Integration Of Third Country Nationals Research Articles

Educational language policy for refugee-background students in the spotlight

This article maps the differences between the European Union’s Framework of Human Rights and state-based legal mindsets (ideologies) of language policy and planning in education. Based on the analysis of the documents released by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Council in the course of the constituting of multilingual perspective and taking the experience of its local implementation into account, this article examines common cross-state indicators in order to compare multilingual responsibility of public education policies for refugee-background students (RBSs). It concludes that the assessment of multilingual possibilities in education was not complete and impartial on the level of the European Union and for a selected jurisdiction – namely, Poland. Current regional legal regulations fail to equitably address the needs of RBSs, and national-based attention eliminated the question of newcomers’ rights in education. Moreover, as highlighted for current policy-making in the European Union, there is a gap between current legal intention and political views produced by EU institutions – for example, The Commission Action Plan on the Integration of Third-Country Nationals.

The Crisis Of Civilizational Paradigm: Co-Radicalization Of Islamist And Populist Groups In Europe

Europe is facing several problems, some of which revolve around the issues of migration and integration of third-country nationals. Civilizational and culturalist paradigms seem to have poisoned how many European citizens have perceived Muslim-origin people. In this short intervention, Islamophobism, populism, nativism, Islamism, radicalization, extremism, violence, and terrorism are among the issues to be discussed, deliberated, and communicated. This intervention attempts to elaborate the destructive nature of the civilizational paradigm in Europe, leading to the co-radicalization of Islamist and right-wing populist groups.

Digital Innovation and Migrants’ Integration: Notes on EU Institutional and Legal Perspectives and Criticalities

These notes describe the evolution of the EU strategy for the integration of Third Country Nationals since the Tampere Program in 1999 until the second Action Program (2021–2027). It highlights the EU’s endeavor to close the gap between migrants and EU citizens in compliance with the EU general anti-discrimination policy and, since the entry of the Lisbon Treaty into force, of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Accordingly, the current integration strategy has a much wider legal and financial basis than the one described by art. 79.2 of the TFEU. This new individual-centered and wide-ranging public approach can now be strengthened through the new European Digital Agenda, whose aim is also to reframe and make the relations between the individual and public administration more user friendly. However, in the human mobility domain, the large EU acquis, which is currently focused on internal security, should be re-balanced from a legislative and operational point of view to avoid the risk of infringing on data protection principles and establishing a mass surveillance framework, which could be incompatible with the EU as a democratic society and a rule of law-abiding organization. Within this very complex framework, a promising development is the establishment of a new European Asylum Agency, which may pave the way for more consistent EU asylum and migration policies.

ENTRE APOYO A LA INTEGRACIÓN Y PREVENCIÓN DE LA RADICALIZACIÓN. UNA MIRADA CRÍTICA AL PLAN DE ACCIÓN DE INTEGRACIÓN E INCLUSIÓN DE LA UNIÓN EUROPEA

Not being its purpose to establish a security-migration link, the aim of this Study is to analyse both European Union’s action to prevent radicalization and the current starting point by means of an instrument specifically aimed at promoting social inclusion and integration of third-country nationals and Europeans with a migrant background: the Action plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021-2027. In this document, besides stressing EU’s intervention thought the lens of human rights, the Commission approaches social inclusion and integration from a securitarian perspective; that is, for the first time in the European agenda, as an active element of its action to prevent radicalization processes leading to violent extremism and terrorism. This approach, however, might entail undesired consequences for the effective protection and promotion of the rights of this collective.

Does administrative capacity matter? The absorption of the European Fund for the integration of migrants

ABSTRACT Empirical evidence of the relationship between administrative capacity and the use of EU funds is plentiful. According to this strand in literature, the complexity of spending rules is key in explaining the implementation gap. What would happen should administrative requirements be relaxed? This paper looks into the implementation of the European Fund for the Integration of third country nationals (EIF), a fund with simpler spending rules and yet a higher rate of unused money. Adapting the hypotheses put forth in absorption literature to the specifics of the EIF, I confront capacity-based explanations to (under-explored) preference-based ones in a comparative fashion. Even when spending EU money is easier, strong support is found for capacity explanans and little for preferences. Even so, administrative capacity appears to be only one factor amongst many, with financial capacity and decentralization playing strong roles too. Empirical evidence is drawn from the application of time-series cross-section methods to an original dataset.

The Shoppers; Venue Shopping, Asylum Shopping: A Resolution in EURODAC?

The term shopping used in reference to two strictly legal/politically somewhat related issues ‘Asylum shopping’ and ‘Venue shopping’, belong to two different spheres of actors. Asylum shopping is descriptive of the action of asylum seekers selectivity, in choice of member state where they perceive better social and welfare conditions. Venue shopping, a concept introduced by Guiraudon in 2000, explain the action of movement by member states in the European Union from venues of national jurisdiction, less amenable to their search for more restrictive migration policy to venues howbeit transnational like transit countries and EU institutions suitable for their policy perspectives. This they did for the primary purpose of avoiding adversary activities of non-state actors and the judicial scrutiny within their national sphere. Common European Asylum System (CEAS) the Dublin Directive and the EURODAC are spill-over in the European integration Project, commonly referred to as the Schengen acquis in the area of migration and integration of third country nationals. The three directives are the results of policy search to administer the entrance and residence of third country nationals especially in the area of irregular migration.
 This paper seeks to examine the inter-relationship between the two actors to which the commercial term shopping describes, how an electronic regulation in EURODAC became a check to their ‘shopping.’ For the asylum seekers exposing their agency, for the member states reducing anxieties, and influenced the ceding of powers hitherto held by member states through (intergovernmental) negotiations to the EU (Supranational) and the impact of these policy measures in checking security challenges and sanitization of this angle of asylum administration in the EU.

Free-Movement Rights of Third Country Nationals in the EU Internal Market

Integration of third-country nationals who may be: long-term residents, EU citizens’ family members, students, researchers, highly qualified employees, or even seasonal workers in member states, is crucial for the EU economic and social cohesion. In order to constitute a genuine instrument for the TCNs integration into the society where they live, they should enjoy equality of treatment with EU citizens in a variety of economic and social matters. Through this work I would like to share some doubts and questions over crucial points of the architecture of the EU system of protection of fundamental rights applied to TCNs, which is uniquely complex. Keywords: free movement rights, third country nationals, long-term residents, students, researchers,highly qualified employees, family members

Mobility and legal migration in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy: what role for the European Union?

The paper examines the evolution of the external dimension of EU immigration policy mainly in the context of European Neighbourhood policy (ENP). The EU is interested in countering irregular migration from Southern neighbours rather than in facilitating legal migration for third country nationals. The latter field falls within the competence of the EU Member States and they are reluctant to open legal migration channels. Only recently Mobility Partnerships (MPs) have been concluded with Morocco, Tunisia and Jordan. Most recently, the EU has decided to financially support countries of origin/transit in order to strengthen their capacity to tackle migration pressure; migration compacts will be negotiated not only with Southern neighbours but also with other African countries. In contrast to Southern neighbours, MPs were agreed with all Eastern neighbours, except Belarus; readmission agreements and visa-free agreements were concluded with three Eastern neighbour countries: Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. The EU has fostered mobility and people-to-people movements in its relations with Eastern neighbours but the added value of EU legislation designed to favour legal migration and integration of third country nationals remain limited. The conclusion is that the EU continues to be a «fortress», especially for low-skilled migrants seeking an employment.

European Citizenship and EU Immigration: A Demoi‐cratic Bridge between the Third Country Nationals' Right to Belong and the Member States' Power to Exclude

AbstractEuropean citizenship entails, for EU nationals, a right to belong across borders. This article questions the implications of this latter right for the status of third country nationals in the EU. It contributes to address a gap between the literature on European citizenship and the literature on the admission and civic integration of third country nationals. The article begins by tracing a disconnect in the rules and narratives on admission and naturalisation of third country nationals in the EU. This is a disconnect between logics of individual rights protection, which European citizenship infiltrates, and logics of state sovereignty and governmental discretion, which otherwise dominate relevant rules and narratives. The article relies on the political science literature on mutual recognition and demoicracy to reinterpret European citizenship's norm of belonging across borders so as to reconcile the disconnect. Ultimately, the theoretical bridge that the article draws between citizenship narratives and immigration narratives offers a novel perspective on the tension between liberal values and integration discourses in Europe. It also sets out a possible frame to begin rethinking rules of engagement and cooperation in the context of the EU common immigration policy.

Spanish

Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing the new Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF) is the reference standard on migrant integration policy for the period 2014-2020. This legislation determines the actions of the Member States which might be funded with EU money. This instrument brings together the Refugee Fund, the Return Fund and the Fund for the Integration of Third country nationals. All previous reports to the adoption of this Regulation reported potential irregularities in management and control systems of the above instruments, being this reason that from many quarters it has encouraged European institutions to take urgent action in this direction. The confirmation of their conclusions is found in Spain. This country allocated in the previous period (2007-2013) most of these funds to programs and projects whose final beneficiaries did not fall within the priorities and strategies of the European Union, incomprehensibly overcoming all control systems of the Commission.

Integration examinations for regular migrants: the difficult search for a balance between national competencies and full effectiveness of EU law

According to Article 79(4) TFEU, integration policies fall under the competence of the Member States, while the EU plays a complementary role. However, the EU has been exercising an increasing influence in this domain: on the one hand, the Commission launched a series of policy initiatives, under the common umbrella of a European Integration Agenda, aiming at coordinating national efforts and best practices; on the other hand, integration clauses were included in some secondary acts concerning regular migration. In this context, Directive 2003/109/EC on long-term residents and Directive 2003/86/EC on family reunification allow Member States to require third country nationals to comply with integration conditions or measures, which often take the shape of basic integration exams. In particular, the enjoyment of the rights conferred by these Directives is often made conditional upon the fulfillment of the integration requirements. The Court of Justice of the European Union (henceforth, CJEU) has recently confirmed these examinations to be compatible with EU law; however, the organization and the contents of these examinations must pass a strict proportionality test. In fact, they must not result in tools to select migrants, rather to favour the integration of third country nationals regularly settled in the hosting States.

Συμβούλια Ένταξης Μεταναστών: διστακτικός βηματισμός ή ένα (ακόμα) μετέωρο άλμα;

The article examines the trajectory and future role of Migrant Integration Councils (MICs) two years after the introduction of the relevant legislative framework. A series of 44 semi-structured interviews point at the deficits of the current legislative framework, while suggesting an absence of political support combined with a lack of in-depth knowledge or understanding regarding MICs as well as the unintended consequences brought by their operation. The article concludes by discussing the recent developments and the important questions they raise with regard to the extent at which MICs can be said to play a significant role vis-à-vis the integration of third country nationals.

The political psychology of integration strategies: the case of the European Commission’s interculturalism

This article uses the concept of security as an analytical tool to map and explain socio-psychological reactions of political communities, as expressed through identity-management and cultural integration strategies, to immigration-related identity crises. To this end, I build a typology of three psychologically driven identity-management frameworks: securitising collective identity (through assimilation or exclusion); desecuritising collective identity (through multiculturalism); and managing the securitisation of collective identity (through interculturalism). On an empirical level, this article focuses mainly on the European Commission’s (EC) central texts and the Commissioners’ self-expressions from 1999 to 2013 that relate to the questions of immigration to Europe and the integration of third-country nationals, and it uses the third framework to explore the EC’s socio-political psychological reactions to recent immigration-related identity crises.

The Importance and Application of the Principle of Equal Treatment of Third Country Nationals in the EU

The communitarization of immigration and asylum disciplines and the beginning of a common European Union policy in such areas will begin to create more favorable conditions for the integration of third country nationals who are legally resident, in the territory of the EU. The Tampere European Council of 1999 stressed the need to provide to nationals of third countries rights and obligations similar to those of EU nationals, in order to eliminate social, economic and cultural discrimination. This could be possible through the approximation of the legal status of third country nationals to that of EU nationals. To achieve this goal, there are adopted secondary norms of Community legislation on equal treatment for certain categories of citizens of third countries as refugees, the long-term residents, etc. Regulation EC No 859/2003 extended the effects of the provisions relating to the coordination of national social security regimes and to third country nationals. This European common policy took a new development with the Lisbon Treaty. One of the objectives of the common policy on immigration is the one which provides an equo treatment to third-country national who are legally resident in one of the Member States. This attitude finds concretization even to several articles of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, which after the Lisbon Treaty has binding legal effects as it has the same legal value of the treaties. The Directive 2011/98/EU aims to establish a single procedure for third country nationals to obtain a combined permit for both residence and work, establishing a series of rights for third-country nationals who are legally resident in a Member State. This directive, in certain sectors, provides an equal treatment of third country nationals with those national. But the text of the directive provides also the cases when EU Member States may derogate from the application of the principle of equal treatment. This paper aims to analyze legal instruments adopted by the EU which recognize the principle of equal treatment of nationals of third countries with nationals, as well as the ways provided to implement this important principle.

Lithuanian Migration Policy in respect of Third-country Nationals: Experience and Tendencies

Migration policy was recognised as a relevant topic a decade ago, when it was acknowledged as a tool to improve demographical and economic situation of the countries. Nowadays migration issues is one of the mostly discussed theme in the European Union. Through the incessant emigration, ageing of the citizens and brain drain phenomenon Lithuania inevitably face growing demand of imigrants from third –countries. Although it is recognized in Lithuania that economic and demographic situation of the country can be improved by means of imigration from third – countries, migration policy in regard to the third-country-nationals is not ideal and it‘s practical implementation does not operate well. Lithuania does not have enough practise in this scope – migration policy in our country has been relevant only since Lithuania became the member of European Union and national migration policy was started to harmonise with requirements of the European Union. According to the results of analysis can be concluded that in order to improve implementation of migration policy in Lithuania, firstly it must be tought about purposeful and consecutive development of migration policy and integration of third-country nationals. Unfortunately migration policy in Lithuania at the moment is based only on short-term economic needs.

Building a Momentum for the Integration of Third-country Nationals in the European Union

Building a Momentum for the Integration of Third-country Nationals in the European Union