Intended Family Size Research Articles

Educational experiences and American young adults' childbearing goals: A research note.

This research note describes the relationship between young adults' educational experiences and childbearing goals in the U.S. In the U.S., education is associated with later childbearing and fewer children, but the relationship between education and fertility desires and intentions is less well-understood. This article contributes to the research literature by illustrating variation in prospective fertility goals by education, focusing on the early life course in order to understand young adults' goals before they have been shaped by parenting and extensive workforce experiences. This analysis uses data from the National Surveys of Family Growth (1995-2019), a nationally representative survey, to study fertility desires and intentions among childless U.S. men and women ages 19-24. Predicted probabilities demonstrating differences in fertility goals by educational experiences, from three sets of multivariable analyses (logistic regression predicting fertility desires and intentions, separately, and negative binomial regression predicting intended parity), are shown. Men and women with a bachelor's degree and those enrolled in college do not have lower fertility goals than those without a degree and not enrolled; if anything, more educated individuals are slightly more likely to desire (for men only) and intend children and to have slightly larger intended family size. Education gaps in fertility in the United States are not attributable to differences in early-life fertility goals.

Not Even a Pandemic Makes Them Change Their Family Plans: The Impact of COVID‐19 on Fertility Intentions in Austria

AbstractWhile researchers provided insights on the impact of the pandemic on childbirths, there is limited research on how the aftermath of the pandemic has shaped thoughts about family formation in the medium to long term. Our analysis explores perceived consequences of the pandemic on individuals' family plans. We focus on Austria, a high‐income country, characterized by a history of stable and low fertility and deeply rooted conservative family and work arrangements. Using a large representative survey carried out in fall 2021, we study self‐assessed consequences of the pandemic on family plans among women aged 20–45 years and men aged 20–50 years. Results show that only 7.6 percent of respondents intending (further) children before the pandemic changed their plans due to the pandemic. Women, persons of later reproductive ages, and parents of two or more children were more likely to intend to have less children or to have them later than initially planned. Nevertheless, the mean intended family size has remained almost unchanged since the mid‐1990s. Overall, the long‐term impact of the pandemic on family plans can be expected to be modest in Austria. Not even the pandemic made (most) respondents in Austria change their family plans.

Family size desires and intentions in the lowest fertility region in Vietnam

Background: Vietnam's total fertility rate has been relatively stable around the replacement level since 2005. Meanwhile, fertility in the Southeast of Vietnam has always been far below the replacement level. As reproductive desires and intentions are important determinants of fertility, the article estimates family size desires and intentions in the Southeast and analyse related sociodemographic factors, contributing insights to the low fertility in this region. Methods: Based on data from a survey of people aged 18-45 in the Southeast in 2020, bivariate analysis and multinomial logistic regressions were applied to examine family size desires and intentions in this region. Results: Most respondents want two (57.3%) or more (33.1%) children, and only 8.4% of them want to have fewer than two children. There are wide gaps within reproductive desires and intentions and the actual fertility. The mean intended family size is nearly 2.1, lower than the mean desired family size but much higher than the total fertility rate in 2020. Young people and unmarried females are more likely to have desires and intentions of fewer than two children. The most frequent reason for no intention of attaining desired family sizes is the fear of not having enough financial resources to raise their children as their expectations. Discussion and Conclusion: The low fertility in the Southeast of Vietnam is not due to a substantial decline in the value of children, but mainly because socioeconomic conditions are not favourable for having two or more children. In the current context in the Southeast, when most people of reproductive age still want and intend to have at least two children, support policies to reduce difficulties and obstacles to having would be much more effective in increasing the fertility rate than later when the desire of fewer than two children become more popular.

Childbearing intentions after a very preterm delivery: a study among Portuguese mothers and fathers

Abstract Background Adjustments to intended family size are strongly affected by life-course events, but data on childbearing plans after a very preterm delivery are lacking. This study intends to assess the childbearing intentions of mothers and fathers of very preterm infants, regarding the desired and intended number of children, the factors associated with the intention to have more children and the main reasons for not wanting to have more children. Methods Between May and July 2017, mothers and fathers of very preterm infants were invited to participate in a structured online questionnaire through the Portuguese association of parents for support to the premature baby, and 231 mothers and 21 fathers were included. The discrepancy between the ideal and intended number of children was assessed by the McNemar-Bowker test. To assess the main factors associated with the plan to have more children in the future, unconditional logistic regression models were fitted to compute odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (95%CI), adjusted for age, number of children and time after the very preterm delivery. Results Participants intend to have fewer children than they ideally desired (p < 0.001). Although 69.8% of parents would like to have more children, only 25% actually plan to conceive. After adjustment, participants aged above 34 years (OR = 0.27; 95%CI:0.08-0.86), with more than one offspring (OR = 0.34; 95%CI:0.14-0.69) and who experienced a very preterm delivery 5 or more years ago (OR = 0.28; 95%CI:0.09-0.90) were less likely to report the intention to have more children. The main reasons reported for not wanting to have more children were “having the desired number of children” (38.5%), “financial unavailability” (24.2%) and “being too old to have more children” (20.5%). Conclusions This study provides a comprehensive assessment of childbearing intentions after a very preterm delivery, advocating for reproductive counselling policies supportive of family planning. Key messages Discrepancy between the ideal and actual childbearing intentions support the enhancement of reproductive healthcare services for family planning. Socioeconomic and age-related constraints were the main motives presented by mothers and fathers of very preterm infants for not wanting to have more children.

Educational differences in fertility desires, intentions and behaviour: A life course perspective.

Despite a long tradition of studying the relationship between education and fertility outcomes less is known about how educational differences in fertility intentions are formed and translated into achieved births over the life course. This paper provides new insights using data from a large cohort study and Miller's Traits-Desires-Intentions-Behaviour framework for understanding childbearing. We examine how parental aspirations for education, educational ability in childhood, and educational attainment in young adulthood relate to: males' and females' fertility desires in adolescence; fertility intentions in early adulthood; and educational differences in the achievement of fertility intentions. We conclude that family building preferences expressed in adolescence, especially those for the timing of entry into parenthood are shaped by parental socio-economic background, mediated through educational ability and parental expectations for education. In young adulthood, no clear, consistent educational gradient in intended family size is found. However, there is a negative educational gradient in the likelihood of achieving intended births by age 46, especially for women. The findings indicate the importance of educational differences in employment and partnership behaviour in mediating these relationships.

Family planning intentions: a qualitative exploration of postpartum women of Mexican descent in North Carolina

BackgroundNorth Carolina has one of the fastest growing Mexican–American populations, yet health care providers have minimal information on how to address the family planning needs of this population. Study DesignWe conducted semistructured interviews with postpartum Mexican–American women, aged 18–35 years, within 1 month of delivery. Salient themes were identified, coded and analyzed. ResultsTwenty women were interviewed. The majority had firmly held family size intentions: most desired to have 2 to 4 children with 2 to 5 years between births. Partners’ preferences and the family size in which the participant was raised were factors that most influenced their family size preference. First-generation Mexican–American participants were more likely to have a partner whose intentions are influenced by the gender(s) of their children compared with participants born in Mexico. Participants desired longer intrapartum intervals for optimal infant development, with financial considerations cited less frequently. ConclusionPostpartum women of Mexican descent articulate consistent family planning intentions. Partners’ desires may challenge the achievement of these intentions. Providers can encourage the most effective forms of contraception to promote ideal and intended family size.

The rate of pregnancy in Trinidad and Tobago: A comparison between pregnant teenagers and pregnant adults registered at three health centers

Aim: This paper aims to determine the difference between the health and social conditions of women who had their first pregnancy as teenagers (13-19 years old) and those who had their first pregnancy during post-adolescence (20-41 years old). Materials and Methods : The results were based on a structured, 60-item interview schedule with 132 cases (71 teenagers and 61 women ≥ 20 year old) in Trinidad and Tobago. These cases comprised Afro-Trinidadians, Indo-Trinidadians, and Trinidadians of Mixed ancestry, who were all recruited by nurses in three health centers in Northern Trinidad, during the period October 2004 to October 2005. The main issues of concern regarding the respondents were history of stillbirths, abortion, contraceptive use, intended family size, marital status, and employment status. Data were analyzed, using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) 12.0. Results : While the study shows similarity between the two groups of respondents, in terms of their breast-feeding practices, there were differences regarding teenage mothers who experienced a higher level of unemployment (35%), single and common law relationships (81%), and lower contraceptive use (11.8%). The older mothers were more likely to be classified as unskilled (34.4%) compared to 22.5% for the teen group. Conclusions : The findings reveal that teenage pregnancy is considered a risk factor and has socio-economic implications regarding the lives of the mother and child in terms health, income, employment, and marital status.

Concordance and discordance of couples living in a rural Pakistani village: Perspectives on contraception and abortion – a qualitative study

In Pakistan, fertility rates and intended family size have fallen, but contraceptive use remains low. This has led to a high prevalence of unintended pregnancies, a large proportion of which result from disagreement between spouses about how to confront them. This study aims to understand how Pakistani couples view family planning, and how they communicate and make decisions surrounding fertility regulation. In-depth interviews were conducted with five couples and an additional five women and two men. Two focus groups – one for males and one for females – were also conducted. Family planning methods were more favoured by women than their husbands. Women reported the largest barrier to contraceptive use to be men's opposition to family planning or reproductive choices more generally, as well as fear of side effects of contraception. Abortion was viewed unfavourably except in situations of economic difficulty, having several young children or women's health problems. Couples reported rarely communicating about fertility intentions until later in childbearing after an unintended pregnancy. Discussions about family planning were largely initiated by women, although some felt unable to approach their husbands regarding this topic. Concordant intentions and communication between spouses led to desired pregnancy outcomes. In cases of discordance, women's intentions tended to determine actions and outcomes. Spousal communication, or the lack thereof, is an obstacle to effective contraceptive use, and strategies to improve couples’ communication would undoubtedly enable them to achieve their reproductive intentions.

Stability and change in fertility intentions in Britain, 1991–2007

The very low fertility experienced in several European countries in recent decades in the presence of higher intended family sizes has renewed interest in fertility intentions data. While the overall level of childbearing in Britain over the past few decades has remained relatively stable and high in comparison with many other European countries, we have seen sizeable increases in the age at which childbearing starts. This study uses data from the 1991 to 2007 General Household Surveys to examine trends in family intentions data in an attempt to arrive at a better understanding of these recent fertility developments. First, time trends in intended family size are compared with trends in observed fertility. Next, aggregate changes in intentions regarding the level and timing of fertility across the life course for cohorts are investigated together with the extent to which these aggregate intentions are matched by the subsequent childbearing of cohorts. Finally, both change across the life course and uncertainty in family intentions are examined. We conclude by discussing what these findings might tell us about contemporary reproductive decision making.

The Correspondence Between Fertility Intentions and Behavior in the United States

Using data from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, we describe the correspondence between intended family size and observed fertility for US men and women in the 1957–64 birth cohorts. Mean fertility intentions calculated from reports given in the mid‐20s modestly overstate completed fertility. But discrepancies between stated intent and actual fertility are common—the stated intent at age 24 (for both women and men) is more likely to miss than to match completed fertility. We focus on factors that predict which women and men will have fewer or more children than intended. Consistent with life‐course arguments, those unmarried, childless, or (for women) still in school at approximately age 24 were most likely to underachieve their intended parity (i.e., had fewer children than intended at age 24). We discuss how such discrepancies between intentions and behavior may cumulate to produce sizable cross‐group fertility differences.

Sub-Replacement Fertility Intentions in Austria

Combining the data of the 1986–2001 Microcensus surveys, I reconstruct trends in fertility intentions across time and over the life course of Austrian women born since the 1950s. Young adults in Austria expressed fertility intentions that were below the replacement-level threshold as early as in 1986 and women born since the mid-1950s consistently desired fewer than two children on average throughout their reproductive lives. A two-child family norm, however, still clearly dominates the fertility intentions of different age, cohort and education groups. Uncertainty about childbearing intentions is rather common, especially among younger and childless respondents. Different assumptions about reproductive preferences of undecided respondents affect estimates of the mean intended family size. Although Austrians were among the first in Europe to express low fertility intentions, their position is no longer unique. By the early 2000s, young women in a number of other European countries also expressed sub-replacement fertility intentions.

Men's childbearing desires and views of the male role in Europe at the dawn of the 21st century

Abstract The development of modern family patterns of the past decades has been accompanied by substantial changes in social norms, values and gender relations. There is theoretical support for the assumption that the persistence of low fertility levels across Europe is likely to be linked to the incomplete gender revolution, more specifically to the lack of, or only limited changes in the male gender role as opposed to the women's role. In order to have a deeper understanding of the development of fertility, we aim to shed more light on the impact of men's role orientation on their fertility intentions in this study. Our analyses include men aged 20-44 years in eight countries: Austria, Estonia, East Germany, West Germany, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Poland. The data are extracted from the Population Policy Acceptance Study of the early 2000s. Examining within-country differences, we find that men with egalitarian attitudes seem to have higher fertility aspirations than their traditional counterparts in contemporary Europe. This is supported by both the descriptive and the multivariate analyses. The picture is somewhat less conclusive though when we focus on country-rankings by intended family size and by the prevalence of egalitarian versus traditional attitudes. 1. Introduction Since the onset of the Second Demographic Transition in the 1960s, family patterns have changed substantially in Europe along with the norms and attitudes regarding family life and childbearing (Frejka et al. 2008). High marriage and birth rates at relatively young ages, as well as low divorce rates and rareness of non-traditional family forms belong to the past. The present, the early 21st century shows a different picture. Fertility rates are below the replacement level, having declined in a number of countries to previously unimaginable lowest-low levels (Kohler, Billari, Ortega 2002). Postponement of, or even refrainment from parenthood, and the growing proportion of out-of-wedlock births are another important features of childbearing trends (Frejka, Sobotka 2008). Less committing forms of couple relationships, such as cohabitation and LAT-relationships, have become more and more common in the past decades. The prevalence of marriages decreased and they are formed at later ages, while divorce and separation rates, even among couples with children, increased dramatically. As a result, an ever-growing proportion of children have experiences of living with a single parent, usually the mother, or with a stepparent (Sobotka, Toulemon 2008). The development of modern family patterns has been accompanied by dramatic changes in gender relations, also known as the gender revolution (Goldscheider 2000). Women entered the public sphere, approaching participation rates of men in education, even at higher levels, and in the labour market. As their horizons expanded anticipating a long and continuous work life, and their bargaining position within the family improved, the role of the economic provider has become part of women's identity (Goldin 2006). At the same time, there have been few signs from men's side to acquire a share of family responsibilities, i.e. childcare and domestic tasks that would equal that of women (Bernhardt 2004; Neuwirth, Wernhart 2008). Thus, gender relations within the family have changed very little (Blossfeld, Drobnic 2001). This has led to incoherence in the levels of gender equity in what McDonald (2000) calls the individual-oriented institutions of the public sphere and family-oriented institutions of the private sphere. As a result, fertility declined and has remained at the present low levels. Substantial changes in norms and values have also facilitated the spread of new family patterns. Individualisation of the life course has opened the way for low fertility. As self-fulfilment and self-realisation have been increasingly emphasised, parenthood has become one of many possible but competing choices, which may be passed upon without any sanctions (van de Kaa 1987, 2004). …

Childbearing preferences and family issues in Europe: evidence from the Eurobarometer 2006 survey

This article provides an overview of major findings described in the report on “Childbearing Preferences and Family Issues in Europe” written at the request of the European Commission, Directorate-General Communication, Opinion Polls (Testa 2006). The report confirms the emergence of below-replacement family size ideals in Europe: Austrian women aged 25-39 show indeed a mean value of 1.7 children. As expected, ideals are higher than actual or intended fertility, and when we add up the number of children already born with those people still intend to have in the future, several other countries show an average ultimately intended family size of less than two children. The presence of a supportive partner is the most important circumstance in childbearing decisions, and consistently, the lack of the right partner for raising children is the most frequent reason given for not meeting the fertility desires formulated at the beginning of the reproductive career. The contribution of both partners is considered necessary for a good family life, but the role of mothers is judged to be the more crucial one. Countries more liberal in terms of gender roles in family life also show preferences for larger families.

Missing the Target? Correspondence of Fertility Intentions and Behavior in the U.S.

Building on a framework suggested by Bongaarts (2001)and using data from the 1979 National LongitudinalSurvey of Youth, we describe the correspondencebetween intended family size and observed fertilityfor the 1957 to 1961 birth cohorts of U.S. women andmen. Over an 18-year period (1982–2000), we showthat while aggregate intentions are quite stable,discrepancies are very common at the individual level.Women and men were more likely to err in predictingnumber of additional births in the period 1982–2000 thanto hit their target number. A very strong predictor of over-and underachieving fertility is initial intended parity. Thosewho intended more than two children tended to have fewerchildren than intended, while those who intended fewer thantwo children tended to have more children than intended. Inaddition and consistent with life course arguments, thoseunmarried in 1982, childless in 1982, and (for women) stillin school in 1982 were most likely to underachieve their 2000intended parity (i.e., have fewer children than intended). Weconclude by reflecting on how the circumstances that allowdiscrepancies between intentions and behavior to almost``balance'' in the U.S. may cumulate differently elsewhere toproduce much lower fertility.

Epidemiological approaches to infertility.

There are a number of reasons why epidemiological approaches to infertility have not made a major contribution to research in Australia. They include the success of generic treatments, the high public profile of infertility and the consequent polarization of discussion over treatment versus prevention, some reluctance to draw attention to possible aetiologic factors which may be perceived negatively in public debates, and the lack of graduate training in reproductive and perinatal epidemiology. Voluntary infertility is now common for most of the fertile life span in developed countries, and intended family size is small. Many important conditions cannot be diagnosed without the use of invasive procedures or complex investigations, and the more widespread use of less invasive procedures has shown other conditions to be relatively common in healthy populations. If epidemiological approaches are to make a greater contribution towards an increased understanding and control of infertility, research should focus on retrospective and prospective cohort studies of the incidence and prevalence of infertility, nested case-control studies of occupational and environmental exposures, and an extension of the developing use of record-linkage across routinely collected data systems and registers.

Family Size Intentions and Socioeconomic Status in Singapore, 1974-1981

Singapore has in recent years undergone a tremendous fertility decline that has affected couples at all socioeconomic levels. Using representative biographical sketches, this article presents the results of a panel study on family planning intentions and behavior among 45 young Chinese Singaporean couples. The couples, ranked as average or affluent working-class, or middle-class, were first interviewed in 1974-76 and were followed up in 1981. The study compares early childbearing intentions with actual childbearing behavior, examining the motivation for childbearing by socioeconomic group and highlighting the differences found. The follow-up interviews reveal that, on average, all couples in the sample bore 0.4 fewer children than originally intended. The motivation for changed childbearing intentions, however, differed according to socioeconomic status and the perceived role that children play in the family economy.

Underlying Family-Size Preferences and Reproductive Behavior

Although about half the married women in a US survey said they wanted one or two children, underlying family-size preferences indicate a potential for many to have larger families. Using a measure of family-size preference that probes beyond single-valued statements, it is found that identical stated family-size desires or intentions may have different meanings for different people. Differences are systematically related to the stage in family building at which contraception begins, to current (or likelihood of future) use of effective methods, to the probability of continued childbearing, and to unwanted pregnancies.

Age at marriage and completed family size.

From data gathered in the 1965 and 1970 National Fertility Studies, the total intended family size of white, once-married women was analyzed for the effect of age at marriage and age at 1st birth, and an effort was made to determine the extent to which these effects are open to either demographic or sociological interpretation. The age-at-marriage effect is nonlinear, with much greater extremes of fertility in women who marry before age 18 or after age 25. The age-at-marriage differential was unchanged when the data were controlled for premarital pregnancy or for correlated background variables such as education, parental occupation, and religion. However, controlling for unwanted births and subfecundity reduced the difference between the 2 extreme age-at-marriage groups by about 1/3. Differences in fertility when analyzed by mother's age at 1st birth were over twice as large as those differences that appeared in the age-at-marriage analysis. The theoretical aspects of this clear effect on fertility of the age at which marital and parental roles are begun needs consideration.

Gender preferences, sex predetermination, and family size in the United States.

Past and present research on gender preference and the likely impact of sex predetermination on family size among white couples in the U.S. are discussed. 1 research style involves asking people about their preferences for children of each gender and then depending on the responses estimating the likely impact of sex predetermination on fertility. A second research style involves the classification of respondents according to their parity at interview and the sex of the children already born. Data from a 1971 sample of second parity wives whose intended family size (2.39) was far below the 3.3 level reported and later achieved by second-partiy wives in the 1957 Princeton survey are presented. Among the 153 wives with a boy and a girl the mean intended family size in 1971 was 2.41; for the 120 wives with 2 children of the same sex the mean number intended was 2.37. There were similar findings among the women of third or higher parities. The results suggest that less direct indicators of sex-of-child effects on fertility such as the percentage wanting no more the percentage intending to have more children or the percentage going on to the next parity may give dissimilar results than those obtained from measures of intended or actual completed family size. Under small family size norm the future impact of sex predetermination of the completed fertility of white wives in the U.S. appears negligible.

Zero Population Growth, Inc.: a second study.

SummaryThis paper reports the results of a sample survey of ZPG members undertaken in April 1971 to ascertain if any changes had occurred in membership attributes since the first survey in September 1970 and to investigate additional characteristics. Age, education, religion and student/ non-student status are considered in relation to length of membership of ZPG. Income, political activities, intended family size and opinions about ideal population size and population control are also examined, including attitudes towards vasectomy and abortion.It is concluded that, among members of voluntary organizations, demographic factors such as age, education, religion and sex do not possess a causal relationship with social behaviour.