Insurgency Movement Research Articles

Rethinking War and Violence in Sierra Leone: The RUF and the Nature and Condition of Insurgency Violence

ABSTRACT: One of the most perplexing contradictions of the Sierra Leonean civil war was the disconnect between an insurgency movement that defined its project as an emancipatory program of national liberation and the large-scale violence, destructions, and brutalities it inflicted on the rural poor and other marginalized groups in the name of that project. A question that has thus continued to plague the war is why a movement that claimed to be fighting on behalf of the poor and marginalized also ended up committing horrific atrocities against the very people on whose behalf it claimed to be fighting. What explains this radical disconnect between the pronouncements of the insurgents and their actions? In this article, I return to the Sierra Leonean civil war to grapple with this question about the nature and condition of violence in that war. I suggest that violence in the Sierra Leonean civil war, and more specifically, the behavior and conduct of the RUF and other combatants during the war, cannot be explained by recourse to fabulous ideas about the psychobiological characteristics innate to certain groups or societies that predispose them to violence, but to complex sociohistorical processes and structures that define everyday power and social relations. Ultimately, it was these sociohistorical structures and the way they manifest and structure power and social relations in Sierra Leone, as well as the failure of the RUF and its leadership to establish conditions of insurgency action capable of transcending, rather than amplifying, this violence embedded in the postcolonial Sierra Leonean state that determined the nature of violence during the war.

Human rights concerns in the State of Assam, India in situation of insurgent movement: special reference to the rights of women

The problem of insurgency has posed a major threat to the whole concept of human rights and human security. The North East region of India in general and Assam in particular has been experiencing the problem of insurgency since last six to seven decades. The State of Assam has also been witnessing this problem and the insurgent movements led by different groups have created major problems to the rights and security of the common people. Particularly women have to face insecurity and violence and this has resulted in gross human rights violation of Assam. Rights of women are being violated both by the insurgent groups as well as state actors in situation of insurgency and armed conflicts in Assam. Through this article, an effort is being made to examine the issue of human rights violation of women in the context of insurgency movement in Assam.

The Rise of Yawol Poetry in Manipuri Literature

The Manipuri term yawol or ya-ol means ‘a new awakening or beginning’. It is a term primarily associated with the Manipuri insurgency movement known locally as yawol eehou. Apart from the impending political turmoil and the polarising nature of this movement, there was a passionate, phenomenal boom of literary products in the Manipuri language since the 70s issuing from this insurgency movement. Yawol poetry is both a poetic movement and a literary period, much like the Mizo literature ‘Rambuai’ and Naga literature of the ‘troubled times’. The urge to adopt a new style of writing based on lived experiences rather than some poetic fancy or nostalgia for a bygone era by the Manipuri writers, especially in poetry, coincided with the rise of the insurgency movement in the state. Names such as ‘violent literature’ or ‘blood literature’ that have characterised Manipuri literature sometimes overshadow the ‘non-violent’ yet rich poetic expressions intrinsic to the state. However, not addressing the widespread prevalence of violence and anarchy in Manipuri literature will be historically and aesthetically incorrect. In this paper, the author shall explore the rise of such a distinct poetic style adopted by scores of Manipuri poets across four decades and explain why the poetics of blood and violence have been a significant mainstay in Manipuri poetry.

Two Strands of Nationalism: A Narrative on the Mizo War of Independence

The Mizo War of Independence, also labelled as the Mizo Insurgency Movement, spanned over a period of nearly 20 years, during which significant events and developments occurred, which greatly shaped and moulded the socio-political landscape of the state. Accounts and narratives of what took place during those turbulent years are aplenty. However, not much literature or narrative could be found about the ideological dimension of the movement and its ramifications. Hence, the main aim of the article is to emphasize on the underlying two strands of nationalism, that is, the nationalistic ideals pursued by the Mizo National Front (MNF) as an organization, on the one hand, and the strand of nationalism championed by its president and leader, Laldenga, on the other hand. The first part of the article examines the strand of nationalism of the MNF, the main perpetrator of the independence movement and the role of its founding president, Laldenga, in formulating that ideology. The second section of the article traces and analyses the so-called ‘Laldenga’s nationalism’. Finally, the article attempts to draw conclusion on how the two strands of nationalism impacted the outcome of the Mizo War of Independence as a whole.

The anthropology of Al-Shabaab: the salient factors for the insurgency movement’s recruitment project

ABSTRACTHarakaat Al-Shabaab Al-Mujaahiduun (henceforth Al-Shabaab) is an active insurgent group in southern Somalia battling against the foreign forces and foreign-backed Somali forces. Despite recruiting both in Somalia and in the diaspora, this insurgency movement continues to increasingly recruit more local Somali youth than diaspora Somalis or non-Somalis. This article suggests that Al-Shabaab solicits support from diverse youth who – due to a confluence of factors – join the insurgency movement in various ways. The article reveals how the movement’s methods are flexible insofar as it skilfully recruits both powerful clans and marginalised clans. This pattern tests the limits of the Somali federal government in Mogadishu who have yet to develop innovative approaches to challenge and contain Al-Shabaab. The government failure not only allows Al-Shabaab to successfully carry out its operations but also to sustain itself in the midst of local communities. Through interviews with former Al-Shabaab youth, the article explores youth recruiting efforts and finds that the militant movement pursues various sophisticated means to lure numerous youth into its ranks.

Карательно-репрессивные методы борьбы советского режима против крестьянского движения на Подолье в начальный период нэпа

The article, based on sources and literature, analyzes the struggle of the Bolshevik authorities with the insurgency movement of the Podolsk peasantry, which in the historical literature was called «political banditry». To suppress the peasant resistance, the authorities used punitive and repressive measures. Their essence, forms and methods are disclosed in the article. The author refers to such methods: the introduction of a military state in Podolia, massive searches, arrests and imprisonments in prisons and concentration camps, shootings, evictions, confiscations and seizures, compulsory mobilization of the population, and others. The documents of the Soviet government are analyzed – resolutions, instructions, circulars on measures to combat banditry, as well as the work of the authorities (military meetings, extraordinary triples, and overalls) to carry out repressions in villages odf Podillia. The following methods of intimidation of the population as taking hostages and their shooting, fines, eviction were analyzed. The transition to the NEP has not change the relationship between the authorities and the Ukrainian peasantry. The rebel movement continued. The Bolshevik government assured that anybody would be subject to further repressions for resistance. In the struggle against insurgent movement, the role of the DPU, which carried out repressive and punitive functions, grew. She received the right to arrest, conduct an investigation, make sentences and execute them.
 It is proved that in the organization of the struggle of Soviet power with the peasant movement in Podillia punitive and repressive methods were basic. Due to the mass repression that was carried out during the years of the NEP, the gene pool of the peasantry of Podillia was undermined, and the culture of the villages of Podillia was deformed. Only by resorting to extraordinary measures, the authorities were able to suppress the peasant resistance and achieve victory in the struggle against their people. However, this methodology has become Soviet towards the Ukrainian peasantry.

Проблеми дослідження повстанського руху Північної України 1918–1921 рр. (регіональний вимір)

In article Problems of Investigation of the Rebellion Movement of Northern Ukraine 1918–1921 (Regional Aspect) finds out the problematic issues that arise in the comprehensive study of the peasant-rebel movement of 1918–1921. These issues are typical for general studies on the history of the Ukrainian rebel movement, but they may also have regional specifics. These include inaccuracies in the biographical data of participants in insurgent formations, the correctness and verification of the available source base and errors in determining the locations of certain events related to the history of the insurgency movement. For example, places connected with rebel military actions. The author illustrates the problems he describes with examples from documents relating to the activities of ataman Struk, one of the most famous atamans of Northern Ukraine. In conclusion, the author argues that the study of the history of the insurrectional movement of 1918–1921 in its regional aspects requires at least the solution of the three problem complexes. Firstly, the problem of verifying biographical information about atamans or other participants in the peasant revolt movement of the revolutionary era. Secondly, the problem of interpreting and verifying sources of insurgent movement. Thirdly, the localization of insurgent actions on the map, which is inextricably linked with the question of checking toponyms in the sources. It is often impossible to solve these problematic issues without resorting to local lore materials that can shed light on those parts that have been left out of focus by more global historical sources.

The Journey of Women from Victim to Peace-Maker: Women, Insurgency and Northeast India

The sufferings of women in any insurgency movement have been the focus of many women's rights and human rights groups in present times. Studies have demonstrated that women have to suffer pain as mothers, sisters, daughters, caregivers and victims during conflict situation which has till date brought great destruction and despair among them. In the insurgency movements, women continue to struggle as a victim, as combatants, as peace-makers. However, despite being the worst victim, women also play the role of protector of women's rights and human rights. There are many women's organisations in Northeast India like Meira Paibi, Naga Mother's Association, Bodo Women's Justice Forum, which are playing an active role as peace activists. Under this background, the present paper will focus on the role of women's organisations during different situations of insurgency movements in Northeast India. The paper will put special focus on the role of the two women's organisations that is All Bodo Women's Welfare Federation (ABWWF), Bodo Women's Justice Forum (BWJF) in BTC (Bodoland Territorial Council Region) of Assam. BTC is one of the most conflict-affected regions in Assam. Several conflicts have occurred within the region such as ethnic conflicts, fratricidal conflicts, the movement for autonomy and others. The paper will explore the role of these organisations towards protecting the rights of women as well as in bringing peace in the region.

Contested Peace: The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord

Located in the south-east corner of Bangladesh, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) have a history of a vicious conflict between its Bengali settlers and the Paharis, specifically the indigenous community, the Pahari-adivasis. The region’s already volatile background further escalated thanks to the nation-building approach that was being followed by the state after Bangladesh became independent in 1971. This inclination triggered an insurgency movement whose leaders demanded regional autonomy and a recognition of their identity so that people could lead a life of dignity. To quell the movement, the state resorted to military force. Later to introduce peace, the CHT Peace Accord was signed in 1997. However, though it did succeed in bringing about an element of stability, the accord failed in its larger objective as it excluded the engagement of the larger mass of Pahari people. Just over twenty years after the accord was signed, we examine, through a research study, why it neither lead to sustainable peace nor was it successful in its goal of conflict management.

Building peace from the margins in Somalia: The case for political settlement with Al-Shabaab

ABSTRACTThe prevailing discourse in Mogadishu among the federal government of Somalia and the international community is that Al-Shabaab is no longer relevant in contemporary Somali political landscape. In the language of the government, Al-Shabaab is like a lost crocodile thrown out from the river. In the lexicon of the international community, Al-Shabaab is gradually receding. In fact, Al-Shabaab is actually puissant and potent in terms of social, political and military capabilities; not just in Somalia, but also in the wider East Africa region. Why is Al-Shabaab resilient and resistant? Why is it even more effective than the federal government? To answer these questions, this article reveals how Al-Shabaab is increasingly more legitimate than the federal government. In conclusion, the article proposes that negotiated settlement with the insurgency movement could lead to peace in war-torn southern Somalia.

The invention of Al-Shabaab in Somalia: Emulating the anti-colonial dervishes movement

Despite the growing body of academic literature that seeks to explain the evolution of Al-Shabaab, the movement remains one of the least understood on the continent. This article explores the relationship between the militant movement and the twentieth-century anti-colonial Somali insurgency movement of the Dervishes, examining the extent to which Al-Shabaab imitates the Dervishes. It argues that Al-Shabaab is not unique when considered as a contemporary re-incarnation of the Dervishes. Approaching Al-Shabaab as a heterogeneous insurgency movement established and sustained by emulation, the article compares Al-Shabaab to the Dervishes in terms of their leadership characteristics, war strategies and ideological foundations. In doing so, it uses interviews and focus group discussions carried out in Mogadishu and Afgooye (Somalia) as well as a variety of under-explored sources such as visual data. It concludes that Al-Shabaab draws directly and indirectly from the Dervishes in crucial ways, but that there are also differences between the two movements in terms of mobilization and utilizing political and cultural dynamics.

Roots of insurgency in Indian Jammu and Kashmir- A review

This paper attempts to outline the various factors that culminated in a mass movement for Azadi(freedom) in the Indian part of Jammu and Kashmir in the year 1989. In explaining the insurgency movement, the essay attributes agency to two entities- the Indian state and the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Forced integration of J&K into the Indian union, erosion of the autonomous status of the state, rigging of elections, misgovernance and lack of economic development, and political patronage are some of the reasons that hold the Indian state culpable for the present state of affairs. The second explanation grants agency to the people of Kashmir themselves. Resurgence of the Kashmiri identity due to a new found awareness resulting from exposure, literacy and limited development encouraged the mobilization of Kashmiris around the issue of their unique identity, distinct from ‘Kashmir as a part of Pakistan or India’.

Volunteerism after the Tsunami: The Effects of Democratization

Using three waves of survey data from fishing villages in Aceh, Indonesia for 2005–09, the paper examines the determinants of local volunteer labor after the tsunami. Volunteer labor is the village public sector labor force for maintenance, clean-up and renovation of public capital. While also examining the effects on volunteerism of village destruction and trauma, pre-existing social capital, diversity, and aid delivery, the papers focuses on the effects of democratization. The tsunami and massive international aid effort prompted the settlement of the insurgency movement in Aceh, which had led to suspension of local elections over the prior twenty or more years. Until 2006, village heads who call volunteer days were effectively selected by village elites, who may highly value the public facilities maintained by volunteer labor. With elections, volunteer days fall under the new regime, with democratically elected village heads calling fewer volunteer days, which may appeal more to the typical villager. Identification comes from pseudo-randomized differential timing of elections.

Islam and Arabic as the Rhetoric of Insurgency: The Case of the Caucasus Emirate

Interpretations and uses of Islam are legion today. Some call for improving or preserving the morals and dignity of a certain local Muslim community or of the global Muslim community (umma) in its entirety. Others are eager to demonstrate that Islam is fully compatible and, in fact, conducive to modernity, democratic governance, and technological advancement of humankind. Still others posit Islam as a powerful means of liberation from occupation and domination/exploitation of Muslims around the world by non-Muslim powers. 1 This article addresses one concrete example of how some Muslim insurgents of the Northern Caucasus use Islam to unite the diverse and occasionally mutually hostile ethnic groups of the area in the face of Russian domination with the goal of establishing an independent Islamic state based on the Muslim Divine Law (Sharia). After providing a general overview of the history and ideology of this Islamic/Islamist movement, the article focuses on the ways in which its leadership uses the Internet to disseminate its understanding of Islam and to rally young Muslims round the idea of the trans-ethnic Sharia state that they promise to institute after defeating and expelling “the Russian occupiers” and their local backers. Special attention will be given to the role of Islamic concepts and taxonomies as well as the Arabic language in framing the political grammar of the insurgency movement known as “The Caucasus Emirate.” 2

NATO's Vietnam? Afghanistan and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance

After the swift victory in conventional battle against Iraqi forces in March 2003, American forces fairly quickly encountered a growing insurgency movement which turned into an enormous political a...

Armed Conflict and Resolutions in Southern Thailand

Since January 2004, southern Thailand has grabbed news headlines as a violent conflict zone, where the insurgency movement has taken the lives of more than 3,500 people. Stemming from various factors ranging from historical resistance to the Thai government to human rights abuses and socioeconomic marginalization, the shadowy movement has managed to infiltrate and gain sympathy among local communities; however, the majority of the local population remains resistant and resentful toward the perpetrators. This article aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the upsurge and dynamics of the violence in southern Thailand in a two-part process. First, through focusing on the evidence obtained during my three-year stay in the Pattani province, I demonstrate how geopolitical dimensions intensified the separatist sentiments in the region. In the second section, I propose a proactive and preemptive set of resolutions as a roadmap to avoid further conflict and bloodshed.

The Naga dream and the politics of peace

A section of Naga tribes-people in northeastern India are engaged in an insurrection against the government on the premise that they had been an independent people until the British brought the areas where they lived under its control after the signing of the Treaty of Yandaboo in 1826 with the Burmese. The Burmese were defeated by the British and this treaty brought the curtains down on the first Anglo-Burmese War. Even before the seeds of the Naga insurgency movement were sown in 1946, the Nagas had petitioned the British authorities, in the wake of the possibility of India gaining independence, saying they should not hand over the Naga areas to India when they leave after granting Delhi freedom. The Nagas wanted London to let them revert back to their way of life before the signing of the Treaty of Yandaboo. This was not to be and Naga areas became a part of India as they were in any case a part of British India before that. The Naga insurrection was shaped in 1946 and since then has undergone a massive transformation. Today, the Naga insurgency movement is faction-ridden, with four groups on the scene, pushing the dream of an independent Naga homeland. The dominant among these groups, the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland or the NSCN-IM has been engaged in peace talks with the Indian government ever since a ceasefire was reached between the two sides in 1997. A solution is nowhere in sight although dozens of rounds of parleys have been held. The problem is compounded by the emergence on the scene of other Naga rebel players, formed mostly by break-away groups from the NSCN-IM. Factional wars have become the order of the day, resulting in the authorities focusing their attention to ending the turf battles among the factions rather than pushing the peace process forward. The situation is hazy to say the least and the politics of peace has assumed different dimensions, posing newer challenges to peace-makers.

Factional Terror, Paramilitarism and Civil War in Haiti: The View from Port-au-Prince, 1994-2004

When I arrived on the street in Port-au-Prince in early March of 2004, most of the city was still largely outside the control of the government. A rebel insurgency movement made up of former members of the now-disbanded Haitian army (Forces Armees d'Haiti, FADH) had successfully unseated President Jean-Bertrand Aristide who won re-election to office in 2000 amid opposition electoral boycotts, disputed results and accusations of fraud. With Aristide's resignation and exile to the Central African Republic and later South Africa, state paramilitary police forces have fanned out into the capital to hunt down armed supporters of Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas party. A concentrated rebel effort is now underway to reinstitute the FADH, with recruitment of new soldiers and their outfitting with new uniforms financed by wealthy families with an interest in restoring the preAristide status quo. Factions of heavily-armed Aristide loyalists calling themselves chimere1 are also on the offensive, and the city has descended into violent anarchy. The Haitian National Police (Police Nationale d'Haiti, PNH), routed by the rebels just about everywhere in the northern two thirds of the country, fire their weapons indiscriminately into civilian crowds, often in the most destitute of the capital's slum districts.2 Arson, riot, looting and summary execution have once again formed the lexicon of political conflict on the street. Vigilante bands and entrepreneur assassins roam the Port-au-Prince slums of Bel Air, Cite Soleil and La Saline with Uzis, semiautomatic handguns, combat-grade shotguns, assault rifles, bayonets, whips and machetes. Amid the chaos and a state of siege on the streets, and in the complete absence of legal authority, political scores are being settled alongside of personal animosities being avenged. Summary executions are being carried out on roadsides, the bodies littering the streets with single bullet holes through their foreheads. Dozens of others are being killed in less formal ways, their bodies machine-gunned, hacked to death, decapitated, mutilated and burned alive. Some victims of the conflict have been disembowelled, some strangled with their own underwear. There are rumours of a young girl from the militantly pro-Aristide Cite Soleil slum having been raped to death by rebels after the departure of Aristide. By October of 2004, pro-Aristide gangs had begun the systematic beheading of PNH officers killed in factional clashes under the rubric of Operation Baghdad (though unlike similar beheadings in Iraq, the decapitations are typically post-mortem and are not filmed). Haiti is not teetering on the brink of civil war, it is in the full throes of civil war. What else to call this protracted armed conflict among competing factions for control of state power? Many Haitians refer to it as loge (war) as often as they refer to it as la violenz (the violence). Much of the war is now being waged in Port-au-Prince, and it is not being fought around the civil society as much as it is being fought directly through it. At the time of this writing, there have been over 500 Haitians killed in factional clashes since the fighting began in earnest in late February 2004.While the government has periodically imposed curfews and urges residents of the capital to seek shelter indoors when shooting is heard, the truth of the matter is that when a bullet is fired in Port-au-Prince there is little difference between inside and outside; here, in the most volatile slums, most homes are made of cardboard and tin. Haiti's violent history of successive coups d'etat has shown how political conflict can become a civilian bloodbath when the fighting reaches the capital, even when people do stay indoors. There appears to be no end to the violence in sight. Though the rebel army had pledged to lay down their arms now that a Brazilian-led UN peacekeeping force has arrived to re-establish order, they have shown little real interest in doing so, even as the foreign troops conduct disarmament and policing operations throughout the country. …

Políticas de subordinación lingüística en Tejas durante la época revolucionaria

El presente estudio intenta esclarecer las políticas lingüísticas que impulsaron la subordinación del español en el estado de Tejas. Se estudia la política lingüística ejercida durante la formación de las colonias anglo tejanas y su arraigo en las políticas lingüísticas del virreinato de la Nueva España. Tambien se examina las maneras en que los empresarios negociaron esta política en la formación de colonias netamente anglófonas. A la vez se exploran las múltiples reacciones a esta negociación por parte de los tejanos locales por un lado y por los gobernantes mexicanos por otro; sucesos que al final estallarían en la revolución tejana. Por fin, se analiza el papel que desempeñó esta negociación política singular en la posterior subordinación del español después de la revolución tejana.

Countering the Soviet Threat? An Analysis of the Justifications for US Military Assistance to El Salvador, 1979–92

From 1979 to 1992, the US supported the El Salvadorian government in its counter-insurgency war. The insurgents were characterized by the US as Soviet backed communists. US support for the El Salvadorian government was sold as supporting a pro-US ally to contain Soviet expansionism within Central America. This article examines the documentation that the US used to substantiate this justification, and argues that the facts and interpretations that the US used cannot sustain the characterization of the insurgency movement in El Salvador as Soviet backed. Furthermore, even in the event of a rebel victory, and in the absence of US hostility, the insurgents would have almost certainly sought good relations with the US.