Institutions Of Political Power Research Articles

The creation of the state: The fate of old institutions of political power and the creation of new ones in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from 1918-1923

The creation of the state: The fate of old institutions of political power and the creation of new ones in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from 1918-1923

The Contemporary Political Processes Transformation in the Context of Society Digitalization: Key Scenarios

Intensive introduction into actual political practice of digital communication technologies causes the need for scientists and experts to study several important issues related to the phenomenon of digitalization at the current stage of human civilization evolution. First of all, we are interested in the question of whether the introduction of digital communications into contemporary political processes causes corresponding transformations in the spheres of the functioning of the state and society. How correct is it to talk about the digitalization of the state and society by political scientists? Another essential issue for us is the definition of influence vectors: do the emergence and widespread dissemination of new types of communication technologies affect the emergence and development of new types of social and political systems, or the state only uses new technological capabilities to ensure the effectiveness of political governance processes in today’s environment, maintaining and supporting the potential of traditional political regimes? What is the mutual influence of new communication technologies and political power institutions at present? Finally, the extremely important for us issue is what effects in the political sphere are generated by the implementation of digital communication technologies into actual practice and what are the main scenarios for the transformation of the contemporary political space in such conditions. Consideration of these issues is the subject of this work. The author makes an attempt to show that we can talk today about real transformations in the parameters of the state and society functioning, as well as in the sphere of their interaction. At the same time, traditional political regimes, having ceased to act as a monopoly source of political information due to the emergence of alternative actors of information and communication activities and the formation of competitive political space, are actively trying to maintain political control and stability in the current environment. Most scenarios of the evolution and transformation of the political space in the context of digitalization are associated precisely with the attempts of traditional institutions of power to maintain control over the sources, channels, and content of digital communication processes. At the same time, the socio-political interaction of the state and society becomes more intense in quantitative terms. However, the content side of this interaction is not undergoing significant changes.

The presidency place and functions in the democratic political system

It’s been established that the results of scientific research on the place and functions of the presidential institution in the political system of democratic societies point to the existence of certain gaps and insufficient disclosure of the issues raised. The existence of an internal socio-political crisis and the need for the development of a democratic state based on the rule of law and the appropriateness of studying the issue of the balance of powers of state institutions within the framework of constitutional engineering have been confirmed. It is noted that at the present stage of state construction interest in the problem is dictated by the need to study the process of Ukraine’s consolidation as a state entity in the context of integration into the European community.The question of the place and basic functions of the presidential institution in the political systems of modern democratic societies is being investigated. It was established that achieving an effective checks and balances system for the institution of the president, the legislative branch and executive branch of power is one of the relevant factors for the successful development of the political and economic state system, the achievement of public harmony and the formation of a positive international image of the state.It is established that the constitutional basis determines the political legitimacy of the President’s actions, and also affects the degree of readiness of political and power subjects to agree to them or to support or deny them. However, the probability that an issued document will have the expected impact is determined, in most cases, by its constitutionality. The President provides the succession of the state, represents it in international relations, carries out management of foreign policy activities, negotiates and concludes international treaties of Ukraine. The president as a state institution appears to be active and influential in the system of power relations and state organization. The institute of presidency is intended to become a consolidating center and an arbiter between the branches of power.Based on the results of a comparative analysis of the presidency functional, a pragmatic approach to the formation of new principles of the national presidency mechanism in the context of the further development of the political system of society was proposed. The essence of this approach is in the need to ensure the dominance of constructive cooperation with other institutions of political power, primarily parliament and government. The expediency of introducing civilized methods of compromise search and a democratic solution to the political problems of social development in the system and practice the powers of the governing bodies is grounded, since the further development of the state will to a great extent be determined by the effectiveness and quality of the functioning of the presidential institution.

The Impact of Corruption on the Institutions of Political Power in the Republic of Kazakhstan: The Cratological Context and Law Enforcement Activities

Since the Republic of Kazakhstan gained its sovereignty in the law enforcement system, a number of large-scale reforms have been carried out, state programs have been approved and implemented, a full-scale recertification of employees of all law enforcement agencies, and a regulatory base have been updated through the adoption of special laws on law enforcement and internal affairs bodies. However, despite all the above circumstances, the level of corruption in the internal affairs bodies is still high.
 Obviously, there is a whole complex of latent reasons for this situation and the author denotes the contours of their scientific research. The most difficult direction, which the author singled out, should be recognized as a change in approaches to the formation of a strategy for combating corruption. This article suggests a preliminary analytical description of the impact of corruption on political institutions in terms of cratology and the most significant aspects of regulation.

The Impact of Corruption on the Institutions of Political Power in the Republic of Kazakhstan: The Cratological Context and Law Enforcement Activities

Since the Republic of Kazakhstan gained its sovereignty in the law enforcement system, a number of large-scale reforms have been carried out, state programs have been approved and implemented, a full-scale recertification of employees of all law enforcement agencies, and a regulatory base have been updated through the adoption of special laws on law enforcement and internal affairs bodies. However, despite all the above circumstances, the level of corruption in the internal affairs bodies is still high.
 Obviously, there is a whole complex of latent reasons for this situation and the author denotes the contours of their scientific research. The most difficult direction, which the author singled out, should be recognized as a change in approaches to the formation of a strategy for combating corruption. This article suggests a preliminary analytical description of the impact of corruption on political institutions in terms of cratology and the most significant aspects of regulation.

Political Mechanisms of the Integration of Russian Nationalism into Crimea’s Political Area

In the article the author defined the peculiar properties and structure of the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism into Crimea’s Political Area in 1991-2014. It is proved that Russian nationalism formed a political strategy of integration into the political space of the Ukrainian autonomy on the principles of creating a manageable set of actors and subjects of the regional political process and civil space, as well as the incorporation of its agents of influence into the institutions of political power of the ARC. It is substantiated that the essence of the political component of the strategy of the activities of Russian imperial nationalism in the Crimea consisted in the creation on the basis of the Russian national minority (by status) of an independent ethno-social organism with a claim to its own state-territorial formation.
 In the conclusions, the author notes that structurally, the process of using the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism in the ARC is presented in three consecutive stages. At the first stage, the political goals of Russian nationalism in the Crimea were identified, which were of an imperial nature, and therefore included the definition of key directions and a system of organizational measures that were oriented toward the political, economic, ethno-national, sociocultural and information spheres of life in the Crimean peninsula. At the second stage, the political institutes of the Russian Federation developed a system of advanced initiatives aimed at weakening the influence of the institutions of Ukraine's political power on the territory of the autonomy and a set of tactical methods that enabled them to react quickly to the actual challenges of pro-Ukrainian initiatives. At the third stage, a system of effective mechanisms of lobbying, institutional interaction, forms, methods and methods of reproducing the meanings of Russian imperial nationalism in the ARC at the level of all levels of the given social space – political, ethnonational, socio-cultural and economic – was formed.
 Keywords: Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Russia, Russian nationalism, political integration, integration mechanisms, political meanings

The Relationship between Religion and State in Hegel's Thought

To say that Hegel's position on the relationship between religion and state is not easy to categorise would be a vast understatement. Eluding comfortable labels, his ideas on the subject diverge from historically prevalent conceptions, which together are often thought to be exhaustive. On the one hand, Hegel's position contrasts sharply with theocratic doctrines that propose a simple identity of political and religious institutions, or subjugate the former to the latter. Almost equally distant from Hegel's position, however, are liberal and Enlightenment views that urge the complete separation of religion from secular authority and mundane politics.This tension is characteristic of many of Hegel's writings on the subject, from the earliest to die most mature. On numerous occasions, Hegel voices his vehement opposition to the notion of a radical split between religion and the ‘ethical’ (sittlich) institutions of political power. In an early fragment from 1798 he writes, ‘if the principle of the state is a complete totality, then church and state cannot possibly be unrelated’, and similar sentiments are voiced in many other writings, including Hegel's very last lectures on the Philosophy of Religion from 1831. Yet, at other junctures he contends, rather, that only ‘in despotism church and state are one’. Of all Hegel's extended discussions of the subject, one — in the Remark and Addition to §270 of the Philosophy of Right — lays emphasis on the cleft between church and state; others — in §552 of the Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences (Third Edition), the aforementioned 1831 Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion, and the final sections of the Philosophy of History — seem, on the contrary, to stress the essential and eventual unity of religious and political life. To reconcile such seemingly contradictory views within a coherent position (even a dialectically coherent one) and salvage Hegel's position from the muddle of apparent contradictions and oblique formulations is therefore a challenge.

A Critical Perspective On the Study of Chicano Politics

T pHE LITERATURE on the relationships between Chicanos and the institutions of political power in the United States is divided into two distinct modes of analysis. One reflects the orthodox perspectives and concepts of the discipline of political science and the other, an attempt to develop alternatives based on the conception of domination or variations of it. It is this latter orientation that this essay attempts to extend. The analysis is divided into three sections: (1) a discussion of a general conception of critical political inquiry, which will be applied in (2) an examination of several interpretations of Chicano domination, and (3) a critical review of recent studies of Chicano politics which rely on the prevailing empirical-analytic notion of political inquiry.