Inter-class Conflict Research Articles

La militancia del Partido Socialista en el municipio de Morón entre 1917 y 1922

The following work is focused on knowing the militant practices of the socialists in the municipality of Morón, province of Buenos Aires, between the years 1917 - 1922. For this, a qualitative analysis of the editorials of two newspapers, of the newspaper La Vanguardia, has been carried out, official organ of the Socialist Party of Argentina, and of the newspaper El Imparcial, a local newspaper published between 1914 and 1950 ideologically identified with conservative sectors. The proposed theme is highly relevant, since from this it is possible to analyze how the socialist citizens of Morón acted and intervened in their local reality. The selected period responds to a context of great class and interclass conflict, influenced by different national and international processes, such as the Bolshevik Revolution, which configured a particular scenario of great activity by the labor movement and elites throughout the world. In the following work it is argued that the activism of the Socialist Party in Morón between 1917 - 1922 was based on the visibility of local problems and party propaganda in electoral periods, implemented through the different socialist centers of the municipality. The results show the existence of a militant practice in the Morón community that leaned towards socialism with different degrees of activity, influenced by the electoral periods, whose objectives were to weaken support for the opposition political sectors of the population.

НОВА ПАРАДИГМА ЛЮДСЬКОГО БУТТЯ ЯК ПРАВОВОЇ СУБ’ЄКТНОСТІ В СИСТЕМІ ЕНТРОПІЇ

In the article, the authors substantiates the modern model of the interman as a creative cyber personality, which has the potential to be identified with the correspondence of virtual bodies as a problem of modern culture. It is emphasized that it is precisely this functional possibility that finds out a new paradigm of human existence, in which entropy as a criterial device modernizes modern society. It is determined that the most intelligently gifted people are able to master the noosphere space of being through the phenomenal wisdom recipes. This content shows entropy as a defining modus of probable processes, in which modernization of a modern person, state and society takes place, since the criterion of the entropy apparatus is the recognition of that random fact (events, situations) that becomes logical. It is emphasized that the main direction of risk processes in the phenomenal wisdom recipes for the personality, the state and society should be truly chosen in the entropy system, carefully studying the theory of probable functions. It is revealed that ideological borrowings contain a considerable danger, since ideology has a class modification due to the modernization of a certain class on the basis of samples of another's experience. It is concluded that this may lead to an urgent inter-class conflict, to strengthen, oppositional sentiment. An overview of modernization as an entropy of risk processes is given, which is the mainstream in a particular historical retrospective of phenomenal consciousness. It is emphasized that modernization means the creation of a new type of world order, in which human being plays an anthropocentric role at the level of legal subjectivity. The constructive and destructive Spirit of Time according to the entropy criteria is confirmed. Different forms of crisis are revealed when exhausting the established norms and rules of behavior of individuals, groups, classes, ethnic groups, communities. It is envisaged that science is such a fundamental innovation in which entropy depends to a large extent on the mental and value orientations of an individual people, based on consciousness, language, culture, etc. Creation of complex of measures and procedures is envisaged including the risks concerning maintenance of human life and health in the legal state.

Correlation between Spiritual Leadership and Occupational Conflict

Abstract Introduction: Nurses as the largest group among the healthcare staff sustain continual environmental pressures and changes. Hence, the incidence of conflict among nurses is something normal due to extensive interactions with various people. Managers can make the organizational activity more effective and efficient by the use of innovative leadership styles based on internal motivation and appropriate management of conflict. This study determined the correlation between spiritual leadership and occupational conflict of nurses employed at selected academic hospitals affiliated to Shahid Beheshti University of Medical Sciences in 2017. Methods: 287 nurses employed at various wards of academic hospitals of Shahid Beheshti University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran, were enrolled in this descriptive-correlational study using convenient sampling method. The data were collected using two questionnaires; “Spiritual Leadership” and “Occupational Conflict” and analyzed with SPSS.18. Results: 261 nurses completed questionnaires and resend them. The findings showed that the maximum score obtained by nurses about their head nurse’s spiritual leadership style belonged to “altruistic love” (14.46 out of 25). In addition, the highest score about their occupational conflict belonged to “interclass conflict” (10.98 out of 16). Generally, there was a significant correlation between spiritual leadership and occupational conflict (P<0.001, r=0.522). Conclusions: The findings on the correlation between the nurses’ perspectives about spiritual leadership and occupational conflict indicated that the application of innovative styles such as spiritual leadership to reduce nurses’ occupational conflict in the Iranian healthcare system demands more investigations. It can serve as the managers’ guide in choosing the most effective leadership style to diminish occupational conflict among nurses and reach the highest levels of outcomes in the organization.

Provision of Public Goods with the Presence of Inter-Class Conflicts

In the countries that experience the problem of inter-class conflict, the self-interested elite tend to pursue allocation policies that maximize their own welfare. In the absence of the binding revolutionary constraint, under some conditions, the amount of public goods provided is too low, relative to the optimal level of public good from the perspective of general welfare. With the revolutionary constraint, there exists a set of parameter values whereby the elite provide strictly positive amount of public goods. With unconditional foreign aid, there is no guarantee that the elite will use these additional resources to finance public good provision. For conditional foreign aid, the conditionality requirements depend on the degree of transparency of the recipient country.

Endogenous technological change, income distribution, and unemployment with inter-class conflict

This paper presents a Kaleckian growth model that incorporates endogenous technological change. The model endogenously determines the rate of capacity utilization, the rate of economic growth, income distribution, and the employment rate in addition to technological change. The paper shows that whether or not an increase in the relative bargaining power of workers raises the long-run equilibrium unemployment rate depends on which regime is realized in the long-run equilibrium. If, for example, the long-run equilibrium corresponds to the wage-led growth regime, a rise in the relative bargaining power of workers leads to a decline in the unemployment rate. This result is never obtained from the mainstream NAIRU model.

Endogenous economic growth: a new approach

This new approach incorporates on the demand side the problem of effective demand and unemployment, while rejecting on the supply side the oversimplistic use of a production function, with or without capital--labour substitution. The focus on the adoption and diffusion of labour productivity growth permits viewing supply as being driven endogenously by inter-class conflict over distribution as well as inter-class conflict among rival firms over market shares. The result is a race between growth rates in labour productivity and in the real wage rate, which drives demand and productivity growth on the one hand, while making wage share reasonably constant on the other. The existence and stability properties of the steady state are also examined. Copyright 2006, Oxford University Press.

Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists: The Remaking of an Agrarian Capitalist Class in Mexico, 1970-75

Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists: The Remaking of an Agrarian Capitalist Class in Mexico, 1970-75

Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists

With original data from Mexico I argue that political divisions among capitalists are determined by their varying political relationships to other organized classes. I demonstrate that in 1975 a minority of agrarian capitalists formed a movement for organizational autonomy from the government to defend private property, free enterprise, and capitalism. The majority of capitalists, however, rejected this movement as “unpatriotic.” Neither the heterogeneity of the capitalists’ markets nor the various ways in which state policy impinged on their material interests explains this ideological divide. Rather, the data suggest that the agrarian capitalists’ variant experiences with peasant struggles from below (and the contingent outcomes of such struggles) significantly shaped their political agendas and, thus, their conflicts over organizational forms. Capitalist interests, I conclude, are not fixed by an iron law of profitability any more than intraclass differences are resolvable in the monologically simple manner commonly assumed. Rather, capitalist agendas emerge dialogically through the political and ideological conflicts engendered by organized challenges from below.

Class, Gender and Community in Thomas Dekker's The Shoemaker's Holiday and Lope de Vega's Fuente Ovejuna

The following article examines the portrayal of interclass conflict, specifically the favourable treatment of aggressive self-definition by commoners, in two early modern plays, Thomas Dekker's popular citizen drama, The Shoemaker's Holiday (1599), and Lope de Vega's Fuente Ovejuna (1612-14), which is based on a historical peasant uprising in fifteenth-century Andalusia. While the two plays present class conflict in terms of sexual rivalry and sexualised abuse by social superiors, a factor which allowed both dramatists to appeal to the socially diverse audiences of Elizabethan London and Golden Age Madrid in favour of the plebeian communities at the heart of the plays, there are significant differences between them in terms of their construction of gender difference and a gendered conception of social identity; Fuente Ovejuna ultimately transcends the specifically masculine context of conflict evident in both plays, and, by these means, not only celebrates the communal, gender-subversive heroism of its peasants, but also appeals to the audience in similarly heterosocial terms.

The Capitalist Space Economy: Geographical Analysis after Ricardo, Marx and Sraffa

Part 1: From political economy to neoclassicism and back analytical political economy - three views - neo-Ricardianism, fundamental Marxists, analytical Marxism questions of method. Part 2 The basics: the capital controversies - the reswitching debate, the aggregate neoclassical model, the impossibility of measuring capital, denying the neoclassical parables - reswitching, politics and the distribution of income, implications for economic geography the value controversies - commodities and their value, embodied labour values, the labour theory of value, further concepts, labour values vis-a-vis exchange values, does joint production imply negative labour values?, qualitative arguments for a labour theory of value, geographical implications - defining regions. Part 3 The profit maximizing space economy: production prices in a competitive space economy - the price circuit, incorporating production and circulation time reswitching in a space economy - an example of reswitching, intra-regional location and reswitching, inconsistencies in neoclassical economic geography incorporating natural resources - rent theory - nature and scarcity, rent and scarcity within political economy - two views, transport costs, multi-commodity production and differential rent, differential rent and non-land resource sites, absolute/monopoly rent the city - incorporating the built environment - the theoretical context, the intra-urban location of production, the built environment as fixed capital, residential location, wages, rationality and class conflict - some reconsiderations the labour value circuit - the geography of labour value and exploitation, unequal exchange and regional development the quantity circuit and capital accumulation - the geography of production under dynamic equilibrium, incorporating workers' savings and capitalists' luxuries, the instability of dynamic equilibrium. Part 4 Disequilibrium - contradiction and struggle: class and space - class-in-itself and class-for-itself, class-in-itself, class-for-itself location and inter-class conflict - workers vs capitalists, workers vs landlords, capitalists vs landlords location and intra-class conflict - unintended consequences and intra-class conflict, intra-class conflict among capitalists, intra-class conflict among workers, intra-class conflict among landlords strategies for reducing production costs - cost reduction strategies, fixed costs, reducing circulation time strategies for organizational restructuring - oligopoly and the rate of profit, the organization of production, investment strategies.

Intra-class conflict in rural areas

Although the changing nature of rural society has received considerable attention over the last two decades, there is a sense in which the importance of class conflict in rural areas has yet to be fully explored. There has been a preoccupation with matters of local authenticity in these communities, and the portrayal of social relations has been founded on a theatre of ‘locals vs newcomers’. Thus, class conflict has been accepted as the staging of a play-off between middle class in-migrants and the indigenous working class element of the community. In this paper we attempt to deal with the problem of class conflict from a rather different perspective. Specifically, we are less interested in inter-class conflict, and more interested in intra-class conflict. We argue that intra-class conflict can be a significant motive force in the economic, social and cultural constitution of rural areas.

CLASSES, CRISES AND COUP: THE DEMISE OF SHAGARI'S REGIME

Later that day, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, the new leader, elaborated on the above theme. He accused the dismissed politicians of subverting the I979 Constitution, squandermania, indiscipline, electoral frauds, misuse and abuse of office, amongst others.3 The charges were sweeping, and evidence for most of them palpably obvious. For the undiscerning pundit, and many there were, these must seem sufficient, if convenient, explanations of the recent coup; more so as this has become a standard explanation of so many coups the world over. But Nigeria is perhaps no more nor less corrupt, or economically mismanaged than other peripheral capitalist societies where military intervention has not occurred. The danger with such modes of explanation is that they, like 'tribalism', explain everything and nothing; so do the propositions that the coup was provoked by an allegedly bloodly plot by comparatively junior but radical officers and massive frauds in the I983 elections.4 This article therefore sets forth the demise of Shagari's regime as one of basically domestic intraand inter-class conflict, and its relations to the political conditions under which both Nigerian and international capitalism operated. Thus, the analysis takes as its point of departure the

Insurgent and "Peacekeeping" Violence in Northern Ireland

How is violence learned? Under what conditions does it occur? The range of possible answers to these questions is suggested. The questions are then considered in terms of the relative proneness of Anglo-Irish cultures and subcultures to violence and in terms of the conflict media and the goals of the Northern Ireland partisans. The principal variations of amalgamating Anglo-Irish culture complexes are described and their relations with interethnic and interclass conflict situations cited. Daniel O'Connell's 19th century crusades are mentioned as evidences of the effectiveness of Irish nonviolent aggression in spite of British policies to precipitate violent confrontations with rebellious minorities. Current organizations involved in struggle include both the violence-prone (Nationalists, Loyalists, and British army contingents) and also the non-violent bodies dedicated either to appeasement or to aggressive efforts at social change. Special attention is given to the social characteristics and methods of the latter.