Interethnic Unity Research Articles

Assembly of the people of Kazakhstan as a model of interethnic unity

Assembly of the people of Kazakhstan as a model of interethnic unity

The application of maqasid al-shariah in multicultural Malaysia: developing strong institutions for interethnic unity

The application of maqasid al-shariah in multicultural Malaysia: developing strong institutions for interethnic unity

“We are One People”: White Papers as a Tool to Promote National Unity in the PRC

This article studies the role of "white books" in the system of ethnic propaganda in the PRC, as well as their significance in the mechanism of indoctrination of the bureaucracy. This topic has been little studied in the domestic historiography, and few works have been published in the Western literature. China has established a ramified system of propaganda organs, both vertically subordinated and not directly subordinated to the central party-state organs. Ethno-ethnic propaganda organizations have been set up within the overall system, primarily the United Front Department and the State Ethnic Affairs Commission, using both internal and external propaganda channels. “White papers” are an important link in external ethnic propaganda. These materials present the territories of non-Han nationalities as regions that have been part of the Chinese empire and later the modern PRC since ancient times. The Chinese state actively protects the rights of ethnic minorities, develops the institution of ethnic minorities’ regional autonomy and promotes social and economic development of ethnic areas. Only minor extremist groups and religious radicals, supported from abroad, seek to undermine inter-ethnic unity in order to divide China. Hence the need to strengthen the unity of the nationalities. Another purpose of publishing “white papers” is to indoctrinate the bureaucracy, which has lost its "fighting spirit" during the years of reform, especially in the 1990s and 2000s. With a certain pluralism of approaches to the assessment of PRC ethnopolitics and the institution of ethnic minorities’ regional autonomy in the academic environment, the confirmation of the invariability of the official party doctrine contributes to the mobilization of ethnic elites and ganbu.

ҚАЗАҚСТАНДАҒЫ ПОЛИЭТНИКАЛЫҚ ҚОҒАМ ТАРИХЫНЫҢ МӘСЕЛЕЛЕРІ: ТАРИХНАМАЛЫҚ ШОЛУ

The article is devoted to the issues of interethnic relations, which have not lost their relevance in the multiethnic Kazakhstani society. The study contains information on the history of the population, quantitative data, characteristics, language and culture of ethnic groups. In particular, special attention is paid to the historical stages of the settlement of ethnic groups in the Kazakh land and the level of ethnocultural development. The article provides a comparative analysis of studies and data on demographic changes, ethnic history and culture of ethnic groups, their location in the country. In addition, are provided on the activities of ethnocultural centers and public associations operating in the country. Thus, the role of public associations and national-cultural centers in maintaining interethnic unity and harmony is clarified. The results of the study of this topic allows us to trace the unity in our multi-ethnic society and clarify the historical socio-political, socio-cultural life of ethnic groups.Thus, the results of studying this topic will make it possible in the future to create prerequisites for establishing unity in the multinational society of Kazakhstan via language policy and to clarify the historical socio-political, socio-cultural life of ethnic groups.

A Hundred Years of Entanglement: The Chinese Party-State and Ethnic Minorities

The consciousness of non-Han nationalities in modern China evolved around a deep antipathy to the Qing, assimilationist ideas, and pretentious multi-ethnicism. The concepts of equality among nationalities and right to self-determination entered into the discourse of nation- and state-building in China under the influence of Lenin’s revolutionary ideals and Stalin’s views on ‘the national question’. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has struggled to reconcile these concepts with its nationalist agenda since its inception in 1921. The CPC later innovated ethno-regional autonomy for minorities and developed corresponding institutions. This article argues that the Party’s three main agendas of national unification and interethnic unity, developmental goals, and majoritarian nationalism have all complicated its ties with ethnic minorities, and evaluates how the present leadership of the 100-year-old Party has been managing the relationship.

СМЫСЛОВОЕ СОДЕРЖАНИЕ ВЕЛИКОЙ ПОБЕДЫ В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ ЦЕННОСТЕЙ СТУДЕНЧЕСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖИ

The article discusses the problem of updating the meaning content of sociological education in Russian universities. The theoretical foundations for the study of meanings were laid down by the classics of this science and developed throughout the 20th century. This article offers recommendations for planning and conducting seminars on the topic "meanings of the Great Victory", the goals of which are the development of the categories "social value", "social meaning", "social symbol", "culture", and "interethnic unity".

Effects of decentralization on ethnic conflict resolution in South Sudan: A case study of Juba county

The study examined decentralization's contribution to ethnic conflict resolution in Juba County, South Sudan, a gap that existing studies have not filled. The study administered a questionnaire to 349 representatives of households in Juba County's Rejaf and Luri payams and interviewed 41 key informants in these payams and within the Juba City Council. The survey respondents were selected using the multi-stage sampling technique, while the key informants were purposively selected based on their experience with the subject matter. The survey data were analysed using SPSS, while the qualitative data were analysed using narrative and content analysis techniques. The study reveals that decentralization's overall contribution to ethnic conflict resolution in Juba County is marginal because it has not been implemented as planned, making people associate it with reducing local autonomy, and exacerbating impunity of high-profile people, rampant land disputes, grand corruption, tribalism and nepotism, and unbalanced development. Nevertheless, decentralization has made local authorities more responsive to citizens' needs than central government officials, increased inter-ethnic unity, and enhanced citizens' participation in decision-making processes, among others. The study concludes that decentralization's effectiveness in ending ethnic conflicts in South Sudan requires complete devolution where the central government not only vests local governments with political and administrative powers but also fiscal and legal authority. Then, there must be a robust system of downward and upward accountability in the confines of rule of law, to make everyone abide by societal standards and norms, and end injustices that allegedly push people to pursue their rights violently.

ACCEPTING OTHER RELIGION AND LIVE HARMONIOUSLY: A STUDY ON MALAYSIAN YOUTH

In a multicultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation like Malaysia, inter-ethnic harmony is seen as both an enriching society and a government obstacle. A diverse community with disparities in culture, language and religion is often viewed as difficult to control because of the many different needs, beliefs and aspirations of different communities within a multicultural society. The inter-ethnic peace and stability of Malaysia's society helping the country to prosper economically is often praised. While there is no violent confrontation between ethnic groups, as ethnic differences exist along political, socio-economic and geographical lines, a sense of national unity proves difficult to achieve. This study was conducted to analyse the involvement of Malaysian youth in the inter-ethnic unity conversation. A survey was distributed among 735 youth in Northern peninsular region of Malaysia, using indicators of social harmony index. In order to assess whether there were any variations between the three major ethnic groups on the religion acceptance. The findings showed that there were some gaps in the hunt for accepting each other believe. The discrepancies between the Malays and the Chinese were most pronounced among these activities, with the Chinese showing comparatively lower levels of acceptance compared to the Malays, and lower levels of nation unity compared to both the Malays and the Indians.

Этнокультурная компетентность учителей иностранных языков для общеобразовательных организаций (на примере Республики Саха (Якутия))

In the article, the author defines the concept of ethno-cultural competence of a teacher, his or her ability to organize a dialogue of original cultures. The purpose of the article is to study the concept of ethno-cultural competence of a foreign language teacher in the context of intercultural communication. Methods: consideration of the provisions of materialistic philosophy on the harmony of national, interethnic and universal and dialectical unity of form and content; analysis of the main provisions of the competence approach, theories and practices of personal development; review of philosophical, cultural, sociological, psychological and pedagogical provisions. The theoretical basis consists of the ideas of prospects for development and formation in the system of moral and ethical priorities, the ideas of socio-cultural modernization of education, multicultural education and upbringing, ethno-cultural education, and the theory of cultural dialogue. As a result of the analysis, the author concludes that the training and upbringing of a globally thinking citizen who knows the cultures and traditions of his or her people is achieved in the process of interaction of a foreign language teacher with representatives of various original cultures. According to the author, only in this case the teacher can improve his or her skills and develop competencies in the field of ethnic culture. The author sees a possible solution to the issue of developing the ethno-cultural competence of teachers in the creation of training sites and offers a number of pedagogical tutorials on the research topic. The key point is to train competent teachers who are able to arouse students' curiosity about their native ethnic culture and take into account the possibilities of interaction, mutual respect, and interpenetration of cultures.

Chinese practices of The Initiative on Promoting Inter-ethnic Unity and Common Progress

The work of Initiative on Promoting Inter-ethnic Unity and Common Progress (hereinafter referred to as “The Initiative Work”) originated from long-term historical practice and is a significant measure for China to promote inter-ethnic unity and progress. This article sorts out the development process of The Initiative Work in China, introduces the progress of its demonstration regions and units, elaborates the practices of The Initiative Work in the following aspects: consolidation of the top-level design, improvement of the quality and coverage, publicity of the national policies, cultivation of the demonstration models, management by the laws, and strengthening theoretical studies. This article also analyzes the shortcomings and challenges faced by the current work.

To the question on power and society in the political ontology of Y. F. Samarin and Slavophiles

The object of this research is the problem of power and society in the political ontology. The indicated problem is viewed in the works of the founder of political philosophy in Russia Y. F. Samarin in the context of teaching of the representatives of “Moscow School”. An attempt is made to demonstrate the multidimensionality of the philosopher’s key ideas and avoid their simplifications and distortions. The evolution of Samarin’s philosophical-political views is described: the initial stage of this writings is focused on the eschatological pursuits, the take roots in the Russian spiritual culture and are associated with the ideas of transformed power, grateful type of being; the next period is concentrated on the ida of national policy, when the power must originate with people, strengthen the interethnic unity and serve to the historical calling of Russia, rather that the distracted political beginning. The analysis of Samarin’s views on power led to the following conclusions: the philosopher believed that it is essential to respect boundaries between the church and state life, but underlines the need of spiritual influence upon the power; each new form of power had to comply with the organic social development, be generated by it, rather than be created artificially or borrowed; the government should lean on the enlightened nation, rather than on cosmopolitan leadership. It is claimed that Samarin’s political position – the “revolutionary conservatism”, which essence consists not in destruction, but construction of the state supported by spiritual culture of Russia and peculiarities of its national pattern, but at the same time in uncompromised antagonism to everything impeding well-being the superpower. It is concluded that the political ontology of Y. F. Samaring and classical Slavophiles became the foundation for philosophical-political constructs of the thinkers of Silver Age and white émigré. Some of his ideas may become the foundation for political ideology of modern Russia.

English

English

Communicating About Inter-Ethnic Unity: An Investigation on Differences Between Youths of the Three Main Ethnic Groups in Malaysia

In a multicultural, multi-ethnic and multireligious country such as Malaysia, inter-ethnic unity is considered both enriching to society and a challenge for government. A diverse population with variations in culture, language and religion is often perceived as difficult to govern due to the many different needs, values and expectations of different groups within a multicultural society. Malaysia is often lauded for the inter-ethnic harmony and stability of its society that allows the country to flourish economically. Though there is no violent conflict between the ethnic groups, a sense of national unity proves challenging to achieve as ethnic divides exist along political, socio-economical and geographical lines. This study was conducted to investigate how Malaysian youth participate in the conversation about inter-ethnic unity. Utilising measures of Communicative Actions in Problem Solving from the Situational Theory of Problem Solving (STOPS), a survey was distributed among 575 university students from four institutions of higher learning in the Klang Valley, Malaysia. A one-way multivariate analysis of variance was conducted to determine whether there were any differences between the three main ethnic groups on the six different communicative behaviours pertaining to the issue of inter-ethnic unity. The results showed that there were significant differences in information seeking, information forwarding and information sharing. Among these behaviours, the differences between the Malays and the Chinese were most prominent whereby the Chinese showed relatively lower levels of information seeking and sharing compared to the Malays, and lower levels of information forwarding compared to both the Malays and the Indians. Keywords: Communicative behaviour, inter-ethnic unity, Malaysia, youth, STOPS.

Music, Identities, and Interreligious Relationships at the Lingsar Festival in Lombok, Indonesia

When the final procession was readied at the Lingsar temple festival in 1988, I was surprised to see a leader of the Muslim Sasak faction, Suparman, holding hands with the leader of the Hindu Balinese assemblage, Anak Agung Gede Biarsah, at the front of the line of participants. In earlier conversations, they had both expressed interethnic distrust and proclaimed that their group held the inner position while the other was outer and insubstantial to festival events. And yet, there they were walking hand-in-hand and leading the final procession together as if there were no problems whatsoever. What I was witnessing – as I later realized – was the collapse of contestation into interethnic unity, and what produced this unity was the previous days’ rites and performing arts, which all worked in various ways to construct a bridge to the ancestors, impose a spiritual order and balance on the proceedings and participants, and form a comprehensive union that gradually became palpable. Ultimately, it is this union of complementary dualities (Sasak/Balinese, human/divine, inside/outside, even traditional/modern) that generates the fertility that legitimizes the festival. Though many elements have changed since the 1980s, the goal of union has not. Without it, the festival would either discontinue or radically transform.

Interethnic and interreligious unity among Crimea college students

The Crimea and Sevastopol are considered to be multinational regions, and within them – especially in the Crimea region – such an issue as interethnic and interreligious accord has been relevant at various points in history. With new subjects having joined the Russian Federation, this issue has not become any less relevant. On the contrary, due to new challenges of the modern world, such as extremism and terrorism, this issue has acquired new aspects. On the one hand, there exists the internal matter of the Crimean Tatars in the Crimea and Sevastopol, which needs to be examined within the context of starting an interethnic and inter-confessional dialog, while on the other hand the presence of external challenges prompts to consider developing interethnic and inter-confessional accord among the youth, primarily among college students, them being the most well-organized youth group. In light of this fact, the study conducted in 2017-2019 with financial support from the Russian Foundation for Basic Research within the framework of research project number 17-06-00440/19 and titled “Interethnic and interreligious unity among Crimea and Sevastopol college students: monitoring and analyzing the development level” allows to determine mechanisms for achieving such unity. According to the authors of this work, interethnic unity includes ethnic attitudes, willingness to partake in interethnic contact, which, among other things, develops national and territorial identity. The value component was examined during the course of empirical analysis: traditional values are in fact present in students’ consciousness; professional growth and self-fulfillment were identified as being important, while values attributed to general religious and ethnic interests were deemed insignificant. Also observed were deviations in the process of identity development among young Ukrainians. Observed within this youth group was a low degree of satisfaction with social provisions, the importance of such values as freedom, independence and religious unity; they feel that they belong to their own Ukrainian culture, which differs from Russian culture; for the most part Ukrainians assume that the Russian government cannot effectively protect their sovereignty. The results of this study allowed for determining the structural elements of interethnic and inter-confessional unity within various ethnic youth groups, with regards to components of young people’s national, territorial and cultural identity. The process of developing interethnic and inter-confessional unity within various ethnic groups of Crimea’s youth should be based on principles of regional patriotism, on creating common cultural codes, developing a positive image of Russia, enhancing young people’s economic and social standing, creating opportunity for professional growth together with social lifts, consolidating young people based on generational interests aimed at self-expression and self-fulfillment.

University Students’ Perceptions on Inter-ethnic Unity among Malaysians: Situational Recognition, Social Self-Construal and Situational Complexity

National unity is pertinent to the stability and progress of a country. For multi-ethnic nations such as Malaysia, diversity is perceived as a challenge to national unity. Extant literature shows that the different ethnic groups in Malaysia have expressed different ideals on inter-ethnic unity and differ in their ideas on how it may be achieved. To what extent do these differences exist? The purpose of this research was to investigate the perceptions of inter-ethnic unity in Malaysia among the three main ethnic groups. A survey measuring perceptions on the issue of inter-ethnic unity was distributed among 575 university students at four different institutions of higher learning in the Klang Valley, Malaysia. The results show that the different ethnic groups held similar problem perceptions in terms of problem recognition, involvement, constraint recognition, and did not differ significantly in terms of their social position on the problem. There were however, significant differences between the Chinese and Malay/ Bumiputeras , as well as between the Chinese and Indians when it came to perceived level of knowledge and experience about the problem. The findings indicate that different ethnic groups may be differently equipped to handle the issue of inter-ethnic unity in Malaysia. Communication and policy efforts to build an integrated nation would benefit from taking these differences into consideration to ensure effective implementation. Keywords: Inter-ethnic unity, Malaysia, situational recognition, social self-construal, situational complexity.

LESSONS OF THE CENTRAL COUNICUL FOR ETHNOPOLITICAL CONSENSUS IN UKRAINE

The article discusses important component of Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 — activities of the Central Council in the case of involvement minorities to the Ukrainian statehood processes. The role of interethnic unity in the two top events of the modern history of the Ukrainian people was highlighted — the proclamation of the Fourth Universal of the Central Council in 1918 and the Act of Independence of Ukraine in 1991, by using the comparative method. It is analyzed steps of the Ukrainian state, aimed at developing equal relations and between Ukrainians and minorities, search of interethnic harmony. The necessity of legal protection of interests of ethnic groups, support of cultural and educational measures for preservation of identity of all citizens is proved. It is analyzed the national minorities’ participation in the rebuilding of Ukrainian statehood at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, the formation of the ethnopolitics principles of modern state, using historical experience of the period of the Ukrainian Revolution. The necessity of correction of the state ethnopolitics in the conditions of armed confrontation with the Russian Federation is emphasized, the problem issues, which concern both Ukrainians and representatives of national minorities, are defi ned. The key to European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the country is in need for improving the legal protection of the interests of ethnic groups, support cultural and educational measures to preserve the identity of all citizens. Practical steps to ensure the ethno-national rights of Ukrainian citizens in modern conditions, protection of Ukrainian unity and the development of civil society are off ered.

Redefining China’s Xinjiang policy: Rhetoric or reality?

The Ürümqi riot (2009) in Xinjiang and frequent ethnic conflicts in other ethnic minority regions like Tibet has initiated a debate on reforming China’s ethnic management, calling for the adoption of a ‘second generation’ ethnic policy. The Chinese scholars and the minzu establishment (“ethnic” lobby) failed to reach a consensus on this much discussed and debated alternative. However, the Beijing and the Xinjiang authorities framed a new slogan of achieving ‘everlasting stability’ in Xinjiang proposing inclusive development and inter-ethnic unity as the ultimate objectives of the Chinese state in Xinjiang region. In this context, the paper explores the trajectory of China’s Xinjiang policy in the post-Ürümqi riot (2009) scenario. This paper discusses the scholarly debates on the direction of ethnic policy and examines the nature of its impact on China’s Xinjiang policy in the post-2009 period. It also explores the strategies of the Chinese state in the post-2009 Xinjiang to examine whether the regime subscribes to any radical shift in its approach towards Xinjiang, complying with the ethnic unity and stability slogans raised by the regime. The paper suggests that there is a comprehensive harmonization of Uyghurs in the post- Ürümqi Xinjiang that not only refutes any radical shift in Xinjiang policy but ensures continuity and change in China’s treatment of the region.

The Effects of Chieftaincy and Land Conflicts on the Socio-political Development of Northern Ghana

This paper assesses the effects of inter-ethnic chieftaincy and land conflicts on the socio-political development of northern Ghana. The knowledge gap the study sought to fill is the use of theoretical antecedents to illustrate that conflicts have some merits for socio-political development and that conflict theories equally depict solutions to conflicts. Methodologically, the study makes use of content analysis of secondary data, by following the tenets of the realistic group conflict theory. Examples were drawn from the Konkomba, Gonja, Nanumba, Dagomba, Kusasi, Mo and the Sissala disputes of emancipation. It was revealed that major positive effects of the conflicts include improvement in the decision-making processes on community development issues, strengthening of inter-ethnic unity and helping to redeem the identity of a group. The destruction of life and property is the major demerit. It was recommended that civic education on the causes and effects of the conflicts by authentic participation of potential disputants could provide a more sustainable way of preventing conflict.

Terrorism and the Nigerian federation

The incessant bomb attacks by the Niger Delta militants and Boko Haram elements among other popular movements, against the people and government targets, have unmistakably put Nigeria on the global terrorist nations’ map. The grievances of these groups which are political, economic and religious may not be unconnected from the design and operation of the federation; this paper thus examines the constitutional provisions, and political and economic attributes, of the Nigerian federation in the Fourth Republic with a view to discovering why a mechanism put in place with the objective of achieving interethnic unity, democratic stability and socio-economic development has worked to enthrone crisis, violence and disintegrative tendencies in the country. This paper argues that the current reign of terror is a manifestation of a more serious de-linkage and inconsonance between the state and the people, with popular movements providing an alternative platform for spaces, voices and benefits from the streets and away from the state. The paper concludes that the hope for federal renewal lies in the ability of the current handlers of the Nigerian statecraft to marry decentralist constitutional reforms with an agenda for mass-based socio-economic development of the country.