International Transport Workers Federation Research Articles

The customer is always right? Flags of convenience and the assembling of maritime affairs

The concept of ‘flag of convenience’ is ubiquitous in literature on maritime governance. First popularised by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), it has served as a touchstone concept in maritime policy discourse, and as a metaphor for the interaction between state and corporate actors in both maritime affairs and the globalised economy more broadly. This article argues, however, that the conceptions of public and private as ontologically separate that underpin existing literature on maritime governance have obscured notable shifts in the practices of flags of convenience in recent decades. More specifically (and drawing on assemblage theory), it argues that while flags of convenience have been framed exclusively as entities that allow shipping interests to escape regulatory control, certain open registers have been re-constituted as hubs of knowledge and materiality that ease and accelerate commercial circulation in a variety of ways. The article concludes by drawing attention to the volatility of the politics and practices of flag statehood at large; additionally, it highlights the insights that can be yielded for International Relations by the examination of maritime governance using novel theoretical tools.

THE CASE OF MOHAMMED AISHA: THE EFFORTS IN PROTECTING SEAFARERS AGAINST ABANDONMENT

The abandonment case of Mohammed Aisha is a case that occurred in 2017, where the ship MV Aman was detained in the Egyptian port of Adabiya and caused a situation where Mohammed Aisha was trapped on the ship due to the failure of the shipowners. This then led to the case of the abandonment of seafarers. In this case, MLC 2006 is the instrument that covers regulation towards abandonment and seafarers' rights. This study was made to provide a broader and more detailed perspective related to cases of abandonment and MLC 2006. The goal of this research is to clarify matters that are unclear related to the regulation that is mentioned in MLC 2006, such as the vague regulation of who is in charge between flag states, port states, and nationals of seafarers in the case of the abandonment of seafarers in both theory and practice. Apart from clarifying the unclear matters of who is in charge of the three states mentioned previously, this research will elaborate even further regarding the International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) role in advocating the repatriation of the abandoned seafarers. This research revealed that the 2006 MLC has not been very effective in protecting the rights of seafarers and that the obligation for repatriation lies within the flag state; however, in its practice, when a flag state fails to carry its obligation, then the port state and the origin country of the seafarers with the help from ITF shall take that roll.

Nature of Sea, Types of Sea and International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF)- Policies and Rules of Engagement

Nature of Sea, Types of Sea and International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF)- Policies and Rules of Engagement

Building Labour Internationalism ‘from Below’: Lessons from the International Dockworkers Council’s European Working Group

This article considers whether the efficacy of transnational unionism, a strategy for trade union movement revitalisation, might be increased by a second revitalisation strategy: rank-and-file trade union democracy. This question is examined through a study of the International Dockworkers Council (IDC), an exceptional case of institutionalised rank-and-file union democracy at the transnational level. A shadow comparison examines the work of the International Transport Workers Federation, a bureaucratic trade union organisation active in the same sector. The IDC’s structure is found to increase the efficacy of transnational unionism by removing layers of bureaucratic mediation that slow down action, fostering a culture of militant solidarity among participants. Nevertheless, participants noted the heavy personal burdens placed on activists under this model and some difficulties of operating without the assistance of paid professionals. Additionally, differing national legal and political contexts for unionism remain significant barriers to effective internationalism.

The gendered impacts of technological change for public transport workers in the Global South

The automation and digitisation of work are heavily impacting on the public transport workforce worldwide. Many of the jobs affected are those typically done by women. Yet much discussion about the future of work in public transport is gender blind, or considers women primarily as users of public transport. This paper draws on original research commissioned by the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF) to address this gap, based on five cities that have introduced changes to public transport with significant implications for women's employment – Bangkok, Bogota, Cape Town, Mexico City and Nairobi. It was a qualitative study involving 164 interviews in five cities, primarily with women transport workers but also union representatives, community organisations, policy makers and employers. It finds both opportunities from and risks to women's employment, including the chance to move from informal work to new formal employment, as well as job loss from integrated fare payment systems. It considers the possibility of breaking down traditional patterns of occupational gender segregation in public transport when new systems or technologies are introduced. However in order for women to move into traditionally male jobs such as driving in greater numbers, several barriers must be addressed, such as gender stereotyping, violence at work and working hours and shift patterns. The paper offers some suggestions for how unions, employers, transport authorities and funders can address such barriers.

Editorial: Corporate tax dodging is stealing from workers and must be stopped

2 | International Union Rights | 25/1 EDITORIAL Editorial: Corporate tax dodging is stealing from workers and must be stopped For decades wages have stagnated, public services have been squeezed and inequality has risen while workers struggle to understand why the riches of globalisation pass them by. This edition opens the lid on possibly the single largest scam in the globalisation riddle. And one of the central barriers to organised labour doing better for workers. It explains why nobody has noticed how capital and the richest in the world have hoarded and hidden the loot – because they shift it before they even declare it is made. Most importantly this edition provides a union perspective on these issues and outlines what is to be done. Make no mistake, tax avoidance supresses wages. Workers cannot bargain for profits that are not there profits that have been shifted to jurisdictions specifically designed to hide the cash and defend the secrecy of the owners. Recent scandals have highlighted how the global system has been established to shift profits to avoid taxes. But little attention is paid to how shifting these profits allows companies to claim they have no money to pay workers, and is often used to justify job cuts. If the tax office can’t find the money what chance do workers have? Recently, a few unions have understood the problem and fought back. Jason Ward outlines how the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF) took on Chevron, one of the largest oil companies in the world, who are now required to pay 10 billion AUSD more in taxes. Nick Allen and Mary Joyce Carlson explain why a coalition of public and private sector unions lead by the SEIU pursued Mcdonalds tax practices in the Fight For 15. Perhaps none is more chilling than Dick Forlands article on the massacre of mine workers at Marikana, South Africa - killed for demanding decent wages - and the tax avoidance and secrecy of the company. In addition to supressing wages, Peters Adeyemi from the Nigerian Labour Council, demonstrates how corporate tax avoidance undermines economic and social development. It drives up inequality, starves public services and shifts taxation to those least able to pay. Jose Antonio Ocampo, explains the details of corporate tax avoidance and what policy change is needed to stop it. In each case a conspiracy of secrecy is at the heart of the scam. The indefensible can only be defended if never discussed. The beneficiaries deliberately keep information from the public. They know that each time we learn more, the foundations of the system are weakened. Ultimately tax is about power. There is barely more radical a project than taking from the wealthiest and most powerful on the planet for the benefit of workers. And without the collective power of workers organised into unions the project cannot succeed. Nadine Flood from the Australian CPSU, explains how unions have made corporate tax avoidance a popular issue and forced progressive and right-wing political parties to change tax policy. Dany Richard, Madeline Rodriguez and Sergio Hemsani argue that protecting workers from whistleblowing is a fundamental trade union right and essential for ensuring that secrecy and vested interests cannot continue to control the agenda. Recent union campaigns, like Chevron and McDonalds, show how holding corporations to account for their tax practices can build union power beyond traditional union action. They make immediate gains for workers and simultaneously raise awareness of the broken tax system and how it must be fixed. This edition is the first attempt to bring this knowledge together. A coalition of global unions has just launched an International Centre for Corporate Tax Research to help unions better understand tax avoidance and profit shifting in their industry and take action. A global conference will be held in the second half of 2018 for public and private sector unions that want to learn more, and do more. Daniel.bertossa@world-pse.org / Leo.hyde@world-psi.org Next issue of IUR Articles between 850 and 1800 words should be sent by email (mail@ictur.org) and accompanied by a photograph and short biographical note of the author. Please send by 5 June 2018 if they are to be considered...

Editorial: Corporate tax dodging is stealing from workers and must be stopped

2 | International Union Rights | 25/1 EDITORIAL Editorial: Corporate tax dodging is stealing from workers and must be stopped For decades wages have stagnated, public services have been squeezed and inequality has risen while workers struggle to understand why the riches of globalisation pass them by. This edition opens the lid on possibly the single largest scam in the globalisation riddle. And one of the central barriers to organised labour doing better for workers. It explains why nobody has noticed how capital and the richest in the world have hoarded and hidden the loot – because they shift it before they even declare it is made. Most importantly this edition provides a union perspective on these issues and outlines what is to be done. Make no mistake, tax avoidance supresses wages. Workers cannot bargain for profits that are not there profits that have been shifted to jurisdictions specifically designed to hide the cash and defend the secrecy of the owners. Recent scandals have highlighted how the global system has been established to shift profits to avoid taxes. But little attention is paid to how shifting these profits allows companies to claim they have no money to pay workers, and is often used to justify job cuts. If the tax office can’t find the money what chance do workers have? Recently, a few unions have understood the problem and fought back. Jason Ward outlines how the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF) took on Chevron, one of the largest oil companies in the world, who are now required to pay 10 billion AUSD more in taxes. Nick Allen and Mary Joyce Carlson explain why a coalition of public and private sector unions lead by the SEIU pursued Mcdonalds tax practices in the Fight For 15. Perhaps none is more chilling than Dick Forlands article on the massacre of mine workers at Marikana, South Africa - killed for demanding decent wages - and the tax avoidance and secrecy of the company. In addition to supressing wages, Peters Adeyemi from the Nigerian Labour Council, demonstrates how corporate tax avoidance undermines economic and social development. It drives up inequality, starves public services and shifts taxation to those least able to pay. Jose Antonio Ocampo, explains the details of corporate tax avoidance and what policy change is needed to stop it. In each case a conspiracy of secrecy is at the heart of the scam. The indefensible can only be defended if never discussed. The beneficiaries deliberately keep information from the public. They know that each time we learn more, the foundations of the system are weakened. Ultimately tax is about power. There is barely more radical a project than taking from the wealthiest and most powerful on the planet for the benefit of workers. And without the collective power of workers organised into unions the project cannot succeed. Nadine Flood from the Australian CPSU, explains how unions have made corporate tax avoidance a popular issue and forced progressive and right-wing political parties to change tax policy. Dany Richard, Madeline Rodriguez and Sergio Hemsani argue that protecting workers from whistleblowing is a fundamental trade union right and essential for ensuring that secrecy and vested interests cannot continue to control the agenda. Recent union campaigns, like Chevron and McDonalds, show how holding corporations to account for their tax practices can build union power beyond traditional union action. They make immediate gains for workers and simultaneously raise awareness of the broken tax system and how it must be fixed. This edition is the first attempt to bring this knowledge together. A coalition of global unions has just launched an International Centre for Corporate Tax Research to help unions better understand tax avoidance and profit shifting in their industry and take action. A global conference will be held in the second half of 2018 for public and private sector unions that want to learn more, and do more. Daniel.bertossa@world-pse.org / Leo.hyde@world-psi.org Next issue of IUR Articles between 850 and 1800 words should be sent by email (mail@ictur.org) and accompanied by a photograph and short biographical note of the author. Please send by 5 June 2018 if they are to be considered...

THE MONOGRAPH ABOUT TRANSPORT TRADE UNIONS

[For the English abstract and full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].REVIEW OF THE BOOK: Zubkov, S. A., Krainov, G.N. Transport unions as part of the international trade union movement. Monograph. Moscow, INFRA-M publ., 2017, 297 p. ABSTRACT The book, published in the series «Scientific Thought», is devoted to the study of transport unions as components of the international trade union movement. The authors draw attention to the history, current state and problems of the international trade union movement, t h e processes of globalization, cooperation and coordination of the actions of international transport unions. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the trade union movement in rail transport, the participation of the Russian trade union of railway workers and transport builders in the international trade union movement. Keywords: trade union, transport unions, international trade union movement, International Confederation of Trade Unions (ITUC), World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), International Workers’ Association (IWA), Global Federation of Trade Unions (GUF), International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITWF), International Committee of Transport Workers’ Propaganda (ICTWP), Profintern, International Confederation of Trade Unions of Railway Workers and Transport Builders (ICRW), Russian Union of Railway Workers and Transport Builders (ROSPROFZHEL).

A dark day for dockworkers in Norway

24 | International Union Rights | 24/1 REPORT | NORWAY A dark day for dockworkers in Norway Over the past three years, the fight for collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) in three of the major port operating companies in Norway (Risavika Terminal AS, Holship Norge AS and Yilport Oslo) has revealed serious weaknesses in the Norwegian rules on industrial action. The rules on taking industrial action in Norway are regulated by the Labour Disputes Act and the National Agreement. The National Agreement is a collective bargaining framework negotiated and signed the LO, the national trade union body, and the NHO, the national employers’ association. The National Agreement, often called the social constitution, was first signed in 1935. Local bargaining then happens under this umbrella agreement. However, in addition to regulating industrial disputes, the Agreement also limits the scope of industrial action. A clause in the National Agreement states that ‘where a collective agreement is in place, no work stoppages or other industrial action should take place’. Essentially, industrial action is only allowed in the period that a CBA is being negotiated. This includes the process of establishing a CBA. This is upheld by the Labour Disputes Act. Collective bargaining in ports Organisation in the ports differs from other businesses. There are many port users and very few of them need or have the possibility to have their own permanent employees. Some port users, for example, passenger ferries, have a daily need for labour but for short periods at a time. Other port users need many workers for one or two days in the course of a week or a month, whilst others have a sporadic need for workers. A system was set up to secure income and permanent employment for dockworkers and a steady stream of qualified labour for the port users. An office was set up in each port that acted as a sort of employment agency for dock work. The prerequisite for this system working was that all port users, both small and large would make use of the system, giving registered dockworkers the preferential right to this work. This is a system adopted in many ports around the world, especially Europe. This system was underpinned by ILO Convention 137 to secure full employment for dockworkers. Article 3 of the Convention states that: ‘registered dockworkers shall have priority of engagement for dock work’. Norway ratified ILO Convention 137 in 1975. During discussions around its implementation, both the LO and the NHO agreed that there was no requirement to have a separate law or regulation to safeguard the Convention. They agreed that the spirit of the Convention would be contained in collective bargaining agreements. Furthermore, the Norwegian government stated in 1976 that ‘[Employment] offices are created in the ports. These offices have exclusive rights to all port work in the harbour. All regular dockworkers must be registered in this office’. Flags Of Convenience (FOC) A significant portion of today’s Norwegian ships, both local and international traffic, are not registered in Norway. Instead they are registered to countries with lower tax rates and, often, lower rates of salary and labour standards, so-called ‘flag of convenience’ (FOC) states. CBAs for these FOC ships are established by the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF). Dockworkers’ unions are part of these negotiations. All ITF agreements have a clause stating that the ship’s crew should not perform loading or unloading duties in harbours where there are registered dockworkers. This is to ensure the safety of seafarers and to protect their periods of rest. If a ship owner/operator refuses to sign an ITF agreement, they risk a global boycott and the loading and unloading of that ship could be stopped. The same could happen if an ITF Inspector finds that conditions on board the ship do not comply with the CBA. If the NHO and the EU are successful in removing registered dockworkers in Norway, ships’ crews will be able to load and unload vessels for a much lower salary, with questionable training and at a great potential risk to safety. It will leave a huge space for social dumping in the ports and seafarers will lose the protection that dockworkers provide of safe and...

HIV/AIDS, health and wellbeing study among International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) seafarer affiliates.

Transport workers generally face a higher-than-average risk of HIV as well as other health challenges. In order to improve understanding of health issues in the maritime sector, including but not limited to HIV/AIDS, and to prepare appropriate responses the International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) conducted a study of the views and needs of those affiliates. The ITF carried out two surveys. The first consisted of a questionnaire sent to all ITF seafarer affiliates to establish their concerns about health issues, including the impact of HIV/AIDS, and to assess the extent and nature of existing trade union programmes. The second consisted of a knowledge, attitude and behaviour survey on health, wellbeing and AIDS among a cross-section of individual members administered through anonymous and confidential questionnaires by maritime affiliates in four countries in different regions and an identical online questionnaire through Survey Monkey. For the first survey, replies were received from 35 unions in 30 countries, including major seafarer supplying countries - India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Philippines, Turkey, Ukraine - and major beneficial ownership countries such as Germany, Italy, Norway, and South Korea. Health issues of concern included HIV and other sexually transmitted infections for over three-quarters of them, and then alcohol use, weight control, and mental health. All said they would welcome ITF support in starting or strengthening a programme on general health and/or HIV. Replies were received to the second survey from 615 individual seafarers. Half to three-quarters said they worried about their weight, lack of exercise and drinking; over half felt depressed sometimes or often. There were serious knowledge gaps in a number of areas, especially HIV transmission and prevention, as well as high levels of stigma towards workmates with HIV. A number of health issues and information gaps remain unaddressed on board and pre-departure. Mental health is especially neglected but the needs emerge clearly. Seafarers believe that companies should provide programmes but also look to their unions for health information and services. The ITF has an important role to play in supporting affiliated unions in developing activities and in providing technical and strategic guidance.

The East African Railway Strike, 1959-60: labour’s challenge of inter-territorialism

The crisis of accumulation which tore East African Railways and Harbours (E.A.R.H.) provoked fierce resistance from African railwaymen in all three colonies. This was marked by the East African Railway Strike which began on 14 November 1959, as the majority of railwaymen stopped work in response to the Railway African Union [Kenya] call for a colony wide strike. Railwaymen in Tanganyika and Uganda followed them into action to mark the region’s first inter-territorial strike. The strike rudely coincided with preparations for African majority government throughout the region, and continued intermittently until April 1960. This had an immense impact and triggered the era of strike waves which challenged the nature of the nationalist transitions to independence throughout the region in which the African bourgeoisie stood to become the principal beneficiaries. The following work attempts to bring out the organic interconnectedness of a regional struggle which veered between unity and fragmentation. In this connection, it questions the role of the British TUC, the International Transport Workers Federation and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in deflecting the course, and bargaining down the demands of this momentous confrontation. The examination of the strike attempts to reopen unresolved issues about the role and influence of organised labour within East Africa’s independence struggles.

Pursuing Trade Union Internationalism: Australia's Waterside Workers and the International Transport Workers Federation, c. 1950–70

When the Australian Waterside Workers Federation (WWF) decided in 1971 to join the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF) it overturned decades of antipathy to the ITF. We ask why union officials held this view and why the union now changed its mind at this particular moment. We argue that while union power was strong in the immediate postwar decades, the WWF was able to pursue its economic goals locally and join international actions for reasons of solidarity. In the following decade, however, union archives reveal that a confluence of technological change and diminishing union strength under a conservative government made international organising a logical and necessary strategy. Under the guidance of General Secretary Charlie Fitzgibbon, the WWF overcame its opposition to the ITF, by then an organisation representing millions of workers worldwide. We concentrate on Fitzgibbon’s leadership as a crucial factor in the timing of this historic change.

Korean Railway Workers' Union Rights under Attack from the Neoliberal State

railway industry in the neoliberal direction. The KRWU came out on strike to protest against the government’s unilateral action on 9 December. The KRWU’s strike action was carried out in accordance with the legal process of labour dispute, including the National Labour Relations Commission’s mediation process, union members’ strike ballot (turnout rating 91.3 percent and approval rating 80.0 percent), and restriction of industrial action in essential public services. Park’s government, however , declared that the strike was illegal and took hard-line steps to break the KRWU’s strike. The government threatened to discharge 8,565 union members taking part in the strike action and ordered the striking workers to return to work. It also issued arrest warrants for 194 KRWU officials, including union leaders. The government and Korail management sent in strike breakers (including army forces) to replace strikers and filed a legal tort claim against the KRWU, requesting payment of a colossal amount of damages in compensation (16.2 billion Korean Won, approximately amounting to 13 million euro). The police raided the union offices and arrested union leaders, while the Korail management recruited 660 strike-breakers. Moreover, on 22 December a force of 5,500 police, without a warrant, attacked the headquarters of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), a national centre of democratic Korean unions with which the KRWU is affiliated, in order to arrest KRWU leaders. The raid by the police troops failed to catch the union leaders, and instead resulted in the arrest of 135 KCTU members who attempted to block their entry. Despite the union’s strong opposition and growing public concern, the government granted business license to the SR for running KTX lines, as intended. The police attack on the KCTU headquarters as well as the government’s unilateral restructuring action triggered rage amongst the organised labour community and widespread criticism from civil society movements. On 28 December, the KCTU and its affiliates waged anti-Park demonstrations as a means to protest against the government ’s union suppression and railway privatisation , in which many civil NGOs and opposing parties participated. The Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU), another national centre, announced its decision to stop policy dialogue with Park’s government and joined the KCTU-led demonstrations. Around 100,000 people gathered at the KCTU-led anti-Park demonstrations on December 28th. International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) and many national centres of foreign countries, such as TUC (UK), CUT (Brazil), ACTU (Australia), and TCTU (Taiwan), sent their strong solidarity support for the struggle of the KCTU and KRWU against Park’s government. Amnesty International also criticised Park’s govWhen railworkers took strike action to protest against the privatisation and break-up of the railways the government declared that the strike was illegal, threatened thousands of dismissals, and ordered all strikers to return to work INTERNATIONAL union rights Page 18 Volume 22 Issue 3 2015 BYOUNG-HOON LEE is a professor at the department of Sociology, Chung-Ang University in Seoul, South Korea. T he railway system in South Korea has been a core target of neoliberal restructuring pursuing market competition and privatisation since the late 1990s. The Korean railway system was run by a governmental organisation named the Railway Office until 2003. The Railway Office, however, was divided and transformed into two public enterprises, respectively accountable for the operation (Korail) and construction (KRNetwork) of the railway system, in accordance with the government’s railway restructuring roadmap formulated in 2004. The conservative government (2008~2012), led by President Myung-bak Lee, took a public stance on the privatisation of the railway system, but did not produce the intended outcome, owing to the Korean Railway Workers Union (KRWU)’s strong opposition , including its seven-day strike action. President Geun-hye Park, the eldest daughter of Jung-hee Park, who was the despotic president of the Korean developmental regime (1961-1979), was elected in December 2012, drumming up strong support from conservative political groups and elderly people. During the period of the presidential campaigns, in responding to the KRWU’s open inquiry concerning her policy plan for the railway system, President Park made clear that she opposed the privatisation of...

Intersecting arcs of mobilisation: The transnational trajectories of Egyptian dockers’ unions

This commentary explores the development of Egypt’s dockers’ unions since February 2011 in terms of two interlinked trajectories. On the one hand, the Egyptian revolution has provided the primary impetus for dockers’ industrial activism, as, like many other workers throughout Egypt, they have taken advantage of the political space suddenly opened up. However, although the Egyptian revolution may seem the most obvious driving force behind the growth of unions on the country’s docks, these advances also conform to a regional pattern. Since 2007 a campaign by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) has seen new unions formed and collective bargaining rights won in many ports across the region, including in Bahrain, Jordan and Morocco. It is argued that the technical and industrial resources made available through the ITF’s activities and networks have, therefore, played an important role. The uncertain political environment in Egypt, however, threatens to stunt both the growth of independent unions, and curtail the support they receive from the international labour movement.

“The Ships Must Sail on Time”: Histories of Longshore Workers and Why Their Unions Still Matter

Before dawn on Sunday morning, June 20, 2010, upwards of one thousand people gathered near the Port of Oakland, an industrial, sometimes barren section of west Oakland. They then converged on four gates operated by the Stevedore Services of America, one of the main shipping companies on the US Pacific coast and in the world. The protesters were awaiting the arrival of an Israeli cargo vessel in order to protest Israel's ongoing blockade of the Palestinian residents of Gaza as well as the recent Israeli assault on Turkish vessels in the Mediterranean that had resulted in the deaths of nine civilians, part of an international group sympathetic to the Gaza Palestinians. For hours activists protested, including a chant that referenced both the Wobblies and antiapartheid struggle: “An injury to one is an injury to all, bring down the apartheid wall.” Crucially—and not coincidentally—members of Local 10 of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) refused to cross this picket line, citing safety reasons. After several hours of negotiations, an arbitrator agreed with the ILWU members that the situation could cause harm to the workers, who therefore could not be punished for not unloading the vessel. Subsequently, the Zim (Israeli shipping line) vessel departed from San Francisco Bay, looking to be unloaded in nearby Monterey Bay. Simultaneously, dock unions in Norway, South Africa, Sweden, and Turkey—all members of The International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF)—also announced that they would join the “Boycott against Israel campaign.” These dramatic, militant, and overtly political actions by longshore workers across the globe are not unprecedented—at least for union dockers—though they are almost unheard of in the twenty-first century for other sorts of workers on any continent.

Sweatshops at Sea: Merchant Seamen in the World's First Globalized Industry, from 1812 to the Present (review)

Reviewed by: Sweatshops at Sea: Merchant Seamen in the World's First Globalized Industry, from 1812 to the Present James P. Kraft Sweatshops at Sea: Merchant Seamen in the World's First Globalized Industry, from 1812 to the Present. By Leon Fink. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011. 288 pp. $34.95 (cloth). Labor historians have studied myriad occupational groups, almost all of which are "landlubbers." In this interesting new book, Leon Fink focuses on seafarers, and more specifically on their changing conditions of employment. Sweatshops at Sea: Merchant Seamen in the World's First Globalized Industry, from 1812 to the Present, shows how a host of American and British labor laws gradually abolished sweatshop-like conditions in the commercial shipping business. It also shows, however, that contemporary maritime workers still face major problems and challenges. The book relies on a wealth of primary and secondary sources, from trade union records and parliamentary debates to fictional accounts of life at sea. The result is a meaningful contribution to labor and maritime history. The work begins in the early nineteenth century, when the British Royal Navy boarded scores of American merchant ships for the purpose of impressing alleged deserters. By the War of 1812, the Royal Navy had impressed several thousand American sailors (typically the most skilled and capable). The practices of "press gangs" riled up British and American citizens, and brought much needed attention to conditions of employment in shipping. After the war, social reformers increasingly championed "sailor's rights," insisting that public authorities apply national principles to the high seas. In the 1830s and 1840s, the British Parliament finally dismantled a longstanding regulatory regime that showed little regard for the safety and welfare of maritime labor. Parliament consolidated new maritime regulations in the Merchant Shipping Act of 1854, which further liberalized the British economy. The United States had already embraced relatively liberal, "free-trade" principles, but had done little to advance the welfare and safety of its own maritime workers. Nineteenth-century novels spoke pointedly to the paternalistic and often brutal nature of labor relations in the nation's shipping industry. The riveting, sea-based stories of "realist" writers like Herman Melville and Richard Henry Dana described the tyrannical relationship between many shipmasters and the men they commanded, and thus added momentum to campaigns against sailor abuse. By the Civil War, Congress had passed several bills that improved the lives of seafarers, including legislation that regulated the practices of port-city boardinghouses, where "crimps" had their own ways of exploiting seafarers. Efforts to improve conditions at sea often collided with sectional concerns. Southern legislators successfully [End Page 443] blocked efforts to allow free black sailors to leave ships that docked in Southern ports, and almost prevented Congress from passing a naval appropriation bill that included an anti-flogging measure. The conditions of seafarers were intimately connected to race relations in the South, and to disciplinary practices on Southern plantations. The future of ordinary seamen looked bright in the early twentieth century. In Great Britain, new legislation had not only provided seafarers with better living accommodations but also eight-hour work shifts and representation on new maritime agencies. It had also required shippers to prove that their ocean-going vessels were "seaworthy" (and not "coffin ships"), which reduced the high casualty rate among seamen. American officials soon passed similar legislation, including a bill that prohibited the imprisonment of maritime workers for desertion. Of the various legislators who supported such reforms, none was more important than Samuel Plimsoll or his American counterpart Robert La Follette. Both men championed sailors' rights in the face of fierce opposition from shippers and conservative politicians, who saw this liberal activism as an attack on the basic foundations of free enterprise. Trade unions played a major role in this story, especially the International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF). Established in 1896, the London-based labor organization brought a variety of transportation workers under a single umbrella, including dockworkers as well as ordinary seamen. An ITF strike against ocean liners and shipping associations in 1911 produced tangible benefits for the union and created a new sense of global solidarity among maritime workers. But the coming of...

Organising, politics and education

FOCUS □ TRADEUNIONEDUCATION Organising, politics and education The roleoftrade unioneducation has been consciously recognised bythe ITFas a necessary and integralpartof the process to repositionunions and defendrights ALANA DAVE IsEducation Officer with the International Transport Workers Federation In London At the Federation theITF International global (ITF) Congress adopted Transport in1998, Mobilising affiliates Workers' of the InternationalTransport Workers' Federation (ITF) adopted Mobilising Solidarity , a programme whichasserted theneed to developa strategic responseto the negative impact ofneoliberal transport restructuring on the rights oftransport unions andworkers world-wide. This programme providedthe foundation from whichthemajority ofsubsequent policydecisions have evolved resulting in the current Strong Unions, Sustainable Transport policyframework. Since1998,thescaleoftransport restructuring and theaccompanying shifts in employment relationshipsand rights, has necessitated a muchdeeper, morecritical interrogation ofunionapproaches to organising, bargaining andcampaigning. Significantly, theroleoftradeunioneducation has been consciously recognised bytheITF as a necessary andintegral part oftheprocesstoreposition unionsand defendrights. Withtheshift in approach of the ITF articulatedinitiallyin Mobilising Solidarity , came a redefinition of the federation's education work. TheITF'sOrganising Globally- Fighting for our Rightsprogramme states: 'ITFeducation workhas changeddrastically .Previously mainly delivering basictradeunion educationcoursesfordeveloping countries, itis now dealingwiththeglobalrestructuring in the transport industry, industrial priorities of ITF industrial sections, and building organising, analytical and campaigning capacityon a regional, subregional and globallevel.Bothindustrialised anddeveloping countries aretargeted'. However,thereare severalchallengeswhich need to be faced forthe ITF to delivertrade unioneducationwhichleads to actionand ultimately contributes to socialchange.Firstly, how to developan educational approachto strategic organising. Secondly, how to bringpoliticsand ideologyintothefederation's tradeunioneducation discourse.And thirdly, how to link the processof educationto organisational developmentand growth atglobaland national levels. Educationand organising Organising inthetransport sectortakesdifferent forms, from international organising acrossbordersin multinational companiesor alongtransportcorridors , to organising a particular occupationalgroupofworkers within one company, to organising workerswithno clear employment relationships. Mostimportantly, andregardless of the formof organising, it is the workerswho need to be readyfororganising and driveand control thecampaign from below.Thisapproach presentsa politicalchallengeforinternational organisations, whereorganising priorities agreed ata globallevelmight ormight notcoincidewith thereadiness andmoodofrank-and-file workers and unionmembers to assertand defendtheir rights. In suchsituations, cantradeunioneducationcreatetheconsciousness necessary forinternationalorganising campaigns,or do workers and unionsturn to tradeunioneducation when thereare alreadyhighlevels of consciousness creating a demandand searchfornew ideas, skillsand strategies? These are the conceptual questions whichhavetobe asked,so that we can better understand thepossibilities andlimitations ofeducation fororganising at different moments and indifferent contexts. Whena unionor groupofworkers decidesto organise, thereshouldbe a close and dynamic interrelationship between theorganising strategy of a unionanditsformal andinformal education programme . However, often therolethateducation can playis too narrowly defined. In manycases, thelink between education andorganising isinterpreted as theneed to train organisers. Whilst the training oforganisers isindeedessential, education should not be limitedsolelyto thisfunction. Education mustplaya rolein everyaspectofa union's life, so as toincrease andstrengthen workers 'participation and control - building effective leaders,strengthening democratic structures and stimulating an active, involved andpolitically consciousmembership whoareprepared toarticulate andfight for working classrights andinterests. Likewise at an international level,thedifferent facetsof theITF'soveralleducation programme, needto be understood holistically inrelation to a globalorganising agenda. Whilst someprogrammes might be tailor-made to support theeducational needsofspecific organising projects, broader education programmes ona widerange ofissues affectingtransport arejustas essential tobuilding a cultureofsolidarity andorganising amongst affiliates. The participatory and collaborative practices of tradeunioneducationenablescollective knowledge , commoninterests and sharedneeds to emerge whichought todrive international organising campaigns. Without thisdeeper processof knowledgebuildingunderpinning international organising campaigns, theability to win internationalunionrights as well as to exercisethem, couldbe seriously weakened.An appreciation of themeaning ofthisprocessis captured byArlette Gayfrom an ITF affiliate in Chile:"Inorganising, thefirst thing we do is to shareinformation with other workers tobuilddeep confidence with each other and to buildtherealand deep solidarity of workers actingcollectively. Organising is fundamentally aboutbuilding thebase oftheunionand thedemocratic structures. Organising helpsmake ourunions moredemocratic". In relation to specific organising targets, there are particular educational challenges. Likeother unionorganisations, ITF affiliates arefacedwith INTERNATIONAL union rights Page 6Volume 19Issue 1201 2 thechallenge oforganising growing numbers of precarious and informal transport workers. The findings of an ITF global researchprojecton organising informal transport workers showthat unioneducation programmes mustbe specifically tailoredto addressthe needs and rights of informal workers. In manycases,unionorganisersand educators withexperience oforganising andeducation forformal workers finditdifficult to relateto the situation of informal workers. Thusthetraining oforganisers andactivists needs toaddress theparticular issues,situations anddifficulties of organising informal workers such as overcoming suspicion andbad experiences, dealingwithunionplurality , overcoming theoppositionoftheemployers or authorities, motivating workers tojoinunions, understanding their interestsandrights , andfinding thetimeandplaceto meetwithinformal transport workers. Educating, building capacity and empowering leadersintrade...

The Role of Organised Labour in Preventing a ‘Race to the Bottom’ for Filipino Seafarers in the Global Labour Market

AbstractThe aim of this article is to demonstrate how organised labour at both the national and global level can influence the nature of global labour markets. This aim is achieved through an empirical investigation of the restructuring of the global labour market for Filipino seafarers, and the influence of the Associated Marine Officers and Seamen’s Union of the Philippines (AMOSUP) and the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) in this restructuring process. The article concludes that despite the global attack on labour unions, organised labour continues to be a powerful agent in preventing ‘a race to the bottom’ for Filipino seafarers working conditions and wages.

Vale Inco Miners

REPORTn VALEINCOMINERS Vale Inco Miners Striking workers fromCanada were invitedto testify about their struggleto a foreign government 8,000 kilometres away KEN NEUMANN Is National Director for Canada, United Steelworkers A America, few United days Steelworkers to ago, meet I was with delegation honoured Brazilian to to Senators lead South a UnitedSteelworkers delegationto South America, to meetwithBrazilianSenators who have expressedconcernovertheplight of Canadianmineworkers. Itwas an extraordinary event - striking workers from Canadainvited to testify abouttheir labour struggle toSenators ofa foreign government more than8,000kilometres away.Notto mention the fact that Brazilian Senators voicedsupport forthe Canadianminers, whoareembroiled ina historic strike against ValeInco,subsidiary ofBrazil-based ValeSA,theworld'ssecond-largest mining company ."I wantto offer myfullsolidarity to the workers of Canada", Senator Paulo Paim exclaimed intheBrazilian Congress inNovember, whenhe calledfora hearing intotheValeInco strike. "Forthe record,I feelindignant at how Valeis behaving overthere", Senator PauloPaim said. "Fromthe reportI have heard,thisis a humanrights issue.You can counton thissenator 'ssupport and,I'm sure,on thesupport of a significant majority ofmembers ofCongress. Your struggle is ourstoo,whichis thefight forworkers 'andretirees' rights". Thestrike against Valeby3,500Canadianmine workers is now intoitssixth month. The dispute was provoked byValewhen,despiteitsmassive profitability, itdemandeddeep concessions from workers' bonuses,pensionsandjob andseniority protections. The demandsforconcessionsfromworkers werecontrasted byhugesalary increases for Vale management. The company's top six executives receivedpay increasesof 121 percentin two years, together pulling downUS $33 million last yearalone! The attack on workers also cameon theheels ofValeInco reaping record profits - US $4.2billionovertwoyears .Theseearnings weregreater thanthecombined profits earnedbypredecessor Inco Ltd.overthepreviousdecade. The wealth generated byValeIncoworkers alsohelpedVale's globaloperations earna record profit of$13.2billionin 2008.Eventhrough theglobaleconomic crisis, Vale remains remarkably profitable. As of thespring of 2009,ithad cash assetsofUS $22 billion.In thethird quarter ofthisyear,itsaftertax profits rose 112 percentfromthe previous quarter, to US $1.7 billion.AndVale executives predicted thecompany's earnings willcontinue to rise. Valealso admitted in itsthird-quarter financial report that itaccepteda combined $518million in lostrevenueand extraexpensesduring thefirst twoanda half months ofthestrike itprovoked in Canada.Thecompany's report notedthat "dueto thestrike" inCanada,itlost"$319million ofrevenue fromreducedsales" and incurred "extra expensesof$209million". Allofthesefinancial reports onlyreinforce the fact that Valedoes notneedconcessions from its workers. Itsdemandsclearly reflect an agendaof extracting ever-greater amountsof wealthfrom Canada'sresource-based communities, attheconsiderableexpenseofworkers , their families and thosecommunities as a whole. Unprecedentedsolidarity Therefore, while it may be unprecedented for Canadianstrikers to be invited to appear at a Brazilian Senatehearing, thisdevelopment makes eminent sense. It underscores thefactthatthe strike againstVale represents a battleforrights and livingstandards thatis relevant to working peopleandcommunities inallcountries inwhich Valeandsimilarly-motivated corporations operate. Italso highlights theunprecedented scopeand success of an international solidarity campaign launchedbytheUnited Steelworkers prior tothe beginning ofthestrike, whenitwas clearworkers 'rights andliving standards wereatrisk dueto Vale'sagenda. WhenValebought IncoLtd.in2006,theUnited Steelworkers knewwe were no longerdealing witha Canadiancompany withlong-running ties toourcommunities andcommitments toourlocal economies.We werefacing a multinational corporationprimarily concernedwith generating profits forinvestors, withlittle regard forCanada orCanadianworkers. BecauseVale'smanagement, topinvestors and mostimportant relationships werein Brazil, we knewwe had to be there, too. Longbefore the strike began,theUSWdiligently worked tobuild strong relationships withmajorunionsin Brazil that represent Valeworkers. Whenthestrike started ,we hittheground running. In July,USW International President Leo W. Gerard signedan agreement with Artur Henrique da SilvaSantos, President ofCUTBrazil, thecountry 's largest tradeunion,forming a strategic partnershipto supportworkersin theirrespective negotiations withVale. In the ensuingmonths, we have developed unprecedented solidarity withBrazilianunions. Several USWdelegations havetakenourmessage directly toBrazilian workers andpoliticians, directlyconfronted Vale'smanagement, and convinced theBrazilian government toputpressure onVale. WhileBrazilremains an important front inour globalfight, we alsoareexerting pressure onVale in everypartof theworldwhereitoperates. In the process we've gained incredible levels of globalsupport - from organisations representing morethan168million workers around theworld. USWmembers havechasedVale'sshipments of Canadianminerals acrosstheAtlantic andprotestINTERNATIONAL union rights Page 10 Volume 16Issue 52009 ed at portsin Swedenand Germany, joinedby European allies including the International Federationof Chemical, Energy,Mine and GeneralWorkers' Unions(ICEM),IF Metall,the International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) and the International Metalworkers' Federation (IMF). We'vebeenrepeatedly welcomedintheUK by our sisterunion,Unitethe Union,which has joinedus in confronting Vale at a high-profile investors' conferencein London and helped organise a week-long seriesofactions insupport ofourbattle. Unite also helpedachievetheintroductionof a motionin the British House of Commons supporting the3,500Canadianstrikers andrebuking Vale'sagenda. TheUSWalso hasforged alliances withunions and workers in Australia,Indonesia, New Caledonia, SouthKoreaandAfrica. Unionsrepresenting Valeworkers on Africa...

The War on Europe's Waterfront - Repertoires of Power in the Port Transport Industry

When the European Commission proposed a Directive On Market Access to Port Services in February 2001, the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) issued a declaration of war on Europe’s waterfront. To protect established terms and conditions of employment in the port transport industry, the ITF developed a strategy of internationalization that required dock workers to engage in a new politics of scale wrought by globalization. A new repertoire of collective action — based on more effective union articulation (i.e. stronger interrelationships between the workplace, national and international levels of organization) combined with the activities of new labour networks that connected port workers at the trans-national corporation, port range and pan-European levels — enabled dockers to sink the Directive in the European Parliament in November 2003. The dockers’ victory will not be lost on other European unions or indeed other global union federations, although their success will doubtless prove more difficult for other occupational groups to emulate.