central government's political intervention in the administration of educational autonomy in Indonesia. In reference to developed countries, education is a fundamental commodity and a top priority for developing national potential in global competition. In democratic countries, it is imperative to manage the government and its related elements using a democratic system. In the context of education in Indonesia, as a democratic country, educational institutions should ideally have ample space to determine their direction in accordance with the needs and demands of the times within the framework of national educational goals. Therefore, the expectation is that the education system should be developed in a decentralized (autonomous) manner rather than centralized. However, in reality, the national education system law has become a political tool for the government to set centralized policies without considering regional situations and conditions. In this issue, the central government seems to enforce the implementation of all educational policy products, particularly in the curriculum sector. The findings of this study indicate that the national education curriculum has undergone 11 changes from 1947, 1952, 1964, 1968, 1975, 1984, 1994, 2004, 2006, 2013, and 2022 based on the central government's political policies. These curriculum changes have both positive and negative impacts on the improvement of education quality. The positive impact is that students acquire current knowledge in line with contemporary demands, while the negative impact is that teachers are confused in responding to these changes, which in turn lowers student achievement.

Sustainable Strategies for Improving Humanitarian Supply Chain Management in the United Nations Using Dynamic Capability Theory

The purpose of the qualitative multiple case study was to explore the strategies some supply chain managers of the United Nations (UN) use to leverage operational efficiencies in the UN humanitarian programs. As a result, communities supporting sustainability and peace or those fostering economic development will be able to respond effectively to humanitarian crises. Moreover, the UN can remain operational and engage in political and conflict-reduction interventions integral to economic and social recovery and sustainability. This study applied the qualitative multiple case study through semi-structured interviews with nine supply chain managers in the United Nations, direct observations, document analysis, and artifacts. The research is grounded in the dynamic capability theory (DCT). The research revealed several strategies that supply chain managers of the UN use to ensure operational efficiencies grouped around three themes: (a) analytical, innovation, and knowledge management strategies; (b) effective supply chain management leadership strategies; and (c) risk management strategies. This study is one of the first to apply generic findings of humanitarian supply chain studies to the United Nations, the global organization with diverse mandates that continuously strives to achieve efficiencies required by donors providing financial support, thus remaining operational. The study’s results could help leaders in the various humanitarian organizations who operate in vulnerable environments and under strict scrutiny from donors to deliver their aid programs most efficiently by understanding dynamic capabilities. Previous studies indicate the lack of strategic frameworks applicable to the United Nations that could improve decision-making at the strategic, tactical, and operational levels, facilitate collaboration among supply chain stakeholders, and reduce the costs of the operational performance of the supply chain system in the UN.

Government Political Intervention in Educational Implementation

Government Political Intervention in Educational Implementation

Bale, Heywood, and the Politics of Necessity

Abstract: This essay offers a reading of two well-known early sixteenth-century plays, John Bale’s Kynge Johan and John Heywood’s Play of the Wether , in terms of their Henrician (and possibly early Elizabethan) political resonances. Unlike most such critical accounts of these plays, which often consider them in terms of their relevance to specific episodes of ecclesiastical or courtly controversy, this study suggests that Bale and Heywood represent a particular political practice in order to stage a more broadly theoretical political intervention. I argue that the plays’ interest in acts of petitioning—the licit process through which English subjects may seek redress of grievances from the courts, Parliament, or the Crown—serves to legitimate the condition of need as a basis for broad political participation. In Kynge Johan and The Wether , material need and its more abstract cousin “necessity,” expressed through acts of petitioning, are capable of performing remarkable reorientations of political and ethical duty, as well as of power more generally. Not all of these reorientations, as Kynge Johan in particular demonstrates, are positive, and both plays are conscious of and hesitant about the potentially destabilizing force of need. Yet ultimately, both plays move toward a more collective and less proto-absolutist political model in which need can, through acts of petitioning, be articulated and managed.

El brazo político del campo científico: la Sociedad Brasileña para el Progreso de la Ciencia durante el gobierno de Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022)

The aim of the article is to explain the political intervention of the scientific field in the context of Jair Bolsonaro's government (2018-2022) in Brazil. The article is tributary to the analytical perspective of present-tense historical sociology, based on a temporal conception as a historical category and methodological perspective. In this sense, it analyzes a) the characterization of the right-wing forces in the Bolsonarist government, the main political and economic agents that support it, and the policies promoted for the area of science and technology; b) the social and political dimensions of the organization and political action of the Brazilian scientific field, taking into account its main organization, the Brazilian Society for the Progress of Science (SBPC) and its demands at this juncture in the face of the reduction in funding for the area and violations of academic freedom. About sources, the participation of SBPC referents and other relevant political and economic agents in the traditional media and in non-traditional spaces, as well as periodical publications in the field of science and technology. As well as periodical publications from the field and the state; official reports and statistical data.

지방선거에서 중국인 등 외국인 영주권자 선거권 배제 필요성에 관한 연구

In 2005, during the Roh Moo-hyun administration, South Korea gave foreigners the right to vote for local council members and heads of local governments. Koreans living in China cannot cast a single vote in elections held in China. Foreign permanent residents residing in South Korea can vote after only three years. The number of Chinese permanent residents in South Korea is approximately 150,000, and the number of permanent residents who are foreigners and can participate in elections in 2026 is expected to be 181,251. This can be said to be an example of deviating from the principle of reciprocity in that one can vote in Korean local elections even if one does not have Korean nationality. The current law has some unreasonable aspects and is not fair from the perspective of reciprocity. Additionally, there have been attempts by China to interfere in elections in Australia and Canada, and voices of concern about Chinese political intervention are growing. These laws that violate reciprocity must be revised. Based on the principle of reciprocity voting rights for foreign permanent residents including Chinese should be excluded.

PENERAPAN SISTEM MERIT DALAM MANAJEMEN APARATUR SIPIL NEGARA DI LINGKUNGAN PEMERINTAH KOTA MAGELANG

The merit system is an important factor in bureaucratic reform which aims to create ASN who are professional and have integrity to create government administration that is effective, efficient, transparent and free from political intervention. Independent assessment of the implementation of the merit system is a measuring tool to ensure the merit system is carried out in accordance with applicable regulations. BKPSDM Magelang Municipality has started implementing a merit system in personnel management since 2021, and continues to improve every year. This research aims to determine the extent to which the merit system is implemented by BKPSDM Magelang Municipality in personnel management. This research uses descriptive qualitative methods. Data/information collection techniques are carried out through interviews and document studies. Data analysis by means of data reduction, presentation and drawing conclusions. The research results show that BKPSDM Magelang Municipality has succeeded in achieving increased implementation of the merit system due to strong support and commitment from the leadership. However, BKPSDM Magelang Municipality needs to make improvements in budget allocation, commitment from agency leaders, and increase awareness and understanding of civil servants as well as synergy with stakeholders in order to implement a merit system in personnel management.