Establishment Of Political Parties Research Articles

INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES THROUGH ARRANGEMENT OF CANDIDATE LEGISLATIVE MEMBERS IN BANYUMAS REGENCY

This paper will explain the institutionalization of political parties through the policy of structuring the Gerindra Party legislative candidates in the 2019 legislative elections in Banyumas Regency. The Banyumas Regency Gerindra Party was chosen as the research locus with the consideration that the Gerindra Party's vote acquisition in the 2019 election was very significant as a newcomer party. The method used in this research is a case study with a purposive sampling technique. Data collected by documentation studies, interviews, and observations. Research informants included DPC Gerindra Party officials in Banyumas Regency and legislative candidates who failed or succeeded in the 2019 legislative elections. The data were analyzed interactively and validated through source triangulation. The results of this study, first; the arrangement of legislative candidates in the 2019 election was carried out by the Gerindra Party with a local wisdom approach as a strategy to avoid 'party elite bias' so that the candidates proposed were candidates with high electability and community support. Target cadres include women activists, cadres of NU, Muhammadiyah, Al Ersyad organizations, village heads and community leaders and are placed in the constituency where they live. With this strategy of structuring cadres based on local wisdom, the Gerindra Party can choose potential cadres who have the support of a stronger mass base. So that the Gerindra Party's seat acquisition can be stable to this day..

Internal Institutionalization of Golkar Party For the Study of Simultaneous 2020 Pilkada (Elections of Regional Heads) in Bandung District

The research aims to analyze the internal institutionalization of Golkar in Bandung District by taking a case study of the 2020 Pilkada. The method implemented in this research is a qualitative method classified as descriptive, with data collection techniques using documents. The researcher will review those data and give meaning to them. The result of the research is Golkar, which has controlled Bandung Regency for 20 years, turned out to be defeated in the 2020 Pilkada due to the institutionalization of political parties that could not accommodate the wishes of party seniors. By looking at four political parties’ institutionalizations from Huntington, Golkar is one of the political parties with a high survival level and can survive during regime shifts to other regimes in Bandung District. The political party structure is also complex enough, but the political party’s dependency on the mass organization in its winning electoral strategy is still high. The birth of political party intrafraction led to the defeat of the pair of NiaUsman in the battle for Bandung District Regent seat in 2020. In conclusion, Golkar in Bandung District only leaves two things that still exist in party institutions, which are the party chronology and organizational structure. The impact of the research is no matter how strong the party institutionalization is, if it doesn’t accommodate the wishes of the party’s seniors, the institutionalization will be weak, as well as if the party is very dependent on the organization’s wing

Under family control: The trend of sole candidate elections in Indonesia

The rise of sole candidates in various local head elections in Indonesia has been the subject of many scholarly critical analyses. Most of the analyses perceive the phenomenon as a symptom of incumbency advantages, weak electoral systems, and poor institutionalization of political parties. This article proposes a new argument with the family-based elite perspective controlling the sole candidates’ emergence process. We compared two regions in South Sulawesi province, explaining the political family networks that dominate the political competition by limiting candidature. The sole candidate elections can be understood by looking at family-based elite networks scattered in business networks, bureaucracy, political parties, aristocrats, and grassroots mass organizations. The families use an oligarchic elite network at the national level or a plural elite network at the grassroots level. The two types of family institutions are centralized and dispersed structures: Makassar has an oligarchy, while Gowa has relatively equal elite power. The family network’s power has closed or hijacked the electoral political competition, establishing control over local elections by creating monopolistic political networks. Political family control is essential in understanding the rise of sole candidate elections in political practices.

TRANSFORMATION OF BRITISH POLITICAL PARTIES AFTER LEAVING THE EUROPEAN UNION: TRENDS AND PROSPECTS

The main tendencies and prospects of transformation of British political parties after the state’s withdrawal from the European Union are studied. It is noted that in recent years the British political system has been developing and transforming under the direct influence of public debate on the expediency or inexpediency of the state’s stay in the European Union, which resulted in a referendum on leaving the EU and further implementing it at the organizational and institutional level. It is proved that the transformation of the party system can be both progressive and regressive, depending on the nature of external and internal changes that occur under the influence of a holistic set of socio-political factors. It is noted that the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of any party system as an object of transformational change, it seems appropriate to include the following: the model of the party system; the number of political parties that actually claim to participate in the formation and implementation of the political course of the state; legal (formal) institutionalization of political parties; party ideologies, programs, election platforms; public opinion on the evaluation of the activities of both individual political parties and the party system as a whole; results of political elections; the level of defragmentation and regionalization of the party system. The leading role of the Conservative Party in the process of preparing, conducting and implementing the results of the referendum on the expediency of Britain’s stay in the EU, which corresponds to the traditional conservative ideology of protectionism and the decisive role of the sovereign nation in political and economic processes. It is concluded that the British vector of integration as a principled position of the Conservative Party, which is perceived as an alternative to the idea of European integration in the sense of creating common European institutions, whose activities are largely based on supranational sources of law. It has been shown that the traditional left-wing and center-left electorate of the Labor Party has been partially overthrown by populist parties with essentially socialist socio-economic slogans, such as Reform UK. It is assumed that in the charismatic and personal conditionality of modern world politics, the current electoral situation may be somewhat changed by the emergence of a strong, bright and at the same time moderate in political and socio-economic views leader, which is an important factor in election technology.

The organization of political belief networks: A cross-country analysis

Studies on mass opinion conceptualize political ideology as an interrelated network of attitudes, beliefs and values. Using the joint dataset of European Values Study and World Values Survey collected between 2017 and 2020, I ask whether the organization of political ideology depends on the structure of political field. Consistent with the theories of social constraint, I find that in countries with high institutionalization of political parties, the organization of political opinions is more likely to be dense and consolidated. These patterns are robust to a variety of predictors between countries and the results are not sensitive to sampling variability or item selection.

Institutionalisation of Political Parties: Comparative Cases

Institutionalisation of Political Parties: Comparative Cases

Institutionalization of transnationalizing political parties: the case of the Conservative People\u2019s Party of Estonia

While party institutionalization research has advanced notably in the recent years, the institutionalization of political parties that extend their organizations abroad (i.e. transnationalizing parties) has remained an academically uncharted territory. This article draws on party institutionalization literature and analyses the particularities of institutionalization in transnationalizing parties. The findings suggest that transnational institutionalization takes place simultaneously on multiple levels (local, national and transnational) and is distinctly interactive, placing crucial importance on the activities and responsiveness of both the central party organization as well as the extraterritorial branches. The internal dimensions of institutionalization can be notably affected by the territorially and temporally scattered nature of emigrant communities and by the sense of inclusion provided to the activists. The external dimensions of transnational institutionalization involve a wider variety of actors than institutionalization on the national level and can also be more challenging due to the more contingent socialization patterns and interest in politics of transnational migrants. Transnational institutionalization of political parties is relevant to the parties and their continuous electoral success, but also for transnational migrant communities and impact of their political participation.

Simultaneous General Election: It Is Fair for Democracy in Indonesia

This study discusses the implementation of simultaneous elections in 2019 which is the decision of the Constitutional Court No. 14/PUU-11/2013 on simultaneous elections, and the purpose of this study is to examine and analyze whether the 2019 concurrent elections took place democratically and have a success rate to strengthen the consolidation of democracy and institutionalization of political parties in Indonesia. This research was conducted in North Sumatra, Banten, West Java and West Kalimantan. Furthermore, this study uses the theory of the pillars of the democratic system and the Theory of Success of Procedural and Substantive Quality Democracy. The method of research that is used is descriptive method with qualitative approach. With data analysis techniques. The findings show that the democratization of a concurrent election in 2019 is analyzed based on the pillars of a system that gives influence to the quality of the success rate of a democracy both procedural democracy and substantive democracy that measures the success rate of a democracy. Simultaneous elections in 2019 have increased public political participation and the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) but a new study is needed to measure the institutionalization of political parties so that comprehensively it can be known the level of democratization, consolidation of democracy and its relation to institutionalization or institutionalization of political parties.

Combatir la violencia contra las mujeres políticas:

Introduction. Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a specific form of gender-based violence that is receiving growing attention from research, because it threatens the progress made in women’s political representation. However, there are few works on how to design legislation against VAWP. Objectives. This article contributes to filling this gap by analysing how the Bolivian legislation influenced norms of VAWP drafted and passed by other countries and international organisations in Latin America, the country where more efforts of this kind have taken place – the 243/2012 Bolivian Law on Political Violence and Harassment against Women was the first law on VAWP in the world –. Methodology. The research draws on qualitative content analysis of the legislation and semi-structured interviews with Bolivian women’s activists, officials and MPs. Results, conclusions and discussion. I argue that four specific features of the Bolivian legislation have had a major influence on other norms on VAWP: (i) a wide and detailed definition of VAWP; (ii) the attribution to the electoral organ of competences to prevent VAWP; (iii) the establishment of political parties’ responsibilities; (iv) the (incomplete) adoption of an intersectional perspective.

Legal Aspect of Relationship between Political Parties, People, and People's Representatives

This article discussed the topic of political party membership in the Indonesian Parliament institutions, which is based on the pattern of relations between the People's Representatives and the people they represent, and their impact in the process of forming and implementing strategic policies that rely on popular sovereignty. The article focused on the study of politics of law in the institutionalization of political parties within the parliament's institutions and the impact on the exercise of popular sovereignty. This paper has several different approaches if related to the basic theory of democracy about political links which generally examines the relationship between political parties and their voters, between politicians and citizens, and between members of parliament and their people. The results emphasize the pattern of relations between the representatives of the people and the people they represent, in connection with the institutional existence of the Indonesian parliament which is the executor of people's sovereignty.

Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat.
 The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.

Features of the constitutional and legislative institutionalization of political parties in Sweden

Features of the constitutional and legislative institutionalization of political parties in Sweden

Особенности партийной системы Словакии в контексте парламентских электоральных циклов 2016–2020 гг.

The article considers the structural changes in the party system of the Slovak Republic, taking place in 2016– 2020 due to the strengthening of parties of anti-systemic populist orientation. The author researches the causes and factors of evolution of the party landscape in the EU countries towards institutionalisation of antisystem policy. The development of the Slovak party system reflects the key trends in the political development of the EU countries with the weakening position of the systemic party establishment and the strengthening role of populist parties. The complexity of the phenomenon of antisystemicism in modern conditions is emphasized, since mainstream parties, seeking electoral support, use the rhetoric of populist parties, and populist parties, haveing obtained parliamentary mandates, weaken their radicalism and start working in the mainstream format. As a result of the 2016 parliamentary elections, the breakdown of the “structural nucleus” of Slovakia’s party system took place, which for two decades had been the basis of its stability and predictability of development. The weakening influence of “traditional” (Christian-Democratic, Conservative, Social-Democratic) parties freed up electoral environment for “new” populist, anti-systemic, right-wing extremist forces. Electoral statistics demonstrates that the influence of mainstream parties weakens at the regional and local levels of Slovak politics. The results of the 2020 parliamentary elections demonstrate that the party system of Slovakia in the continuum between mainstream and populism comes even closer to the populist format. The electoral triumph of populists and their convergence with programmatic parties within the parliamentary-governmental coalition raises new challenges for Slovakia’s political system. Among the main reasons for the rise of populism in Slovakia are the following: disappointment of citizens with the activities of the ruling elites; mediation and personalisation of policy; denationalisation of politics and increasing importance of global governance structures at European and world levels; increasing populism in Slovakian election campaigns; low level of institutionalisation of political parties and the party system as a whole. Attention is drawn to the destructive tendencies in the development of the modern party system of Slovakia. The collapse of the “structural core” of the Slovak party system and the further pluralisation of parliamentary representation of parties do not contribute to the stability and predictability of parliamentary-governmental activity. Increased electoral influence and parliamentary representation of political subjects of populist, anti-systemic and right-wing extremist orientation cause political risks for the stable democratic development of the Slovak Republic.

Party discipline and disruptions of legislative business: evidence from India

ABSTRACT The paper contributes to the literature on legislative disruptions by introducing a novel explanation for why legislators choose to disrupt legislative business. Disruptions are usually perceived as acts of indiscipline in the legislature, but this study argues counterintuitively that disruptions are made possible through a discipline that legislative party leaders impose on their party legislators. Drawing from the literature on party discipline in the legislature, two hypotheses are advanced: first, that party leaders incentivise disruptive behaviour by rewarding disruptive legislators with priority in the allocation of scarce party resources; and second, that the level of institutionalisation of political parties influences their inclination to incentivise disruptions. These hypotheses are tested by using original data on disruptions that occurred during the 15th parliamentary term of the Indian parliament.

The Issue of Institutionalization of Political Parties in Post-soviet Georgia

Political Parties are regarded as one of the main actors. They act as a mediator between the state and the citizens. Moreover, the proper functioning of strong party systems in the country guarantees the stability of the political system. The stability of party systems is particularly important and relevant in relatively young democracies where state institutions are not fully established. A clear example of this is the countries of the post-Soviet space. Where the formation of party systems is encountered differently but with some similar difficulties, taking into account the experience and adapting it to the interests of the country is prominent and relevant for the Georgian reality. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the most pressing issue in the world has been the observation of the development of post-socialist countries. During this period, political systems were also established in Eastern European countries and in the Caucasus region to allow non-communist parties seeking power to come to power. Institutionalization of the party system, which in the post-communist countries, has encountered considerable obstacles subsequently, Georgia is not an exception. However, it should be noted that compared to other countries, the process of institutionalization and transformation in Georgia has lasted a very long time. It is interesting how the political systems and parties of the post-socialist states went through the formation and what is the current state of their representation today. This is one of the main issues in this article.

Institutionalization of Political Parties on Post New Order Authoritarianism and Its Implications for Indonesian Democracy

The article is focused on explaining how institutionalization of political parties in Indonesia after the collapse of New Order regimes and how it affects democratization in Indonesia. It is considered important since Soeharto’s regime rose to power, political parties are being forced to limit their ideal function/ In this article, the writers concludes that political parties in Indonesia after the authoritarianism regime, have not been institutionalized and are even far from it if compared to the magnitude level its current problem. Political parties are trapped on long term internal conflict of interest, drained their energy and still continued until now. Moreover, the depth oligarchies pattern in its management is worsened by personalized figure and the dominance of party’s management from the central, forced us into the conclusion that political party are just the sub-ordinates of elite’s interest. The result, political parties are simply failed to play important role in supporting consolidated democracy, since they are busy and distracted by their own internal problems. That’s why, when will Indonesia rise into transition phase in democracy is still questionable, especially if the question is solely based on institutionalization of political parties.

Inclusionary regimes, party institutionalization and redistribution under authoritarianism

ABSTRACT This article examines the variation in income redistribution across autocracies. It argues that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects two mechanisms that shape the redistributive nature of autocratic regimes. The inclusion and exclusion from political power on the grounds of socioeconomic and social attributes, and the institutionalization of political parties determine the incentive and capacity for autocrats to redistribute income and economic benefits. Using data from 105 autocracies between 1960 and 2016 and within-between random effects models, I estimate within- and between-country effects of the variables. The analysis suggests that more inclusionary ruling coalitions have higher levels of income redistribution compared to more exclusionary regimes. Second, regimes with higher levels of party institutionalization redistribute more than regimes in which authoritarian parties are less institutionalized. Third, the effects are largely conditional on the electoral uncertainty. This analysis improves our understanding about how authoritarian regime characteristics affect the political economy of those regimes. Its findings provide empirical support for the selectorate theory and the literature on authoritarian institutionalization and have implications for democratization and democratic consolidation.

Тенденции правовой институционализации политических партий в Республике Беларусь

Political parties are an indispensable tool for the implementation of representative democracy, through which citizens participate in the process of managing society. The role and importance of parties has long been established at a time when their special legal regulation is relatively recent. Legal changes in the institutionalization of political parties has a significant impact on the political and legal activity of this socio-political institution. At present there is a public discussion in Belarus concerning proposed legislation on the activities of political parties. The draft Law of the Republic of Belarus, “On changing laws on the activities of political parties and other public associations” was submitted for public discussion. Most attention is being paid to the following issues: the reorganization of public associations into political parties, a reduction in the number of founders, and the introduction of state subsidies for the activities of political parties. This article considers the current developments in the legal institutionalization of political parties of the Republic of Belarus. Using institutional analysis, the author examines the legal aspects of the formation of political parties from a comparative legal aspect.

Good Governance and Party System Change

While scholars and practitioners have extensively analyzed the causes, the consequences and, more generally, the correlates of good governance, little‐to‐no attention has been paid to whether the institutionalization of political parties—as evidenced by the stability of the party system—is in any way related to good governance. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between party system change, good governance, and its dividends. The analyses reveal three main conclusions. First, the stability of a party system is strongly and significantly related to each of the good governance indicators identified by Kaufmann and his colleagues. Second, that while party system instability is not significantly related to a country's wealth, it has a positive impact on economic growth even when we control for the effects of good governance. Third, that good enough governance is a better predictor of economic performance than good governance.Related ArticlesNwokora, Zim, and Riccardo Pelizzo. 2015. “The Political Consequences of Party System Change.” Politics & Policy 43 (4): 453‐473. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/polp.12124Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Salvatore J. Babones. 2003. “The Political Economy of Polarization: The Italian Case, 1963‐1987.” Politics & Policy 31 (1): 54‐78. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00887.xPelizzo, Riccardo, and Zim Nwokora. 2016. “Bridging the Divide: Measuring Party System Change and Classifying Party Systems.” Politics & Policy 44 (6): 1017‐1052. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/polp.12188Related Media“Challenges of Governance in Africa ‐ HE President Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe.” 2017. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Y6LcF8LAss“#TalkAfrica: Good Governance in Africa.” 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BWsvN0i_ZcgCrocker, Chester A. 2019. “African Governance: Challenges and Their Implications.” https://www.hoover.org/research/african-governance-challenges-and-their-implications

Self-organization of public life of the Ukrainian people in the second half of the XIXth – the beginning of the XXth century: historiographical map

The article analyzes the state of the study in the contemporary historiographical discourse of the problem of self-organization of Ukrainian public life in the second half of the ХІХth – the beginning of the XXth century. It has been found that democratization of the political system and renewal of the methodological tools provided an opportunity for historians to view the social life of the given historical period on the basis of a synergistic methodology of self-organization of social systems. It has been discovered that the historiographical position on the dynamics of social self-organization of the Ukrainians ranging from cultural life to the institution of political parties is considered legitimate among scholars. It has been proved that in contemporary historiography the processes of the contemporary self-organization of the Ukrainian society are considered in three specific historical areas, namely socio-civic, national-political and spiritual-cultural, the relationship between which was sometimes both consistent and synchronous. The development of them demonstrated the emergence of new organizational forms of social self-organization and institutionalization of civil society and political system in Ukraine in the XIXth century. Studying both theoretical and methodological, as well as definite historical dimensions of the Ukrainian national movement, the researchers agree that the cultural and educational content of national revival under the influence of objective circumstances has evolved into political one. Much attention is given to the analysis of the historians’ vision of the content of socio-civic self-organization, which was represented by the development of public organizations and movements grounded on the ideas of civil society but lacked political requirements. Among them scientists single out such factors as hlopomanstvo, social movement, organization "Prosvita", the establishment of Shevchenko scientific society, the publication of socially significant newspapers and journals ("Gromada", "Kievskaia Starina", "Delo", "Zoria"), the establishment of a cooperative movement ("Dnister", "The farmer"). The dynamics of the social organization have determined the politicization of the national movement, which allows scientists to speak about national and political self-organization. Establishment of political parties, active participation of the Ukrainians in the activities of the imperial representative bodies of the government, the spread of social and democratic political ideology, the emergence of political leadership and others are considered its institutional representatives. Researchers emphasize that in the late ХІХth and early XXth centuries, national revival entered the political stage, which became a prerequisite for the beginning of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921. It has been found out that the concept "self-organization" reveals the essence of the socio-political and socio-cultural processes of the time, since the Ukrainians established cultural and educational societies, public organizations and political parties contrary to the imperial and anti-Ukrainian policy of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. It was outlined that the spiritual and cultural aspects of self-organization were illustrated by the activities of Ukrainian cultural and educational societies, the development of Ukrainian periodicals, the commemoration of the anniversaries of Ukrainian writers and artists, the activities of Ukrainian theater, etc.