International Civil Society Organizations Research Articles

Exploring the Potential of the Blue Economy: A Systematic Review of Strategies for Enhancing International Business in Bangladesh in the context of Indo-Pacific Region

This systematic review aims to provide a methodical analysis of the Blue Economy in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly from the perspective of Bangladesh, focusing on its growth trajectory, key stakeholders, policy frameworks, technological advancements, trade and investment trends, as well as challenges and opportunities for international business expansion. The methods employed a comprehensive search of electronic databases, and inclusion and exclusion criteria were applied to identify relevant studies for analysis. The results revealed that from 2000 to 2020, the Blue Economy sectors of the country, such as fisheries, aquaculture, maritime transportation, and tourism, saw notable development. International development agencies, corporations, academic institutions, governments, and civil society organizations are some of the major players in Blue Economy projects. The policy frameworks that facilitate the development of the Blue Economy include integrated ocean management, blue growth initiatives, maritime security and governance, and resilience and adaptation to climate change. Innovation and expansion in the Blue Economy sectors have been fueled by technological breakthroughs, such as autonomous underwater vehicles, renewable energy projects, remote sensing technologies, and marine biotechnology. Rising demand for sustainable goods and services, technical advancement, and regional collaboration have all contributed to an increase in trade and investment in Blue Economy industries internationally. The study concludes that there is significant potential for the Blue Economy in the Indo-Pacific region to drive economic growth, promote social progress, and ensure environmental sustainability. However, challenges such as regulatory complexity, access to finance, inadequate infrastructure, and environmental degradation need to be addressed to fully realize this potential. Addressing these challenges requires coordinated efforts from governments, businesses, academia, civil society organizations, and international development agencies, along with a focus on sustainable and inclusive development practices.

The Dynamics of Civil Society Organisations and Cooperative Societies around Cocoa Governance Based on North-South Cooperation in Côte d'Ivoire

The cocoa sector in Côte d'Ivoire has around 3,000 cooperatives, whose stated objective is to fight for an improvement in the living conditions of producers by acting for a better marketing price for their produce. Despite their large numbers, these cooperatives struggle to integrate and influence decision-making bodies so that the needs of producers can be taken into account. It is against this backdrop that two non-governmental organisations, INADES [ ], and INKOTA-Netzwerk, launched a collaborative initiative in 2019 involving international civil society organisations, human rights organisations and cooperatives, with a view to helping them build an advocacy framework to have a greater impact on decision-making in the sector through the establishment in 2020, of the "Ivorian platform for sustainable cocoa". And this desire to bring together agricultural cooperatives as well as the Ivorian civil society (south) and their partners (north) so that they can play their full part in the decision-making process within this sector has been the subject of a study. The results, findings, observations and information gathered as part of this research are set out in this article. The data was collected through documentary research and semi-directive interviews with Inades-Formation managers, civil society organisations that are members of the platform, cooperative group managers and trade union structure managers. In terms of results, the pooling of synergies between civil society organisations in the north and south, which began in 2020 under the slogan "Ivorian platform for sustainable cocoa", has led to the development and publication of an advocacy guide. This activity has also helped improve the administrative and economic organisation of cooperative structures. In addition, the information and capacity-building sessions carried out by international civil society organisations have enabled cooperatives to revitalise their influence in the process of political and ......

ASSESSING THE ROLE OF CLIMATE FINANCE IN SUPPORTING DEVELOPING NATIONS: A COMPREHENSIVE REVIEW

Climate finance plays a critical role in supporting developing nations to mitigate and adapt to the impacts of climate change. This comprehensive review examines the multifaceted role of climate finance in assisting developing countries in their efforts to address climate change challenges. The review begins by providing an overview of the global climate finance landscape, highlighting key sources of climate finance, including public funds, private investments, and innovative financing mechanisms. It then explores the allocation and distribution of climate finance, analyzing trends, disparities, and challenges in accessing and utilizing funds among developing nations. Furthermore, the review assesses the effectiveness of climate finance in supporting mitigation and adaptation activities in developing countries. It examines case studies and best practices to illustrate how climate finance has been utilized to finance renewable energy projects, enhance resilience in vulnerable communities, and promote sustainable development. Additionally, the review evaluates the governance and institutional frameworks governing climate finance, including the role of international financial institutions, national governments, and civil society organizations in mobilizing and disbursing funds. Moreover, the review examines the challenges and opportunities associated with scaling up climate finance to meet the growing needs of developing nations. It discusses issues such as financial transparency, accountability, and the alignment of climate finance with national development priorities. Additionally, the review explores innovative financing mechanisms, such as green bonds, climate insurance, and carbon pricing, as potential avenues for mobilizing additional resources for climate action in developing countries. In conclusion, this comprehensive review underscores the importance of climate finance in supporting developing nations to address climate change challenges and achieve sustainable development goals. It highlights the need for enhanced international cooperation, policy coherence, and investment mobilization to accelerate climate action and build resilience in the most vulnerable regions. By leveraging climate finance effectively and efficiently, developing countries can transition to low-carbon, climate-resilient economies while advancing their development objectives.
 Keywords: Assess, Climate, Finance, Developing Nations, Support.

Finding climate smart agriculture in civil-society initiatives

International civil society and non-government organisations (NGOs) play a role in implementing agricultural projects, which contribute to the mitigation, adaptation, and food security dimensions of climate-smart agriculture (CSA). Despite the growth of CSA, it remains unclear how CSA is designed, conceptualised, and embedded into agricultural development projects led and implemented by NGOs, creating a lack of clarity as to the direction of future of agricultural development interventions. This paper examines the extent to which development programmes from the NGO sector actively incorporate CSA principles to benefit smallholder farmers under the major pillars of CSA. Drawing from six projects’ documentation since 2009, we conducted a thematic analysis to reveal the alignment of projects with the pillars of CSA and discuss the extent to which CSA allows for localised adaptability given the diverse agricultural contexts in which civil society and NGOs work. We find that despite a lack of clarity in CSA definition and focus, the agricultural practices in the six projects make heterogenous contributions to the adoption of CSA principles. We illustrate the diversity of ways in which CSA is ‘done’ by a global NGO across six areas: greening and forests, practices and knowledge exchange, markets, policy and institutions, nutrition, carbon and climate, and gender. We discuss the need for balance in contextual adaptability across the three pillars of CSA with explicit consideration of trade-offs to reduce unintended outcomes from CSA initiatives. We conclude with reflections on the role of civil society and NGOs as boundary agents in the agricultural development sector.

Paradox of Authority and the International Criminal Court

The creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been one of the boldest progressive moves in the history of international relations. At the heart of the Rome Statute is a commitment to the spirit and principle of international criminal justice. States under the jurisdiction of the ICC agree to cede sovereignty over individual perpetrators suspected of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes unless they are able and willing to prosecute perpetrators of these crimes at home. Even heads of state have not been immune from the formal legal authority of the ICC. Given the reach of its ambitions, it is unsurprising that the ICC has struggled to achieve some of its goals. It has, though, become a focal point for a vibrant and committed network of international advocates, lawyers, and civil society organizations committed to advancing international criminal justice. States also recognize the ICC’s importance. This article focuses on the impact of backlash on the authority of the ICC and on the status of international criminal justice.

The role of International Civil Society Organizations in democratization: A crisp-set QCA approach to anti-corruption in Ghana.

An anti-corruption strategy is essential in the process of continuous democratisation for effective governance. The objective of our study is to examine the mechanisms that contribute to an effective anticorruption strategy in a case study of civil society organisations in Ghana. These CSO cases illustrate the efforts of non-state actors to promote democracy in their interactions with Ghana's government. A model of anticorruption strategy and the crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis (cs-QCA) method were employed to examine 264 cases of local civil societies in Ghana that responded to questions on the conditions for an effective anticorruption strategy. Our results indicate that no single condition is sufficient as an anti-corruption strategy. However, the role of international civil society organisations (RISCO) is necessary for any anticorruption strategy. RISCO has to be combined with freedom of expression, good leadership, fear of punishment, and training to provide an effective strategy. On the other hand, despite the fear of punishment, social trust and leadership, rules and regulations, and training, the absence of RISCO explains all ineffective anticorruption strategies. Therefore, Ghana's anti-corruption strategy must always consider the role of organisations such as Amnesty International (AI), Transparency International (TI), and the Global Organization of Parliamentarians against Corruption (GOPAC) in mitigating corruption. Policymakers should therefore promote the presence of international civil society in Ghana because they ultimately contribute to democratization in addition to all government effort.

Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation

AbstractLarge online platforms provide an unprecedented means for exercising freedom of expression online and wield enormous power over public participation in the online democratic space. However, it is increasingly clear that their systems, where (automated) content moderation decisions are taken based on a platformʼs terms and conditions (T&Cs), are fundamentally broken. Content moderation systems have been said to undermine freedom of expression, especially where important public interest speech ends up suppressed, such as speech by minority and marginalized groups. Indeed, these content moderation systems have been criticized for their overly vague rules of operation, inconsistent enforcement, and an overdependence on automation. Therefore, in order to better protect freedom of expression online, international human rights bodies and civil society organizations have argued that platforms “should incorporate directly” principles of fundamental rights law into their T&Cs. Under EU law, and apart from a rule in the Terrorist Content Regulation, platforms had until recently no explicit obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their T&Cs. However, an important provision in the Digital Services Act (DSA) will change this. Crucially, Article 14 DSA lays down new rules on how platforms can enforce their T&Cs, including that platforms must have “due regard” to the “fundamental rights” of users under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this article, we critically examine the topic of enforceability of fundamental rights via T&Cs through the prism of Article 14 DSA. We ask whether this provision requires platforms to apply EU fundamental rights law and to what extent this may curb the power of Big Tech over online speech. We conclude that Article 14 will make it possible, in principle, to establish the indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights in the relationship between online platforms and their users. But in order for the application and enforcement of T&Cs to take due regard of fundamental rights, Article 14 must be operationalized within the framework of the international and European fundamental rights standards. If this is possible Article 14 may fulfil its revolutionary potential.

Assessing Malawi’s recent development of a National Oral Health Policy – learning for the future

Background Policymakers in many low- and middle-income countries do not prioritize oral health and are inadequately informed about the burden of oral and maxillofacial problems, their connection with systemic health and the possible threat to human life. In Africa, the absence of oral health policies is a key problem contributing to increased oral disease burden, health workforce shortage, and inadequate oral health service provision. Context-relevant policies and research to determine needs and monitor progress are key components in eradicating oral health inequalities. This paper focuses on the work of Malawi to follow the direction of travel outlined at the 2021 World Health Assembly by developing its first National Oral Health Strategy and Implementation Plan. Methods A case study approach examined the processes followed by Malawi to develop its National Oral Health Policy, launched in April 2022. The aim was to understand how oral health policy is being developed within the context of an African country. Specifically, the objectives were to identify how oral health policy was being developed in Malawi and the contributors to the development of that policy. Qualitative data were collected from semi-structured interviews (n=8) of purposively selected key informants from the Malawi National Oral Health Policy Taskforce team involved in the policy creation. Data were analyzed in the thematic areas within the Health Policy Triangle of actors, context, processes, and content. Results The policy development process was guided by Malawi’s Ministry of Health and involved a diverse group of actors, both local and international. The funding of the policy development process by the Scottish Government and Borrow Foundation provided critical support. Five groups of stakeholders have conducted the relevant background investigations and written the Oral Health Policy: international development partners, academics, policy experts, dental practitioners, and civil society organizations. The partnership skill-sharing and well-managed dynamics of the group, together with the reliable funding base, all contributed to a successful outcome. Conclusions A multisectoral approach was used. Malawi is uniquely placed in its oral health policy development, having a solid stakeholder base (local and international) and resources to support the policy development and, partly, its implementation.

Disinformation as a Contemporary Key Security Challenge in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict

False information, as well as the actors who spread it, have the power to promote negative narratives about society and discredit the work of serious media, non-governmental organizations, etc. Concerns are growing around the world that international NGOs and civil society organizations are vulnerable to online attacks and disinformation campaigns. These attacks are aimed at instilling fear and confusion, stigmatizing civil society, disparaging targeted organizations and their leaders, or promoting inaccurate views. The deliberately misleading nature of false information can make it difficult to study and analyze this issue. After studying the available professional sources, we can state that most of the studies carried out so far focus on three aspects, namely (1) identification of forms of false information and false content, (2) causes and dynamics of their spread, especially on social networks, and (3) impact to public opinion. An objective of this article was to characterize and clarify all three aspects, while we have tried to apply them to a specific case in the second part of the paper, specifically Russian-Ukrainian war. The main cause, or the motive of the primary creators of disinformation is to cause chaos in society and undermine trust in the state, which is directly related to inciting hatred and distrust towards state institutions. Disinformation has become a hybrid tool as a form of attack on the interests of every democratic state and the security of its citizens. Foreign powers often try to spread their narratives through their own or friendly media, or fictitiously independent activists, while they often communicate differently internally within their own state. Based on our findings, coordination with three key players is crucial in the fight against disinformation: technology companies, civil society and fact-checkers and academic institutions. In addition, strategic communication is one of the key tools in the fight against disinformation and requires a broad approach. Disinformation campaigns are often not limited to spreading fake news, but often focus on building a damaging narrative. This implies a close relationship between the fight against disinformation and strategic communication, public diplomacy and digital communication.

Promoting Peace and Managing Farmer-Herder Conflict: The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Agogo, Ghana

AbstractContinued clashes between nomadic pastoralists and farmers generate concerns about the capacity of community-based civil society organizations to effectively navigate conflict resolution in Agogo Traditional Area (ATA), Ghana. The Agogo and Fulani associations ostensibly manage farmer-herder conflict but with mixed results. Setrana argues that, unlike foreign or international civil society organizations, community-based associations play important roles in managing conflict because they often have better cultural understanding. The success of such organizations, however, depends on whether they are perceived as indigenous or non-indigenous. This binary framework often leads to a winner-takes-all attitude and rarely results in sustainable conflict resolution.

МІЖНАРОДНІ ФІНАНСОВІ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЇ: ОСНОВНЕ ДЖЕРЕЛО ФІНАНСОВОЇ ПІДТРИМКИ ІНСТИТУТІВ ГРОМАДЯНСЬКОГО СУСПІЛЬСТВА

The present study analyzes the main trends and aspects of interaction between international financial organizations and civil society organizations. A central issue is financial support civil society organizations (CSOs) by international financial organizations (IFO). Financial sustainability is critically important for CSOs in case if they are going to become self-sustaining and effective organizations. Recently, there has been an increase of interest in studying of CSOs' excessive dependence on international funding as it makes civil society organizations vulnerable to changing donor priorities. In addition, CSOs cannot plan their own activities for the long term perspective. Furthermore, civil society organizations are less involved in the project development process. Over the last decade, CSOs face a number of external and internal problems that threaten their financial sustainability. However, international donors' approaches to partnering with civil society organizations can also indirectly affect the financial sustainability of CSOs. Unfortunately, this trend is due to the fact that financial support from international donors is often limited to capacity building, rather than considering structural changes or partnership approaches. The author, on the basis of statistical information and studies of international organizations, analyzed the financing mechanisms of civil society organizations by the World Bank Group. The article also examines the sectoral structure of projects and the regional structure of partners within the framework of the Global Partnership for Social Accountability (GPSA) as a fundamental financial mechanism of the World Bank. However, few investigations have focused on study the relationship between civil society organizations and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. In this paper, we summarized the practical experience of financing civil society organizations by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The author identified the main trends and regularities of the Facilitating Financial Sustainability program.

Conceptualizing Labor Regimes in Global Production Networks: Uneven Outcomes across the Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan Apparel Industries

abstract This article seeks to develop the concept of labor regimes as a tool for understanding the uneven labor outcomes of global production networks (GPNs). Existing work on labor regimes tends to give primacy to the control of labor, thereby analyzing labor regimes largely from a governance perspective. The agency of labor, however, is deeply embedded in the workings of labor regimes in GPNs, and remains somewhat undertheorized therein. In this article, we seek to build on recent work that has revivified the concept of labor regimes in the context of global production to develop an approach that brings the governance and agency of labor under one analytical domain. For this purpose, we develop a multiscalar conceptual framework with relations amongst and between labor, capital, the state, and international civil society organizations delimited as the key dynamics shaping labor regimes. By employing comparative case study methods and qualitative inquiry, the article deploys this framework to examine and compare the labor regimes of the Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan apparel industries, which exhibit seemingly very different labor outcomes in the context of enrollment in similar GPNs. Based on the findings, the article explains how and why labor regimes are shaped as a result of the variable intersections of governance and agency, which in turn are deeply embedded in, and constitutive of, both global production dynamics and territorially specific characteristics.

Engendering access to justice for development in Sub-Saharan Africa: a study of policy, programming and implementation

Building on the book "Gender, poverty and access to justice: policy implementation in Sub-Saharan Africa" (Lawson, Dubin and Mwambene (eds) (2020), this special volume of essays is the result of the Conference in Cape Town (October 2019), whose main objective was to investigate the intersection of gendered access to justice, poverty and disempowerment across Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), and provide field-based research and discussions on what does and does not work to improve justice for women and girls in the region. Authors' contributions are designed to be practice and action oriented, drawing on lessons and experiences from programmes and policies that work, and show real potential for their sustainable scalability. In this regard, the essays in this volume reflect a broad spectrum of multi-disciplinary contributions, including from policy makers and development practitioners, as well as representatives from local and international civil society organizations, the private sector, academe and the general public. These contributions are structured around the following five key areas: Integrating Justice Programming into the Sustainable Developmental Goals (SDGs); Informal Institutions, Rights and Laws in Sub- Saharan Africa; Women, Children and Access to Justice for Sustainable Development; Policies and Practices for Engendering Justice and Empowerment for Poverty Reduction; and Gender, and Poverty and Justice Policies in SSA: Lessons from the Field? The central objective of all the contributions, however, is to profile recent developments and experiences in furthering gendered access to justice in the SSA context, and to distil from them future trends for SSA's access to justice, and the specific role stakeholders can play therein.

Towards Participatory Governance in Overcoming Climate Change: A Study of Stakeholders’ Participation in Forest Governance in Indonesia

One of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) objectives is to overcome climate change by preventing deforestation and forest degradation. Indonesia is a country with a high rate of deforestation and forest degradation. Therefore, this study aims to analyze stakeholders’ participation in addressing deforestation and forest degradation in transforming forest governance in Indonesia to achieve SDGs. This study applies a qualitative approach, and the data are collected through interviews and examination of documents. The collected data are analyzed by interactive models and theories relevant to the study. The findings of this study indicate that there has been a change in forest governance in Indonesia from top-down into bottom-up forest governance, prioritizing the principles of participatory governance. Indonesia's current forest governance system has involved multi-stakeholders in achieving transparent, accountable, and constitutional forest governance, favouring public interest. Furthermore, local, national, and international Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) also play a role and synergize with the government, private sector, community, and indigenous peoples to encourage improvements in forest governance in Indonesia. Finally, the business community plays a role in sustainable forest management to maintain forest resources and ecosystems. It can be concluded that forest management in Indonesia has led to participatory governance by involving stakeholders, leading to a distribution of roles, authorities, and responsibilities in forest governance in Indonesia.

Is COVID-19 threatening electoral democracy in Uganda? Readiness to accept “scientific voting” (electronic voting) amidst the COVID-19 pandemic

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to assess the readiness of Ugandans to accept electronic voting under the restrictive conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic.Design/methodology/approachA semi-structured questionnaire, built on a five-point-Likert scale with responses ranging from 1 – strongly disagree to 5 – strongly agree was used to get quantifiable data from four main electoral stakeholders i.e. the policymakers, urban and semi-urban youth, rural voters and government officials. These stakeholders were purposively and conveniently selected because of the influential roles they play in promoting electoral democracy in Uganda. Using a cross-sectional survey design, the authors adopted correlational and quantitative research designs to collect and analyse data. Data was collected from a maximum sample size of 384 as recommended by Krejcie and Morgan (1970) from which 252 useful responses (65.6% response rate) were obtained. Using a statistical package for social scientists version 21.0, the authors performed a Pearson correlation coefficient to determine the relationships between study variables and linear regression analysis to predict the readiness of the stakeholders to accept e-voting more especially under the constraints caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.FindingsThere was a positive significant relationship between perceived usefulness (PU) and attitude towards adoption, perceived ease of use and attitude towards adoption, attitude and readiness and finally trust propensity and readiness. The regression results show that 65% of the variations in readiness to adopt e-voting can be explained by perceived ease of use, PU, trust propensity and attitude towards adoption. Attitude towards adopting e-voting accounts for the highest variations in the model followed by trust propensity and finally PU. However, perceived ease of use was found to be insignificant.Research limitations/implicationsThe study was limited to only PU, perceived ease of use, trust propensity, attitudes towards using/adoption and readiness to accept e-voting amidst the COVID-19 strict conditions. In Africa, electoral democracy can be influenced by a number of factors such as finances, education levels, sectarianism, voter rigging, perceived risk, political and economic environment. These were not taken into consideration yet they would affect the stakeholders’ attitudes and perceptions which would directly or indirectly affect the adoption of electronic voting.Practical implicationsGiven the low levels of technology infrastructure in the country, there is a general low uptake of technology-oriented systems. The internet reach is low and quality is poor whilst the radio and televisions network is limited to a few urban settings, poor quality technology systems such as the recently acquired voter biometric systems and the constant government actions to switch off the internet and social media whenever there are contentious political issues. These inadequacies together with the restrictive COVID-19 conditions have compromised the participation of stakeholders which dents the stakeholders’ readiness to accept e-voting which consequently compromises electoral democracy in the country. Therefore, government, electoral observers, the international community and civil society organizations need to accelerate the technology infrastructure development in the country, training and development of technical skills and competences, as well as mass mobilization on the use of technology-oriented platforms aimed at promoting electoral democracy. The country should come up with ICT policies and regulations that encourage the use of ICT in areas that promote democracy. These may include; the use of an easy e-voting system such as emails and voting via the post office. Also, Lawmakers, civil society organizations and the international community should make it punitive for anyone who disenfranchises people through internet disconnection, denial of access to broadcast, print and online media. These interventions will restore peoples’ attitudes and perceptions towards electronic voting, consequently increasing their levels of participation in the electioneering process.Originality/valueThe Ministry of Health, the Uganda Police Force and other security agencies have come out strongly to enforce the COVID-19 standard operating procedures which among others include the banning of political gatherings, processions and meetings of any kind. As a remedy, the Electoral Commission is encouraging political parties, electoral candidates, voters and other stakeholders to use technology-oriented systems such as mobile phones, broadcast and print media, the internet and others to reach out to the electorate. With the government in full control of all these electronic, print and broadcast media, having previously switched them off during the 2011 and 2016 polls consequently disenfranchising many people from their democratic rights, it remains unknown the extent to which the electorate is ready to accept and appreciate scientific voting more so during this time when restrictions against COVID-19 are not making it any better for the voters and other key participants to carry out their political and civil activities.

Restricting NGOs: From Pushback to Accommodation

Restricting NGOs: From Pushback to Accommodation

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Participatory ambiguity and the emergence of the global financial inclusion agenda

In the context of post-crisis global economic governance, the global financial inclusion agenda is widely supported by international organizations, states, and civil society organizations. Some scholars attribute the rise of this agenda to the logic of neoliberalism and power of global financial actors, yet these accounts often obscure the role of ambiguity in facilitating broad support. In scholarship on coalition politics, ambiguity is often attributed to the strategic behaviour and framing techniques of central actors (e.g. entrepreneurs). In this article, I develop the novel framework of participatory ambiguity to explain the origins of the financial inclusion agenda and theorize the co-production of ambiguity among members of the supporting coalition. By tracing the development of the agenda, I identify the origins of its ambiguity in the efforts of disparate actors to shape the purposes and direction of the agenda in favourable ways across development, economic, and security domains. This article thus offers a more complete explanation of the origins of financial inclusion at the global level. It also provides an original theoretical perspective on the construction of ideas, agency, ambiguity, and global coalitions that can be used to better explain the development of other global policy agendas.

FINANCING OF PROJECTS OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS BY DONOR FUNDS OF INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS

In today’s world, each country has its own methods of financing civil society organisations (CSOs) and the peculiarities of the distribution of the financial burden between the state, private organisations, and donor funds of international financial institutions. Regulatory and institutional mechanisms of both national and global civil society organisations directly affect the funding potential of the state and its people. In addition, the state also plays an important role both in financing transnational activities and in facilitating or hindering the inflow of funds through the establishment of various tax regimes. In view of this, the study of CSOs funding by donor funds of international financial institutions (IFIs) is appropriate because civil society organisations are a necessary precondition for the establishment of a democratic world order. The article is devoted to the study of the main trends and aspects of interaction between international financial institutions and civil society organisations in terms of financial support of the latter. The author analyses the mechanisms of financing civil society organisations by the World Bank Group based on statistical information and research of international institutions. The article also examines the sectoral structure of projects and the regional structure of partners in the framework of the Global Partnership for Social Accountability (GPSA) as a fundamental financial mechanism of the World Bank. The author outlines the relationship between civil society organisations and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The purpose of the article is to study and analyse the financial mechanisms of the World Bank as the main donor for the financial support of civil society organisations. Methodology. This study is based on the use of the methodological principle of unity of theory and practice. The methodological basis of the article includes the methods of quantitative and qualitative comparisons, analysis and synthesis, and systems-structural analysis.

Walking on a Tightrope: Challenges and Opportunities for Civil Society Organizations Working with Refugees and Migrants in Turkey

This qualitative study sheds light onto the working structures, make-up, and strengths and weaknesses of civil society organizations working with Syrian refugees in Turkey. The research includes 22 interviews with a variety of national and international civil society organizations (CSOs) and aims to reveal strategies they employ to communicate with and advocate on behalf of refugees. The strategies utilized by international and domestic organizations are compared and their relationships elaborated within the specific sociocultural and political context of Turkey. Results reveal that Syrian refugee advocacy in Turkey can be defined as a balancing act, where civil society organizations need to establish and nurture positive government relations, while engaging closely with their beneficiary communities and each other due to their mutually dependent funding and implementation arrangements, as well as work closely with the media to ensure effective advocacy.