International Relations Discourse Research Articles

Artificial Intelligence: Opportunities and Challenges for the Global South with a Focus on Nepal

Artificial intelligence is a relatively new and contemporary technological tool that also figures significantly in the current discourse of international relations. AI stems from its ability to mimic human cognitive functions, allowing machines to perform tasks that previously required human intelligence. AI systems can analyze massive amounts of data, identify patterns, and make data-driven decisions by utilizing advanced algorithms, machine learning, and data processing capabilities. The primary goal is to improve efficiency, accuracy, and automation across multiple domains, including healthcare, finance, manufacturing, and transportation. Furthermore, AI has the potential to address complex challenges, innovate solutions, and contribute to scientific advancements, making it an effective tool for supplementing human capabilities and driving progress in a variety of fields. However, ethical considerations and responsible development are essential for ensuring the responsible and beneficial integration of AI into society. Concerns regarding AI have also been expressed from the viewpoint of foreign policy, national security, data privacy, and the possible replacement of humans by machines. This is expected to pose additional difficulties for developing nations like Nepal as it may be very expensive to use AI in various development endeavors that aim to address global issues on an equal footing with developed nations. Because most of the countries in the Global South are developing or least developed, AI may therefore present more challenges than opportunities to them.
 Hence, this article attempts to incorporate the various dimensions of AI in terms of the different perspectives that are encountered in this changing context of the AI world, as well as the real impacts that may be opportunities or threats to Nepal from the perspective of international relations and diplomacy.

Theorizing Catholicism in International Relations: An English School Framework

This article draws attention to a trend in International Relations (IR) discourse that analyzes aspects of Catholicism through an English School lens. It argues that IR analyzes of aspects of Catholicism should or could be more productively theorized through a two-fold English School framework: (a) religious ideas, customs, and practices underpinning international society; and (b) the preference of the Catholic Church in pluralism versus solidarism English School debates. This framework can, arguably, be used as a tool for future IR investigation of aspects of Catholicism to better understand the influence of Catholic actors in international society.

Unmasking International Relations in the Times of War in Africa: Beyond Rhetoric, Reality and Trust

This paper unmasks the concept of international relations using the lenses of realist school of thought. Relations of nation states towards each other, and with international organisations, including sub national entities is what international relations (IR) is all about (Antunes and Camisao, 2018; Adams, 2003; Wendt, 1992; Axelrod and Keohane 1993). The significance of IR in the contemporary world, as it were in the past cannot be overemphasized. It seeks to comprehend the roots of war and the preservation of peace both stemming from the nature and exercise of power within the global system. To this effect, the discipline of international relations comprises of numerous theories, each attempting to explain the power relations and the resultant behaviour of nation states on the international scene. Of particular interest to this article is how the realism theory of IR enhances the prospects of cooperation within the international environment and the realists’ main obstacles to achieving cooperation in international development. As one of the many theories in the IR discourse, Realism claims to explain the reality of international politics. Realists believe that sovereign states are the principal actors on the international political system, having at their disposal justifiable actions or tools for the protection of their interests. Proponents of realism argue that states are unitary and rational actors of importance seeking to secure their survival through reliance on their own means even if it meant war (Glaser, 1994; Brown, 2007; Milner, 1992).Drawing from secondary sources of data and using a desk top review approach, this study found that realists come close to explaining the actual happenings on the IR scene i.e. the survival of the state at all costs, also called the ethics of responsibility rather than by moral principles as other theorists argue. Realism as a school of thought in the IR discourse has generated a significant volume of debate and criticisms igniting valuable insights and remains an important analytical tool for stakeholders in IR.

Humanitarian Intervention in Syria: A Critical Analysis

In academic and intellectual circles, Humanitarian Intervention (HI) and the duty to protect have historically been seen as morally and ethically right because of its contentious practices have been at the forefront of international relations discourse in recent years. Having failed to come up with a consensus set of rules, parameters and principles to justify intervention, the Just War logic of Humanitarian Intervention falls flat on the face of the sovereign rights of the states. In this milieu, this article critically examines the rationale of humanitarian intervention in Syria and evaluates the concept of just war to claim that it is outdated and its application in the name of humanitarian intervention needs to be assessed. This study adopts the theory of social constructivism to decode the liberal perspective of Humanitarian Invention as a just war or socially constructed to manipulate world public opinion and address the inherent national interests of involved countries or the diplomatic failure of the United Nations Organization.

Becoming a humanitarian state: A performative analysis of ‘status-seeking’ as statecraft in world politics

Abstract Status-seeking is ubiquitous in world politics, and the literature is currently dominated by state-centrism and rationalism, which is almost exclusively focus on state elites. This results in a thin and limited understanding of what ‘status-seeking’ is, where it works, and how it is effected. This article challenges the existing approaches by introducing a performativity framework and offers an overhaul of how ‘status’ can be studied. It suggests replacing ‘status-seeking’ with ‘status performances’ that are conceptualised as part of ‘statecraft’ process. Drawing on post-structuralist and queer approaches as well as aesthetics in International Relations (IR), it is argued that status performances participate in the production of the state itself as a subject in world politics, so all states are ‘status-seekers’. This subject-production process occurs in multiple political sites, including the academic IR discourse in a country and visual presentations in the media. It is concluded that there is no ‘status’ beyond the subject, and status can never be achieved because it always needs repetitive performances. The argument is illustrated by an analysis of the production of ‘Turkey’ as a humanitarian state and demonstrates how this is effected in state-elite pronouncements, IR scholarship in Turkey, and visual representations.

Navigating the Geopolitical Landscape: An In-Depth Analysis of Australia's Strategic Position

Australia's strategic position in the global geopolitical landscape is a dynamic and multifaceted subject, encompassing factors such as geography, economics, politics, and security. This comprehensive journal article, titled "Navigating the Geopolitical Landscape: An In-Depth Analysis of Australia's Strategic Position," delves deep into these intricate layers to offer a holistic understanding of Australia's role in the world. From its geographic location at the crossroads of the Indian and Pacific Oceans to its economic resilience and diverse trade relationships, from its vibrant democracy to its alliances and partnerships, Australia's position is analyzed in the context of both regional and global dynamics. The article also explores its relationships with neighboring nations, including Southeast Asian and Pacific Island countries, and its engagement in regional organizations. Additionally, it assesses Australia's response to key international actors, such as superpowers and regional powers, and examines its involvement in addressing regional challenges and conflicts. With a focus on meticulous research methodology, this article aims to contribute valuable insights to academic research, policymaking, and international relations discourse, illuminating Australia's pivotal role in shaping global affairs.

Exploring the Feasibility of the Taking Sides Strategy in Southeast Asian Countries -- Malaysia's Response to the US-China Conflict as an Example

Although it has been widely accepted in international relations discourse that Southeast Asian states generally adopt hedging strategies when faced with conflicts from external powers, however, this paper argues that when the intensity of confrontation and conflict between major powers exceeds the capacity threshold of small states, they tend to adopt either direct or ambiguous taking sides strategies in order to maintain their security by actively adhering to or being forced to follow a major power. According to Robert Putnam’s two-level games theory, leadership characteristics, capability threshold, state trust, structural pressure and system stability are the main factors that influence whether a small Southeast Asian country adopts a strategy of taking a side. Malaysia, for example, has adopted either direct or ambiguous taking sides strategies in response to the Sino-US conflict. By siding ambiguously with China or the US at different times, Malaysia has effectively consolidated its economic cooperation with major powers such as China and the US and gained actual economic benefits, reducing the risks and uncertainties posed to Malaysia by the great power game.

THE ACCELERATION OF THE CHINESE SPACE PROGRAM

The acceleration of the Chinese Space program in the recent years is undisputable and definitive, asserting China’s ambitions towards the space sector and a contest of the final frontier. The pace of this acceleration has intensified as the Chinese space progress has amplified in the last years, allowing the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to dwell upon decades of space research and create space technologies with the ability to match the capabilities of traditional space nations. The Chinese National Space Agency (CNSA) has been at the helm of the developing space capabilities enabling China to compete and cooperate with other nations in outer space. Due to the nature of space, the discourse of international relations has become encompassing and dynamic, allowing the participants of the upcoming space race to shift the balance of power and project their power across the international spectrum. Recent developments in the space sector illustrate the Chinese attempts to intensify the utilization of space as a key area of interest and expand their influence globally.

Brexit and ‘Specialness’: Mapping the UK–US Relationship in the New York Times and The Guardian Newspapers

At a time of renewed power struggles among nations, especially with the rise of China and Russia, the UK’s loss of leverage as a key player in the European Union following Brexit makes its relationship with the United States more crucial than ever before. That relationship, which is traditionally conceptualised as being ‘special’, undergirds international relations discourses in media spaces and political and academic communities on both sides of the Atlantic. Drawing on news coverage by the New York Times and The Guardian (UK) newspapers, this article explores how the media frame the UK–US relationship against the backdrop of Brexit. The discussion is predicated on the understanding that important sources of information can influence not only people’s perceptions but also how they think about an issue. The study concludes that while a special relationship is still a contested notion, a resilient and abiding alliance between the two countries is alleviating the impact of Brexit.

Reconceptualising Feminism in International Relations: A Critical Analysis of Masculinized Paradigms and Disparities in Leadership, Politics, and Power

International Relations (IR) as an academic field has its roots in predominantly masculinized perspectives, where traditional notions of power, dominance, and war shaped the international discourse. The article sought to explore and critically analyze how feminist theory addresses the disparities in leadership, politics, and power within the context of international relations. The article delved into the historical development of IR as a discipline, examining how traditional theoretical frameworks have inadvertently perpetuated gender biases. The article highlighted the multifaceted contributions of feminist scholars in challenging the conventional norms and striving for gender equality within the international political arena. The subsequent sections of this article discussed the evolution of feminist thought within IR. They emphasized the relevance and importance of feminist theory in reshaping the discourse of IR, making it more inclusive, and promoting gender equality in the article and practice of IR. By recognizing the significance of feminism within IR, this research sought to contribute to the ongoing efforts to transform the field and make it more reflective of diverse voices and experiences. The article used Realism and Liberalism feminist theorists. Desktop research review method was utilized by exploring secondary data from published articles. The article concludes that the oppression of women is rooted in unequal power dynamics that exist at all levels of society, from the individual to the political. International politics will remain a male domain and privilege as long as there are not enough powerful women to tip the scales.

South China Sea: The Dispute Creates Capital

The South China Sea hosts immensely rich underwater assets and proves to be a commercial gateway for the international community. The 3.5 square kilometers sea is one of the world’s busiest route for ships that holds multiple claims from the bordering states. The territorial claims from the bordering states, its contradiction to the maritime law and the interests of big powers such as USA, Russia and India makes the south china sea clash a hot topic for discussion in the international Relations discourse. Geographically South China Sea is important due to its strategic security issues and the claims somewhat violates the international law. But it is Understandable that the International politics rest upon this contradiction of interests and the South China Sea clash is profitable economically as well as politically. That is why they chose a statues quo and continue creating capital from this maritime conflict.

The Italian model of humanitarian diplomacy

Тhe term humanitarian diplomacy is undergoing a number of changes in the political discourse of international relations. Already, various states and international organizations are investing in it with diff erent content. In this article, we will look at how Italy, the ancestor of the modern diplomatic system, puts into practice humanitarian diplomacy in the broad sense of the term. If initially the concept of "humanitarian diplomacy" meant only "providing humanitarian assistance to vulnerable segments of the population during a confl ict and victims of natural or man-made disasters", today it is already a whole umbrella concept that includes a wide palette of humanitarian cooperation on an ongoing basis in such areas such as: culture, science, education, youth, tourism. Particular attention is paid to the institutionalization of humanitarian diplomacy in the process of "transformation" of the foreign policy system of the Italian Republic. In addition, the author studies the cultural and scientific component of the international activities of the state on the example of cooperation with such "vulnerable" regions as: Africa and the Mediterranean. As the analysis of plans and reports of the relevant Italian structures, namely: the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs and International Cooperation, the Italian Cooperation Agency, showed, the main areas for cooperation in the humanitarian sphere are: education, fundamental research on environmental issues, agriculture, clean water and gender policy. In fact, activities in the fi eld of humanitarian diplomacy cover most areas of a universal, comprehensive nature. It is concluded that the Italian model of humanitarian diplomacy follows the global "trends" of reforming the ministries of foreign aff airs, and also "creates" its own practices of diplomatic discourse — legal and "hybrid" diplomacy, which, unfortunately, are not currently widely used and in its essence, in the first case, it is part of a multilateral (conventional), and in the second, it is rather a characteristic than an independent form of foreign policy activity, in the extreme case, a part of public diplomacy.

Theorizing the history of women's international thinking at the ‘end of international theory’

AbstractThroughout the 20thcentury, women were leading intellectuals on International Relations (IR). They thought, wrote, and taught on this subject in numerous political, professional, intimate, and intellectual contexts. They wrote some of the earliest and most powerful theoretical statements of what would later become core approaches to contemporary international theory. Yet, historical women, those working before the late 20thcentury, are almost completely missing in IR's intellectual and disciplinary histories, including histories of its main theoretical traditions. In this forum, leading historians and theorists of IR respond to the recent findings of the Leverhulme project on Women and the History of International Thought (WHIT), particularly its first two book-length publications on the centrality of women to early IR discourses and subsequent erasure from its history and conceptualization. The forum is introduced by members of the WHIT project. Collectively, the essays suggest the implications of the erasure and recovery of women's international thought are significant and wide-ranging.

Theorizing the history of women's international thinking at the ‘end of international theory’

AbstractThroughout the 20thcentury, women were leading intellectuals on International Relations (IR). They thought, wrote, and taught on this subject in numerous political, professional, intimate, and intellectual contexts. They wrote some of the earliest and most powerful theoretical statements of what would later become core approaches to contemporary international theory. Yet, historical women, those working before the late 20thcentury, are almost completely missing in IR's intellectual and disciplinary histories, including histories of its main theoretical traditions. In this forum, leading historians and theorists of IR respond to the recent findings of the Leverhulme project on Women and the History of International Thought (WHIT), particularly its first two book-length publications on the centrality of women to early IR discourses and subsequent erasure from its history and conceptualization. The forum is introduced by members of the WHIT project. Collectively, the essays suggest the implications of the erasure and recovery of women's international thought are significant and wide-ranging.

The Domestic Politics and Indonesia’s Tension with Malaysia on The Ambalat Case

This study examines inter-state tension between Indonesia and Malaysia on the issue of Ambalat between 2005-2009 using quantitative analysis. The analysis offers these critical and crucial lenses to reduce empirical and conceptual blind spots in international relations discourse. The issue is pivotal since the Ambalat disputes had yielded tensions between the two nations. Furthermore, the military’s involvement and provocations of mass media were arguably excessive. Previous literature merely focuses on the foreign policy tension and neglects the correlated and critical domestic factors. The purpose of this research is expected to possess a different conceptual perspective on the issue of Ambalat, which is often framed from a security perspective. The mainstream rationale captures Ambalat as an internal political maneuver deployed by President Yudhoyono while antagonizing Indonesia’s relations with the neighbor. The analysis offers these critical and crucial lenses to reduce empirical and conceptual blind spots in international relations discourse. The results showed that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) used this issue to advance specific political interests by redirecting the public’s attention from mounting petroleum costs and the president’s declining image. This also occurs against the backdrop of the presidential election of 2009 to maneuver Ambalat. However, the maneuver for the domestic audience affected Indonesia-Malaysia’s relations and the rising tension.

Questioning the quest for Pluralism: How Decolonial is Non-Western IR?

Since early 2000s, scholars of international relations have been questioning the Western-centrism of their home discipline and, in a quest for pluralism, have been envisioning ways of conceptualizing the world beyond the West. At the same time, an intellectual movement known as modernity/coloniality research collective has been critically reflecting about modernity and its often-neglected counterpart, coloniality, to resist universalism and to decolonize knowledge. Engaging with the attempts to procure pluralism in the discourse of international relations, the purpose of this article is to question the different perspectives of non-Western international relations from a decolonial angle to identify intellectual projects that could lead to decolonizing the discipline. In its discussion of how decolonial non-Western IR theory is, the article argues that while some perspectives within the subfield openly reject or simply ignore the concerns raised by decolonial thought, others put forward intellectual projects where decolonial arguments resonate. Hence, rather than characterizing the subfield in general terms, the article distinguishes those perspectives that are attentive to the need of generating a true dialog among knowledges and, by so doing, it contributes to critical scholarship within international relations.

Taiwan’s Quest for World Health Assembly Participation

Taiwan’s striving for institutional recognition has made its campaign to obtain observer status at the World Health Assembly (WHA) a distinct case in international relations (IR). The first section briefly introduces framing as an analytical approach governing the arrangement of this research. The second section articulates how Taiwan’s utilization of framing has shaped public opinion and helped advance its interests. The third section adopts ‘a scorecard approach’ to evaluate Taiwan’s efforts to engage with the WHA comprehensively. The conclusion offers a preliminary appraisal of Taiwan’s performance and discusses how the case of Taiwan would continue to enrich the IR discourse.

Is There Still a German IR Discourse? Investigations in the Semi-Periphery of an Academic Discipline

Abstract In non-English-speaking countries, international relations (IR) scholars often face considerable pressure to publish in international journals and address international debates. At the same time, they are expected to cater to national publics, politicians, and funding agencies. In this article, we investigate how German IR scholars navigate this terrain and whether a national IR discourse still exists in Germany. To answer this question, we analyze citation patterns and the formulation of the puzzle in twenty-five volumes of the Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen, the German flagship journal of IR. We find that two-thirds of scholarly works cited in those articles are written in English. References to German-language literature cluster in articles written by authors without disciplinary affiliation in IR. The majority of research puzzles are also situated firmly in international discourses, while only a minority really target German debates. We conclude that not much of a distinctively German conversation over matters of IR is left, at least in academia. What is still there revolves around German foreign policy, theory issues, and, to some extent, European studies. On most other issues, authors link up directly to international debates even when addressing their German colleagues in German.

Rethinking Revisionism in World Politics

Abstract Revisionism is an important concept in international relations discourse, and it is especially prevalent in discussions about relations between China and the United States in the context of a possible power transition. Yet, this concept has until recently not received the systematic research attention that it deserves. We present in this essay different strategies that a revisionist state may pursue. It builds on recent scholarship by other colleagues and is drawn from a larger project of ours to study revisionism historically and develop it conceptually. We argue that military conquest and subversion—or in our terminology, hard revisionism—have become less likely in today’s world compared to the past. Instead, different approaches of soft revisionism intended to advance institutional changes should be given more attention. We provide a typology of these soft revisionist strategies and offer examples from recent Chinese and US conduct to illustrate them.

Representation Of The Feminist Perspectives In Pakistan’s Political Science Academia

The feminist perspectives entered the field of Political Science/ International Relations during the 1980s as part of the larger critical turn in Social Sciences. The marginalization of women’s role and voices in mainstream academic discourse of war and peace remained a key concern of the Political Science/IR feminist perspectives. The current study uses insights from Sandra Harding’s standpoint theory to explore how the feminist perspectives are represented in the Political Science/International Relations academia of Pakistan. This paper undertakes a systematic review of leading (HEC recognized) journals of IR and Political Science in Pakistan, to examine if and how the feminist perspectives is represented in Pakistani International Relations discourse. Since local academic discourses are underrepresented in the largely Eurocentric discipline of Political Science/IR, this study will contribute towards a better understanding of representation on a key critical academic perspective ( Feminism) in Political Science/IR. The results of the study show that feminist perspectives are marginalized in local academia in terms of representation. Serious efforts are required to promote academic research and development in this field with the support of the Government, academic institutions and researchers.