Internal Political Instability Research Articles

Nepal’s Performance in Achieving Sustainable Development Goals: A Critical Evaluation

This study focuses on the agenda of UN conference to be achieved by 2030. The main objective of the study is to assess the sustainable development goals achieved by Nepal in different points of time and its work progress made by Nepal. Based on the qualitative as well as descriptive method, this study explores the localization of sustainable development goals in the context of Nepal. It has found out 17 goals, out of which Nepal has made high performance in goals 5, 12 and 13 and doing satisfactory progress in other goals like 4, 6 and 1, respectively. However, the country is surpassing through the difficult situations in order to achieve the goals by the timeframe. Nepal has added more indicators to localize sustainable development goals in the context of the country. The post covid-19, natural disaster and nation’s internal political instability, political commitment and insufficient resources are considered hindrances in achieving the declared goals.

The problem of depoliticization of the Russian army in the crisis of the 1990s.

The object of the study is the policy of the Russian authorities aimed at leveling protest activity in the Armed Forces in the context of the protracted crisis of the 1990s. After the fall of the one-party dictatorship that subordinated the security forces, Russian legislation provided for a rigid model of de-partization and depoliticization of the Armed Forces. However, in the post-Soviet years, this strategy lost its relevance both due to the weakness of the parties themselves and the apolitical nature of the officer corps, tired of years of pressure from political organizations (CPSU). The problem was something else: the huge "Soviet-Russian" army, being a vestige of the previous system, did not fit into the paradigm of the new statehood, and therefore was subject to radical and painful reform, which threatened to put the Armed Forces on the brink of disaster. For thousands of military personnel and their family members, the most acute problem has become the elementary problem of survival. Historical, sociological, formal legal, institutional and systemic approaches are used as the main research methods. In the second half of the 1990s, against the background of chronic underfunding in the army, cases of spontaneous protest became more frequent. These actions were nonviolent, spontaneous and scattered in nature, and therefore did not pose a serious threat to the authorities. Among the main factors that restrained open rebellion, one can name the lack of an all-Army protest coordination center, the lack of independent political thinking among senior officers, and the lack of a constructive program. This also includes army discipline, as well as the availability of sufficient means for the regime to pre-empt and suppress individual pockets of protest. At the same time, the authorities, realizing that by condemning their military to a miserable existence, they themselves act outside the legal framework, tried to resolve the conflicts that arose cautiously, trying not to resort to harsh measures. The question of how long this delicate balance could have been maintained remains open. At the end of the 1990s, there were faint signs of a revival of the army. The military was one of the first to catch these trends: exhausted by the "five-year plans" of liberal reforms, after all the temptations offered to them by opposition parties, they regained faith in the state. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the application of an interdisciplinary approach to the study of a complex problem related to the restructuring of the Russian army during the years of unstable internal political instability.

The direct and indirect economic consequences of climate damage in poor countries

AbstractThe predictions of the adverse effects of greenhouse gas emissions on climate change are now accepted. Somewhat less attention has been given to the economic, social, and political consequences. The three interact: the former will have social and political effects, which in turn will harm economies and economic well-being. This analysis of poor countries draws on much recent evidence and various projections. Climate damage contributes to internal political instability and conflict. There is a risk that poor countries will be driven down economically, so reducing the capacity of their governments: some will become fragile states. Internal migration is likely to become a central policy issue. However, international migration will also grow. Climate damage will drag countries into both cooperation and conflict with each other. The effects on sending countries, contiguous countries, and destination countries are examined. This scenario presented is predictive but should be taken as a warning.

The Problem of Elections to the Crimean Regional Sejm during the Civil War

The article is devoted to the failed elections to the Crimean Regional Sejm — the regional parliament of Crimea, which was to have been elected on April 6–8, 1919. The paper analyzes the course of the campaign, the features of the electoral law, and lists candidates from various political parties and national groups. The elections to the Sejm were a result of the compromise between the Constitutional Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries during the formation of the second Crimean regional government in the autumn of 1918. By the beginning of 1919, when the Red Army had approached the borders of Crimea, it became clear that it would be difficult to hold elections in the existing conditions. The issue of elections became one of the main factors of internal political instability in Crimea and caused the conflict between the liberal government, the socialist opposition, and the leadership of the White Movement. The election campaign was sluggish; absenteeism was predominant among most of the electorate (with the exception of Crimean Tatars), which was fueled by underground Bolshevik organizations actively campaigning for a boycott of the vote. Both the Constitutional Democrats, the Social Revolutionaries, and the Mensheviks understood all the risks associated with holding the elections under martial law, but they did not dare cancel them and deviate from democratic principles, although it was quite clear that the workers’ and peasants’ masses of Crimea did not need any Sejm. The vote was postponed (and actually canceled) only on April 1, 1919, after the Soviet military units reached Perekop.

Analyzing the Democratic Peace Theory on US-French Foreign Policy in Afghanistan, Libya, and Syria in 21st Century.

The main thrust of this paper is to critically analyze the relevance and potential of Democratic Peace Theory in promoting peace, security and stability in international relations. United States of America and France as the cradles of contemporary democracy, in this paper shall be used as models of democratic peace theory. This analysis and evaluation is merely based on designated secondary material or paper review. France and America have analogous foreign policy which for bilateral or multilateral relations demand democracy, rule of law, accountability, transparency, decentralization, devolution of power and respect for human rights in recipient regimes. The study wants to comprehend how French and American foreign policies in Afghanistan, Libya and Syria complied with tenants of democratic peace theory. Contemporary academic contributions are lacking consensus on whether French and American foreign policies are idealist (pro-democratic) or realist (pro-authoritarian) in international relations. The formation of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) which the two are the most influential members is widely debatable between realists and idealists. The organization has very dreadful since Cold War and particularly promotes the self-interests of the Allies, the Capitalist world. In light of fighting dictatorship and restore democracy, America and France are highly criticized for promoting internal political instability, gross human abuse, environmental insecurity, endless fighting and infrastructural destruction.

India’s Security Challenge in Northern Frontier: A Historical Analysis (1950-1960)

Nepal’s geographical location affects India’s security sphere. Therefore, India has been trying to keep Nepal under its influence since independence by exploiting the existing geographical proximity, socio-cultural unity, economic transactions, etc. between the two countries. Although its form of influence is different from the British India and India has always respected Nepal’s sovereignty. China’s occupation of Tibet and its ‘Five Fingers of Tibet’ policy have further challenged India’s security. In this context, the impact of Nepal’s internal political instability on Indo-Nepal bilateral relations in the 1950s and China’s attempts to reduce India’s influence in Nepal by exploiting that instability and establishing its dominance is the subject of this article.

Evil Challenges and the Economy of Ethiopia at the Era of COVID-19

This article aimed to investigate the challenges that Ethiopia faces during COVID-19. The article looks highly at COVID-19, political instability, desert locust and the ideal conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt on the great Ethiopian renaissance dam. Economic rescission, food insecurity and internal war are also the main topics clearly discussed. The results revealed that unemployment, inflation and income inequality are aggravated as pandemics arise. Thousands were killed and others were displaced due to internal political instability. Output reduction and famine resulted due to desert locust infestation. Bad political spirit is also one fact in Ethiopia due to ideal conflict with Egypt. Consequently, thousands have been arrested; killing innocent people, food insecurity, economic depression and displacement were highly aggravated. While other countries have been moving to prosperity, the Ethiopian economy has been challenged with stagnation. Therefore, the authors suggest that there should be strong intervention from both non-governmental organisation and the government of Ethiopia. Let Ethiopia’s recovery come to tell new development.

TURKEY'S ROLE IN RESOLVING POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN NORTH AFRICA (LIBYA EXAMPLE)

This study examines Turkey's relations with the Arab countries of North Africa, in particular its relations with Libya, and its relations with Libya after the Arab Spring civil war. Instability in the region and conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean have come to the fore in recent years. In this context, some considerations have been made on the role of the Republic of Turkey in resolving the internal political instability following the Libyan crisis.

ПРОСТРАНСТВЕННОЕ ИЗМЕРЕНИЕ ЕВРАЗИЙСКОЙ ИНТЕГРАЦИИ

The institutions of Eurasian integration were formed on the basis of the experience of other integration associations, but taking into account the specifi of the participating countries. The article assesses the infl of spatial factors on the EAEU, which has not yet been suffi studied, although it is very noticeable. Among these factors are the sharp dominance of Russia in the EAEU, large social and economic differences at the country and regional level, the predominance of energy and its infrastructure in the interaction of the participating countries, the deep situation in Eurasia. The existing institutions are mainly aimed at ensuring freedom for mutual trade and cross-border movement of the population. This has mainly benefi the capital cities, which are the main part of mutual trade and labor migrations. At the same time, they did not stimulate the development of industrial and technological cooperation of the participating countries. The Eurasian integration does not yet contribute to the weakening of the uneven spatial development in the participating countries, which fuels skepticism about the EAEU and increases internal political instability. The recently adopted “Strategic directions for the development of the Eurasian Economic Integration until 2025” imply the adjustment of integration institutions in the direction of strengthening the elements of coordination and joint design in them. This will make it possible to reduce the negative impact of the intra-continental situation and more actively use the potential of the central position in Eurasia. The system of measures of joint economic policy presented in them creates a new platform for sustainable interaction between states, national communities and business for more effective use of the Eurasian space occupied by them.

Explaining the Absence of a Regional Hegemon in the Central African Sub-region

The end of the Cold War saw a shift in power dynamics globally, changing the security dynamics of many regions globally including those in Africa. With the security void left by these great powers in Africa, regional hegemons have played significant roles in promoting regional peace and stability. Regional hegemons have greatly helped to sustain peace and stability in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC), but this has not been the case in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS). This paper seeks reasons why no hegemon (dominant state) exists in the ECCAS region. The study analyses the material resource capacities of regional members and argues that a multiplicity of regional groupings, internal political instability, economic challenges and the neo-colonial hand of France accounts for the absence of a hegemon in the region.

Spatial Measurement of Eurasian Integration

—The institutions of Eurasian integration were formed from the experience of other integration associations, but taking into account the specifics of the participating countries. The article assesses the impact of spatial factors on the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which has not yet been sufficiently studied, although this is quite significant. Among these factors are Russia’s sharp dominance in the EAEU, large social and economic differences at the country and regional levels, the predominance of energy sector and its infrastructure in the interaction of the participating countries, and the deep-seated position in Eurasia. The existing institutions are mainly aimed at ensuring freedom for mutual trade and cross-border movement of the population. Mainly, capital cities benefited from this, to which the main part of mutual trade and labor migrations is locked. At the same time, they did not stimulate the development of industrial and technological cooperation between the participating countries. Eurasian integration has done nothing to reduce the unevenness of spatial development in the participating countries, which bolsters skepticism towards the EAEU and increases internal political instability. The recently adopted Strategic Directions for Developing the Eurasian Economic Integration until 2025 presuppose correction of integration institutions towards strengthening of the coordination elements and joint design in them. This will make it possible to reduce the negative impact of the intracontinental position and more actively use the potential of a central position in Eurasia. The system of measures for joint economic policy presented in them has created a new platform for stable interaction between states, national communities, and business for more efficient use of the Eurasian space they occupy.

Making sense of Thailand’s agency in changing global and regional environments

In line with the themes presented in the introduction to this special issue, this article explores what impact twenty-first century global politics has had on Thailand’s agency. It is argued that while multi-dimensional challenges of the current world order have posed fewer constraints on Thailand’s capability to achieve intended outcomes, internal political instability and the U.S. ambivalence towards Southeast Asia on the whole complicates how Thailand navigates its position amidst the U.S.-China rivalry. However, these complications should not be construed as factors that restrict agency. Despite maintaining a close relationship with China, Bangkok has managed to find various ways to enhance its ability to achieve intended outcomes in order to protect the country’s autonomy. Based on Thailand’s experience, this article reveals the importance of using more open-ended approaches that pay equal attention to factors that complicate, enhance and constrain weaker state agency at both the domestic and international levels. It also offers opportunities for further research into non-material sources of state agency.

Mauritania: the Evolution of Political Structures

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.

УЧАСТЬ АРГЕНТИНИ У ПАРАГВАЙСЬКІЙ ВІЙНІ (1864–1870 рр.)

The article is devoted to Argentina’s participation in the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) – one of the most tragic pages in the history of Latin America in the 19th century. The aim of the article was to analyze the reasons for Argentina’s engagement to the war, the course of the war, and its consequences for Argentina. The research methodology is based on general scientific principles and interdisciplinary approaches as well as special historical methods, in particular, comparative analysis, chronological, the method of micro history. There are no studies of Argentina’s participation in this conflict in Ukrainian historiography, while foreign researchers usually did not pay special attention to this narrow topic reaching more broad issues of Paraguayan War per se or Argentine politics and history in complex. So, the scientific novelty of the article lies in the focus on this specific issue and elaboration on macro (political movements) and micro (case studies) levels of the conflict. Conclusions. The main reasons for Argentina’s entry into the war were: internal political instability and the desire to suppress opposition to the ruling party, instability in Rio de la Plata region, unresolved territorial disputes. Despite the initial successes of the Paraguayan side, the war quickly entered an offensive phase. Conscription and military actions were marked by excessive cruelty and careless treatment of soldiers. It became one of the methods used to weaken political opponents. This led to resistance inside the country. The war provoked a few waves of epidemic. As a result of the war, Argentina gained new territories in the provinces of Misiones and Gran Chaco, but the country experienced significant economic and human losses. The national government and the Liberal Party strengthened, while the opposition Federalist Party marginalized. However, these successes in the field of nation-building were achieved at the cost of countless victims and human catastrophe of all sides of the conflict.

MODERN PARADIGM OF SPORTS POLICY AS IDEOLOGY OF HEALTHY SOCIETY

The purpose of the article is to deepen general theoretical concepts to ensure a healthy society and to form an actual sports policy. The article examines the role of the state in the formation of the modern stage of society’s development and the need to create a modern paradigm of sports policy, which should be aimed at a person, namely, to strengthen human capital, which is the basis of any social system. Results. Undoubtedly, the degree of development of human capital determines the competitiveness of the labour force and the development of the country’s economy, that is, it is the high level of the demographic resource that is the determining factor. This resource is formed from quantitative and qualitative characteristics: economic, social, and cultural capabilities of the country’s population. Any loss of human resources, regardless of the reason for it, is not only an indicator of internal political instability but also a problem of a geopolitical scale. This is what leads to the destabilization of the situation in society, weakening it, which in turn can pose a great threat to all mankind. The categories “social capital” and “human capital” are analyzed. It is determined that in the process of formation and development of human capital, it is necessary to take into account the role of social capital in it. It is noted that in the totality of the most common components of human capital, the main place should be occupied by the “capital of health”, since it is health, together with education, that determines a person’s ability to fulfill basic social and economic functions, his or her active participation in the process of achieving not only his or her own well-being but the competitiveness of the national economy as well. Thus, the problem of maintaining the health of the nation for any state is one of the most important. Health is a natural value in life, both individual and social. At the same time, the essence of the value of health lies in the fact that only with its existence a person can fully realize his or her potential and feel the fullness of life. Thus, it becomes clear that it is health that is the core of human capital because existence is impossible without it. Achieving these goals involves recognizing the inextricable link between health, community development and poverty reduction. Health promotion is fundamental in mobilizing society to achieve this goal through the necessary advocacy measures and appropriate strategies. It is necessary to note that the term “Physical activity” is defined as any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles and which requires energy. The problem of insufficient physical activity indicates that an active lifestyle is critical for health but in our modern world this is an increasingly difficult task. Moreover, physical inactivity is not only a health problem; it also carries huge financial costs for health care and the costs of declining productivity. Note that at the present stage of development of society, insufficient physical activity is one of the main risk factors for death in the world, while its level is growing in many countries, which increases the costs of non-infectious diseases and affects the general health of the population. People who are not physically active enough have a 20% – 30% higher risk of mortality compared to those who lead an active lifestyle. One in four adult men in the world is not physically active enough, and more than 80% of adolescents lack physical activity. The primary responsibility for preventing physical inactivity-related illnesses rests with the national government, which has a central role to play in these activities, but engagement from all sectors of society, international cooperation and joint action are key elements of success. Accordingly, if at the global level there is an understanding that a person can be healthy only with regular physical activity, one should accept this as an indisputable fact and bring it to the consciousness of every person as a truth. Value/originality. Therefore, it is obvious that this task should be solved at the state level through the development and implementation of national sports policy and providing conditions for the development of the sports industry because a healthy person is the basis of a strong, competitive and prosperous country.

Political instability and its impact on economic growth: the case of Jordan

PurposePolitical instability may have far-reaching implications for economic performance. This paper aims to analyze the impact of political instability on economic growth by focusing on the case of Jordan, a small country located in the Middle East, which represents a highly political instable region.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis is performed by regressing different indicators for internal and external political instability on economic growth for the period from 1980 to 2015 using the fully modified ordinary least squares approach.FindingsThe results point at a significant impact of political instability on the economic growth of the country in all the specifications considered; in particular, the analysis reveals a positive impact of external political instability indexed by border countries’ political instability and a negative impact of internal political instability, as proxied by the number of crimes and cabinet changes. Further, regarding the effect of the level of freedom, the authors find evidence for the so-called conflict perspective.Originality/valueThis paper is original and relevant for two main reasons. First, it adds to the debate on the effects of political instability on economic growth, and hereby, disentangles the effects of internal and external political instability. Second, it makes an important contribution by focusing on the case of Jordan, which has received little attention in the literature on political instability so far, even though political instability is a constant threat to the country.

Consolidated democracy advantage: political instability and sovereign spreads in the EU

We expose the way the market evaluates internal political risk and instability in democratic polities by analysing the determinants of sovereign spreads of EU member states over the course of the past two decades. Our analysis builds on the “democratic advantage” argument which suggests democracies enjoy preferential treatment on the international market of sovereign debt because of their better ability to make credible commitments. We suggest that, when it comes to the market’s evaluation of internal political instability and risk in democratic polities, there actually exists a “consolidated democracy advantage”. In times of political instability, older and more consolidated democracies pay less of a premium on their debt than their younger and less consolidated counterparts. In other words, the market indeed views the commitment of consolidated democracies with long track records of democratic competition and survival as something qualitatively different than the commitment of new democracies with short track records.

The crime of torture in Islamic law and positive law and international covenants

However, the reports of international organizations working in the field of human rights confirm the practice of this crime. However, there have been many crimes of torture on different races and sects under the pretext of the exceptional circumstances of decomposition, as stipulated in the charters and others. Of civil and political human rights instruments, whether they are a state of war or threat of war, internal political instability or any other state of emergency. This research contains the concept of torture language and terminology and its meanings and forms and criminalization in Islamic law and the status law and international trustees.

Law and Development: Lessons from South Korea

Abstract South Korea has achieved unprecedented economic and social development in history. This country, which had been among the poorest in the world until the early 1960s, became one of the world’s leading economies by the mid-1990s as demonstrated by high per-capita income and world-class industries. In the early 1960s, Korea had much of the characteristics shared by many developing countries today, such as prevalent poverty, low economic productivity, low levels of technology and entrepreneurship in society, insufficient capital, poor endowment of natural resources, over-population in a relatively small territory, and internal political instability and external threats to its security. Korea has successfully overcome these obstacles and achieved economic development within a single generation. Korea’s success in economic development was also accompanied by the advancement of the rule of law and elective democracy by the 1990s. What are the causes of this unprecedented success? This article, applying a recently developed theory of law and development, explores the legal and institutional dimensions of Korea’s development and draws lessons from its successful development.

CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY UNDER XI JINPING: CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION

The article is devoted to the modern approaches of the PRC to international problems and the main changes in Chinese diplomacy after Xi Jinping’s coming to power in 2012. The diplomacy of Xi Jinping is characterized by a gradual departure from Deng Xiaoping’s foreign policy concept. The article reviews innovation, strategic ideas and new diplomatic initiatives of the Chinese leadership, as well as the challenges faced by China as one of the leading global players. From the author’s point of view, foreign evaluations of China’s foreign policy remain in the line with official Chinese concepts that tend to exaggerate the swiftness and revolutionary nature of changes in the diplomatic course of Xi Jinping. In reality, these changes occur more smoothly. In Beijing’s foreign policy there is a complex picture of the intertwining of various trends. External observers often take Chinese rhetoric for evidence of the allegedly emerging new quality of diplomacy. According to the author, in the 1970s. the true motives of Deng Xiaoping in the course of adopting a reserved and cautious foreign policy doctrine for China were not limited to saving Beijing’s limited resources necessary for internal development. He was moved by the fear of losing on the world chessboard to more experienced powers, which would mean an internal political discredit of the Communist Party and could undermine its power. Even today, China’s deep insecurity in its own strength continues to constrain its transition to a more ambitious foreign policy. Although China’s dependence on external conditions is obvious, internal political instability can not be compensated by any diplomatic successes and the most favorable external environment. The position of China as the world’s second economy is not automatically transformed into a global influence. Most of the changes that today are associated with the so-called fifth generation of Chinese leaders, in reality were initiated by their predecessors. Imaginary novelty is the continuation of China’s gradual adaptation to socio-economic changes at the national and global levels. The article concludes with an analysis of the prospects for changing China’s role in the world.