International Political Science Review Research Articles

The Gender Publication Gap Revisited: Evidence from the International Political Science Review

ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, there has been consensus in the literature of a submission and publication gap that favors men. Important research in the intervening years has explored the many reasons for this output gap: imbalanced administrative workloads; bias in top journals against female-dominated subfields and methodological approaches; and lower confidence levels among women, sometimes known as the “Matthew effect.” However, in the intervening period, there has been a notable emphasis on recruiting more women into academia, and the importance of publishing for career development has intensified. Journal case studies have highlighted a growth in output by women academics but show that men are still overrepresented. Using a case study of the International Political Science Review (IPSR), we contribute to the emerging body of work that shows that the gender gap has diminished or even been eliminated. We present data on submissions and acceptances by gender, and we base our comparisons in the gender balance of the departments of submitting authors. The results are clear, for IPSR, the gender gap has closed and women now publish on a par with their men colleagues in their department.

Academic misconduct, fake authorship letters, cyber fraud: Evidence from the International Political Science Review

Key points This article highlights two types of publishing fraud: fake acceptance letter and financial fraud. Prepared by a third party, fake acceptance letters affirm that a paper, which we had never received before, has been accepted by IPSR. In the financial fraud case, a third party pretends to be an editor of IPSR, sends out authentic looking fake acceptance letters and then solicits authors to pay an article processing fee (APC).

Student publishing in peer reviewed journals: Evidence from the International Political Science Review

AbstractPublishing in peer‐reviewed journals has become an essential requirement for PhD students wishing to pursue a career in academia. Yet, there are few studies of student publishing and little discussion of norms around attribution of authorship for student research collaborators. (1) How often do students feature as submitters and authors in political science journals? (2) In what format (i.e., solo author, co‐author, multiple authors) do students normally submit and publish? (3) Are there gender differences in student submission and publication rates between male and female students? This article uses 2 years of data from the International Political Science Review (IPSR; i.e., 2019 and 2020) to answer these questions. Mainly using cross‐tabulations, we found that just one in eight submitting authors was a student (i.e., undergraduate and postgraduate). In terms of acceptance rates, students had generally lower acceptance rates than faculty. Yet, there were also important differences within the student body. As expected PhD students were more successful than undergraduate and masters' students, and in line with general disciplinary publishing patterns, female PhD students had a higher publication success rate than their male colleagues.

Finally rising with the tide? Gender and the vote in the 2019 British Elections

ABSTRACT When it comes to gender and voting behaviour Britain had become something of an outlier. Whilst more countries shifted along Inglehart and Norris’ “rising tide” continuum from traditional gender gaps, to realignment, into modern gender gaps (Inglehart and Norris 2000, “The Developmental Theory of the Gender gap: Women and Men's Voting Behaviour in Global Perspective.” International Political Science Review 21 (4): 441–462, 2003, Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), Britain remained at the realignment stage. But in 2017 a modern gender gap emerged with a greater proportion of women than men voting for Labour, and a greater proportion of men than women voting Conservative. In this paper we examine the 2019 European Parliament and General elections to assess whether the modern gender gap persists in Britain. We show that whilst in the 2019 General election we again observed a modern gender gap, it nevertheless is rooted in the specifics of the political context in Britain, specifically post-EU referendum cleavages. Moreover, the gender gaps in the European Parliament election reveal a more nuanced picture, and demonstrate how the electoral context shapes the gender vote gaps we see. Our results indicate that the presence of the modern gender gap in Britain is contingent, rather than the result of long-term realignment, as well as provide evidence for key processes that may cause gender gaps to vary across time and space.

What Drives the Right-Wing Populist Vote? Topics, Motivations and Representations in an Online Vox Pop with Voters for the Alternative für Deutschland

Abstract In a recent study (Miglbauer, Marlene and Veronika Koller (2019). “‘The British People have Spoken’: Voter Motivations and Identities in Vox Pops on the British EU Referendum.” Veronika Koller, Susanne Kopf and Marlene Miglbauer, eds. Discourses of Brexit. Abingdon: Routledge, 86–103.), we investigated vox pops (short for ‘vox populi,’ i.e. ‘voice of the people’) with self-declared Leave voters in the run-up to the 2016 British EU referendum. The study presented here complements this research with a comparative perspective, exploring the motivations expressed by voters for the German right-wing populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland). On the day of the 2017 general election, the German news website Zeit online (ZON) invited its readers to say why they voted AfD. Although the AfD voter profile and the ZON readership profile are noticeably different, the question elicited 468 replies numbering a total of around 59,000 words, which we compiled into a corpus. Working with corpus analysis software AntConc 3.4.1w, we first prised out topics and motivations by analysing this collection of online vox pops for word frequencies as well as collocates and concordances for selected lexical units, before manually grouping the different lexemes into ten topics. In a second step, we manually analysed the data for social actor representation (van Leeuwen, Theo (2008). Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and appraisal (Martin, James R. and Peter R. R. White (2005). Appraisal in English. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.). The results of the analysis show that next to previously documented motivations for right-wing populist votes – e.g. in-group bias and rejection of the Other as morally deficient (Heinisch, Reinhard (2008). “Austria: The Structure and Agency of Austrian Populism.” Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, eds. Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 67–83.) –, the group of AfD voters represented in the written vox pop have specific additional reasons, namely a focus on German chancellor Merkel as an ‘anti-hero’ and a belief of being victimised by the media. An additional, unexpected finding was that a number of posters to the dedicated comment forum explicitly distance themselves from perceived stereotypes of right-wing populist voters. Our findings therefore also problematise previously identified characteristics of right-wing populist discourse as anti-elitist and anti-intellectual (Wodak, Ruth (2015b). The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Los Angeles: SAGE.) and call into question the support from workers, and associated fears of wage pressure and competition for welfare benefits, as one of the main factors in the success of right-wing populism (Oesch, Daniel (2008). “Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland.” International Political Science Review 29.3, 349–373.).

How do countries of origin engage migrants and diasporas? Multiple actors and comparative perspectives

The relationship of states to populations beyond their borders is of increasing interest to those seeking to understand the international politics of migration. This introduction to the special issue of International Political Science Review on diasporas and sending states provides an overview of existing explanations for why states reach out to diasporas and migrants abroad and problematizes in important ways the idea that the sending state is a unitary actor. It highlights the need to examine the extraterritorial behaviour of agents within countries of origin, such as parties, bureaucracies and non-state actors, and to account for why and how their outreach differs. This entails looking at how outreach is conditioned by a state’s sovereignty and capacity, type of nationalism, and regime character. This special issue starts a new conversation by delving deeper into the motivations of agents within countries of origin, and how their outreach is determined by the states and regimes in which they are embedded.

Three decades of the International Political Science Review (IPSR): A map of the methodological preferences in IPSR articles

Where does the International Political Science Review (IPSR) stand in relation to the hierarchies of knowledge in the discipline? IPSR is the journal of the International Political Science Association and a well-established journal in the discipline of Political Science. The journal has been published since 1980 and in 2016 ranked 54 out of 163 journals in the field. Mapping IPSR’s profile can help us understand the changing thematic, epistemological and methodological preferences within the world of political science. This report maps the distribution of methodological techniques across 152 issues of IPSR, by analysing the abstracts of every article published between 1980 and 2015. In doing so, it aims to provide a clearer picture of the methodological approaches used by political scientists and endorsed by the political science community as acceptable scientific modes of knowledge making.

Is Globalization Really Good for Public Health? General Considerations and Implications for the Arab World

Background: A positive assessment of the role of globalization as a driver of a good public health performance has been the result of major new studies in the field. But the present re-analysis shows that neo-liberal globalisation has resulted in increasing inequality, which in turn negatively affects global health performance. This conclusion is valid on a global level but it also holds for the majority of the Arab countries, which are currently undergoing very dramatic political and social transformations, which have fundamental repercussions for the Western world. Methods: Standard IBM/SPSS OLS regressions and partial correlations with cross-national and time series aggregate, freely available data. The article also re-analysed the data, provided by Mukherjee N. and Krieckhaus J. Globalization and Human Well-Being. International Political Science Review, March 2012; vol. 33, 2: pp. 150-170.Results: We can show that different types of globalization processes affect public health performance differently. The absence of restrictions (direct effects on the availability of pharmaceuticals) and the free flow of information (direct effects on the availability of scientific information in medicine and the free movement for members of the medical profession) have the biggest impact on infant mortality reduction, while actual foreign capital flows and personal contacts have less influence on reducing infant mortality rates. The “de-composition” of the available data suggests that for most of the time period of the last four decades, globalization inflows even implied an aggregate deterioration of public health, quite in line with recent prominent public health research studies by Cornia, de Vogli, and other studies, referred to in this article. Conclusions: Globalization leads to increased inequality, and this, in turn, to a deteriorating public health performance. This is relevant for the health planners in the Middle Eastern region as well. The region witnessed a sharp increase in globalization in recent years. We show the validity of our conclusion also with an annual time series data analysis for 99 countries. In only 19 of 99 nations (i.e. 19.1%) globalization actually preceded an improvement in the public health performance. Far from falsifying the globalization critical research, our essay shows the basic weaknesses of the new “pro-globalization” literature in the public health profession.

ANGER AND CONSTRAINT? NEW ZEALAND'S ELECTORAL POLITICS 1992 TO 2014

New Zealand's electoral referendum in 1993—at which New Zealand abandoned first-past-the-post in favour of mixed member proportional representation—has been described as ‘an electoral earthquake’ after ‘generations of dormancy’ [Norris, P. 1995. Introduction: the politics of electoral reform. International Political Science Review 16 (1): 3–8, p. 4]. Alan Renwick [2010. The Politics of Electoral Reform: Changing the Rules of Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press] has argued that the referendum is an example of electoral reform by elite–mass interaction, which is very rare in Western democratic nations. New Zealand is, therefore, a valuable case for analysis of electoral reform. Even more exceptional by international standards was the follow-up referendum New Zealand held in 2011/2012 on the electoral system. This article brings analysis of New Zealand's electoral politics up-to-date to include these recent events; it specifically asks whether Renwick's theory of elite–mass interaction also explains the outcomes of New Zealand's electoral politics in 2011/2012. It reveals that the 2011 referendum does not fit easily with the stages in Renwick's model (and New Zealand's previous experience) because the 2011 referendum was manufactured by government elites, not demanded by the New Zealand public. But the principle underpinning Renwick's model—that mass discontent with the general state of politics acts as a legitimacy constraints on elites—still has important analytical value in explaining the New Zealand case; unlike in 1992/1993, in 2011/2012 the New Zealand government was able to ignore the (complacent) public's electoral system preferences without fear of being punished at the polls.

Erratum

Owing to errors made at SAGE, the article ‘Economics, Philosophy of History, and the “Single Dynamic” of Power Cycle Theory: Expectations, Competition, and Statecraft’ by Charles F. Doran, International Political Science Review, Volume 24, Number 1, January 2003, pp. 13-49, DOI: 10.1177/0192512103024001002 , included an incorrectly labelled figure. Figure 1A on page 22 had the following error: the vertical axis in the lower-left graph was incorrectly labelled “Absolute Capability” when it should have been labelled “Relative Capability.” See the corrected figure pictured below. [Figure: see text] SAGE apologizes to the author and readers for any inconvenience or embarrassment caused.

Ethnic Groups at ‘Critical Junctures’: The Laz vs. Kurds

The Turkish Republic emerged onto the world stage as a secular and centralized nation state in the early 1920s from the remnants of the multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-lingual Ottoman Empir...

Conflict as a Learning Process: States Conflict Versus State and Non-State Actor Conflict

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. George W. Breslauer and Philip E. Tetlock (eds.), Learning in US and Soviet Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO: Westview Press 1991); Jack S. Levy., “Learning and Foreign Policy: A Conceptual Mindfield”, International Organization, 48/2 (1994) pp.279–312. 2. Donald A. Sylvan and Steve Chan, Foreign Policy Decision Making: Perception, Cognition, and Artificial Intelligence (New York:Praeger 1984); Peter C. Ordeshook (ed.), Models of Strategic Choice in Politics (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press 1989); Dan Reiter , “Learning, Realism and Alliances: the Weight of the Shadow of the Past”, World Politics’. 46/ 4 (July 1994) pp. 490–526. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. William W. Jarosz and Joseph S. Nye, “The Shadow of the Past: Learning from History in National Security Decision Making”, in Philip E. Tetlock et al., Behavior, Society, and International Conflict (Oxford: OUP 1993) pp. 3,150. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Peter A. Hall, “Policy Paradigm, Social Learning and the State”, Comparative Politics 25 (April 1993). 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Sim B. Sitkin “Learning Through Failure: The Strategy of Small Losses”, Research in Organizational Behavior14 pp.231–66 (1992). 12. Lloyd S. Etheredge, Can Governments Learn? (Oxford:Pergamon Press 1985). 13. Zeev Maoz and Ben D. Mor , “Enduring Rivalries: The Early Years”, International Political Science Review, 17/2 (1996) pp.141–60. 14. Ibid. 15. Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions and Political Change (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP 1993). 16. Ibid. 17. Zeev Maoz , National Choices and International Processes (Cambridge:CUPs 1990). 18. Ibid.pp. 468–76 19. Ibid. 20. Ronald J. Fisher, The Social Psychology of Intergroup and International Conflict Resolution (New York: Springer-Verlag 1990) pp.159–60. 21. The study does not examine the change in tendencies of situational variables. The link between failure/success and the situational variables has already been discussed in detail in Maoz’s book. This study makes use of aspects which were examined there as a basis for additional support for our assumptions. 22. In my opinion, there is no contradiction in attributing hostility or psychological-emotional aspects to a rational decision-maker in whom the process of rational attribution is carried out. Rationality in decision-making is primarily an instrumental cognitive approach, a kind of method for perceiving reality and solving problems, and it does not necessarily invalidate emotions of the decision-maker. 23. Michael Brecher in Gabriel Ben-Dor and David B. Dewitt (eds.), Conflict Management in the Middle East (D.C. Heath 1987) pp.10–11. 24. Maoz (note 17). 25. The logic which supports three successes is as follows: One success can be perceived as coincidental or as luck, and does not as yet arouse confidence in the perception of the adversary; two successes are not coincidental but still border on fear and doubt; three successes reflect more confidence and bring the adversary closer in a perceptual sense. In no form of assessment is there a model which can tell us a priori that we must predict a certain number of successes, and therefore, the threshold which has been set represents a preliminary assumption the accuracy of which will become clear during the data analysis. 26. See for example Raymond A. Morrow and David D. Brown, Critical Theory and Methodology (Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage Publications 1994); Jon Elster, Ulysses and the Sirens: Studies in Rationality and Irrationality (Cambridge: CUP 1979).

Women’s Leadership in Vietnam: Opportunities and Challenges

Previous articleNext article No AccessComparative Perspectives Symposium: Challenges to Women's LeadershipWomen’s Leadership in Vietnam: Opportunities and ChallengesTruong Thi Thuy HangTruong Thi Thuy HangInstitute of Human StudiesVietnamese Academy of Social Sciences Search for more articles by this author Institute of Human StudiesVietnamese Academy of Social SciencesPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Signs Volume 34, Number 1Autumn 2008 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/588432 Views: 460Total views on this site Citations: 9Citations are reported from Crossref © 2008 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Dao Nguyen Women’s Participation in Public Administration in Vietnam: A Case Study of Policy and Practice from 1986 to the Present, International Journal of Public Administration 45, no.11 (Jun 2021): 23–36.https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2021.1938117Ngoc Tung Vu, Do Na Chi Vietnamese University Students’ Motivation and Engagement with Participating in Extracurricular Activities to Develop Employability, (Sep 2022): 227–244.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3959-4_12Haeyoung Jang, Ngoc Tram Oanh Nguyen, Seung-Ho Kwon Women’s empowerment and transnational consumption of Hallyu in Vietnam, Asian Journal of Women's Studies 27, no.22 (Jun 2021): 184–207.https://doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2021.1924482Susan Elizabeth Mate, Matthew McDonald, Truc Do The barriers and enablers to career and leadership development, International Journal of Organizational Analysis 27, no.44 (Sep 2019): 857–874.https://doi.org/10.1108/IJOA-07-2018-1475Devin K Joshi, Rakkee Thimothy Long-term impacts of parliamentary gender quotas in a single-party system: Symbolic co-option or delayed integration?, International Political Science Review 40, no.44 (Jun 2018): 591–606.https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118772852Hong Tien Vu, Tien-Tsung Lee, Hue Trong Duong, Barbara Barnett Gendering Leadership in Vietnamese Media: A Role Congruity Study on News Content and Journalists’ Perception of Female and Male Leaders, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no.33 (Aug 2017): 565–587.https://doi.org/10.1177/1077699017714224Nguyen Hoang Anh, Hoang Truong Giang, Hoang Bao Tram A Review of Women's Entrepreneurship in Vietnam Taking into Account Socio-Cultural Norms and the Institutional Ecosystem, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2016).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2905163Sandra Kurfürst Networking Alone? Digital Communications and Collective Action in Vietnam, Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no.33 (Feb 2019): 123–150.https://doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400305Prof. John Watson, Prof. Elizabeth J. Gatewood and Dr Kate Lewis, Cuc Nguyen, Howard Frederick, Huong Nguyen Female entrepreneurship in rural Vietnam: an exploratory study, International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 6, no.11 (Mar 2014): 50–67.https://doi.org/10.1108/IJGE-04-2013-0034

Stretching the IR Theoretical Spectrum on Irish Neutrality: A Critical Social Constructivist Framework

In a 2006 International Political Science Review article, entitled “Choosing to Go It Alone: Irish Neutrality in Theoretical and Comparative Perspective,” Neal G. Jesse argues that Irish neutrality is best understood through a neoliberal rather than a neorealist international relations theory framework. This article posits an alternative “critical social constructivist” framework for understanding Irish neutrality. The first part of the article considers the differences between neoliberalism and social constructivism and argues why critical social constructivism's emphasis on beliefs, identity, and the agency of the public in foreign policy are key factors explaining Irish neutrality today. Using public opinion data, the second part of the article tests whether national identity, independence, ethnocentrism, attitudes to Northern Ireland, and efficacy are factors driving public support for Irish neutrality. The results show that public attitudes to Irish neutrality are structured along the dimensions of independence and identity, indicating empirical support for a critical social constructivist framework of understanding of Irish neutrality.

Trial and Error: Electoral Reform through Bypass and its Repeal

‘The second republic’ is how Asher Arian defined Israel's government in the 1990s, referring to the ‘new issues, new constitutional rules, new leadership’ that emerged at the beginning of that era....

Working for the Peasants? Strategic Interactions and Unintended Consequences in the Chinese Rural Tax Reform

Previous articleNext article No AccessWorking for the Peasants? Strategic Interactions and Unintended Consequences in the Chinese Rural Tax ReformLinda Chelan LiLinda Chelan Li Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The China Journal Volume 57Jan., 2007 Published on behalf of the Australian Centre on China in the World at the Australian National University Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/tcj.57.20066242 Views: 72Total views on this site Citations: 23Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright The China JournalPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Mingrui Shen Introduction, (Feb 2020): 1–8.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1660-3_1Mingrui Shen Governing the Countryside Through State-Led Programs in Jiangning, (Feb 2020): 43–59.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1660-3_4Peng Wang Politics of Crime Control: How Campaign-Style Law Enforcement Sustains Authoritarian Rule in China, The British Journal of Criminology 16 (Oct 2019).https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azz065Nicholas Loubere, Qiu Shen The Policy and Practice of Microcredit in Rural China: Toward a Relational Understanding of Heterogeneous Implementation, Modern China 44, no.44 (Jan 2018): 418–452.https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700417753734Mingrui Shen, Jianfa Shen Governing the countryside through state-led programmes: A case study of Jiangning District in Nanjing, China, Urban Studies 55, no.77 (Jul 2017): 1439–1459.https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098017716857Yanwu Liu, Qiang Fu Changing demographic characteristics and motives for suicide in rural China, 1980–2009, Chinese Sociological Dialogue 2, no.3-43-4 (Sep 2017): 136–148.https://doi.org/10.1177/2397200917729529Margaret B. Holland, David M. Lansing Forests in Limbo: Assessing Costa Rica's Forest and Land Reform Policies, Society & Natural Resources 30, no.66 (Dec 2016): 738–749.https://doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2016.1257080Jing Vivian Zhan, Shuang Qin The art of political ambiguity: top–down intergovernmental information asymmetry in China, Journal of Chinese Governance 2, no.22 (Jan 2017): 149–168.https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2016.1277507Qian Forrest Zhang, Jianling Wu Providing Rural Public Services Through Land Commodification: Policy Innovations and Rural–Urban Integration in Chengdu, (Dec 2016): 67–91.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1762-9_4Dorothy J. Solinger, Ting Jiang When Chinese Central Orders and Promotion Criteria Conflict, Modern China 42, no.66 (Aug 2016): 571–606.https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700416635507Matthias Stepan, Enze Han, Tim Reeskens Building the New Socialist Countryside: Tracking Public Policy and Public Opinion Changes in China, The China Quarterly 226 (May 2016): 456–476.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741016000369Sarah Rogers Betting on the strong: Local government resource allocation in China's poverty counties, Journal of Rural Studies 36 (Oct 2014): 197–206.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2014.08.001An Chen How Has the Abolition of Agricultural Taxes Transformed Village Governance in China? Evidence from Agricultural Regions, The China Quarterly 219 (Aug 2014): 715–735.https://doi.org/10.1017/S030574101400071XMartin Painter Governance Reforms in China and Vietnam: Marketisation, Leapfrogging and Retro-Fitting, Journal of Contemporary Asia 44, no.22 (Jan 2014): 204–220.https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2013.870829Louis Augustin-Jean, Björn Alpermann Introduction: Agro-Food Markets in China in Light of Economic Sociology, (Jan 2014): 1–24.https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137277954_1Graeme Smith Measurement, promotions and patterns of behavior in Chinese local government, Journal of Peasant Studies 40, no.66 (Nov 2013): 1027–1050.https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2013.866095John James Kennedy Finance and rural governance: centralization and local challenges, Journal of Peasant Studies 40, no.66 (Nov 2013): 1009–1026.https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2013.866096Leonardo A. N. Dioko, Rich Harrill, Peter W. Cardon The Wit and Wisdom of Chinese Tour Guides: A Critical Tourism Perspective 从批判角度探讨中国导游的智慧, Journal of China Tourism Research 9, no.11 (Jan 2013): 27–49.https://doi.org/10.1080/19388160.2013.756767Jean C. Oi, Kim Singer Babiarz, Linxiu Zhang, Renfu Luo, Scott Rozelle Shifting Fiscal Control to Limit Cadre Power in China's Townships and Villages, The China Quarterly 211 (Oct 2012): 649–675.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741012000823Wooyeal Paik Economic development and mass political participation in contemporary China: determinants of provincial petition ( Xinfang ) activism 1994–2002, International Political Science Review 33, no.11 (Jan 2012): 99–120.https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512111409528Mingxing Liu, Juan Wang, Ran Tao, Rachel Murphy The Political Economy of Earmarked Transfers in a State-Designated Poor County in Western China: Central Policies and Local Responses, The China Quarterly 200 (Dec 2009): 973–994.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741009990580Anna L. Ahlers, Gunter Schubert “Building a New Socialist Countryside” – Only a Political Slogan?, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 38, no.44 (Dec 2009): 35–62.https://doi.org/10.1177/186810260903800403Gang Guo Vertical Imbalance and Local Fiscal Discipline in China, Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no.11 (Mar 2016): 61–88.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1598240800005099

Nationalizing a Universal Text: The Quran in Arafat's Rhetoric

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes Basheer M Nafi, The Rise and Decline of the Arab Islamic Reform Movement (London: Crescent Publications for ICIT, 1998), pp.68–76. On the inimical relations between the two, see Basheer Nafi's analysis of the third Arab Nationalist–Islamic Conference (ANIC) held in January 2000. He writes: ‘Since the end of World War II, recurrent episodes of political conflict and intense currents of ideological polarization separated the Arab nationalists from their Islamist counterparts and created what appeared to be an unbridgeable gap between their respective positions. The ANIC was envisioned to put an end to the decades of inter-Arab political polarization and develop a common agenda for the most influential political and intellectual forces, the Arab nationalists and the Arab Islamists.’ ‘The Arab Nationalists and the Arab Islamists: Shadows of the Past, Glimpses of the Future’, Middle East Affairs Journal, Vol.6, Nos.1–2 (2000), p.110. A detailed report on the conference confirms these tensions. See ‘Al-Bayan al-Khitami lil-Dawra al-Thalitha lil-Mu'tamar al-Qawmi al-Islami’, Al-Mustaqbal al-‘Arabi, No.253 (March 2000), p.174. For a point of view placing the blame for the (unnatural) division between Islam and nationalism on the Islamists, see ‘Abd al-Illah Belqaziz, ‘Al-‘Uruba wal-Islam: Wasl Ta'rihi Lam Yunqata‘ Ila Fi Fasl Idiyuluji’, Al-Mustaqbal al-‘Arabi, No.254 (April 2000), p.124. On the harsh relationship between Islam and Palestinian nationalism, see Mahmud Zahhar, ‘Hamas Waiting for Secular Nationalism to Self-Destruct’, Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.24, No.3 (1995), p.79. Ghada Hashem Talhami, ‘Syria, Arab Nationalism and the Military’, Middle East Policy, Vol.8, No.4 (2001), p.113. Yehoshua Porath, The Emergence of the Palestinian Arab National Movement 1918–1929, (London, Frank Cass, 1974), p.81. Ibid. p.3. Basheer M. Nafi, The Rise and Decline of the Arab Islamic Reform Movement, pp.109, 120. For a detailed analysis of Husayni's use of Islamic symbols and messages to promote his causes, see Hillel Frisch. ‘The Evaluation of Palestinian Nationalist Islamic Doctrine: Territorializing a Universal Religion’, Canadian Review in Nationalism, Vol.21, Nos.1–2 (1994), pp.45–51. Robert Malley and Hussein Agha, ‘Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors’, Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.33, No.2 (2001), p.165. Ghassan al-Khatib. ‘One Way to Make Things Worse’, www.bitterlemons.org (2002). Hillel Frisch and Shmuel Sandler, ‘Religion, State and International System in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict’, International Political Science Review, Vol.25, No.1 (2004), pp.77–96. Hans Kohn, Nationalism: Its Meaning and History (New York: Van Nostrand 1965), pp.15–16. Abraham Geiger, Judaism and Islam (New York: Ktav, 1975), p.75. The chapters and verses cited in Genesis are merely the first two of several lists of genealogy that appear in the Bible. See S.D. Goitein, ‘Banu Isra'il’, Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol.1. (Leiden, Brill 1960), p.1021. All quotes from the Quran are taken from Arthur J. Arberry, The Quran Interpreted. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). Mustafa Sabri, the last Shaykh al-Islam of the Ottoman Empire commented that ‘Abraham divided the inheritance between the two sons: to Ishmael, the Arabian peninsula and within it Mecca, and Syria Al-Quds [Jerusalem] to Ishak…After Muhammad's appearance, God gave them [the people of Israel…the last chance to repent. They did not take the opportunity they would therefore be dislodged permanently from protecting the Jerusalem (Bayt al-Maqdis) and the inheritance of Israel will be joined to the inheritance of Ishmael. Quoted in Isaaac Hasson, Abu Bakr Muhammad Ahmad al-Wasiti: Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis, (Jerusalem: Magnes 1979), fn.29. The well-known fundamentalist Sayyid Qutb claimed that the night journey from Mecca to al-Aqsa Mosque was a clear indication that all the holy sites which preceded him fell to his inheritance. See ibid. Daniel Pipes, ‘Declaring Independence: Israel and the PLO.’ Middle East Quarterly, Vol.3, No.2 (1989), p.250. That Christians are part of the Palestinian people is a recurrent theme in Arafat's speeches. His remarks in his speech in Ramallah a town with a large Christian population is a typical example: I salute and welcome my brothers, my kin and the dignitaries of the Christian and Islamic faiths and I tell the Christian sons of my people may you have a good year and may the homeland prosper. Yes to Islamic and Christian national unity.’ (In Arabic it rhymes and serves as a chant – na'am, wahda wataniyya, islamiyya wa-masihiyya)Twice he repeated the slogan. For one striking example, see his Nakba speech, 15 May 1998. Muhammad ibn Ahmad Jalal al-Din al-Mahalli (d. 864/1459) and ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505), Tafsir al-Jalalayn, written in 870/1465, (Beirut: Dar al-Marafeh, n.d.) (on 23:51). Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 28:14). Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 17:6). J. Knappert, ‘Al-Mi‘radj’, Encyclopedia of Islam. (Vol.VII. ) (Leiden: Brill, 1993), p.1164. Hillel Frisch. ‘The Evaluation of Palestinian Nationalist Islamic Doctrine: Territorializing a Universal Religion’, pp.46–9. Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 2:246–253). Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 70:5–6). Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 65:64). Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 47:1–3). Tafsir al-Jalalayn, (on 21:71).

Easy Come, Easy Go: Ministerial Turnover in Russia, 1990 – 2004

A CABINET JOB REPRESENTS the zenith of a political career, whether in Russia or elsewhere. Yet the turnover of cabinet members is affected, albeit in varying degrees, by the duration of the government, that is, the length of its stay in office. The goal of this study is to analyse ministerial turnover in Russia. The chronological scope of the study is about 14 years, from July 1990, when the first transitional prime minister, Ivan Silaev, was appointed, to February 2004, when the cabinet of Mikhail Kas'yanov was dissolved. The study seeks to address several questions. First, I will discuss the duration of Russian governments in a comparative perspective. Second, I will analyse the turnover of ministers in Russia. Specifically, I will examine rotation across governments and types of ministerial specialisation. I will also consider the cases of short-term and long-lasting ministers. Finally, I will inquire into the turnover of deputy prime ministers and first deputy prime ministers, who constitute a 'buffer group' between prime minister and ordinary ministers in the Russian

Fairness matters: social justice and political legitimacy in post‐communist Europe

Much of the social science research on the post‐communist states has focused on the extent to which the populations of the region support democracy and the market, in both the abstract and the real...

Introduction

Introduction